transcurrents

Palmyra land gets Palestine style Intifada

December 13th, 2005

Yarlpanam or Jaffna, the land of Palmyra trees got a taste last week of what seemed to be the beginning of a Palestine – style “Intifada”. Jaffna students and youths were engaged in demonstrations with the demand ” Iranuvame Velieru! Illaiyel Veliettuvom” (Army Quit or we will make you Quit). The phenomenon of young’uns braving the overwhelming might of what is perceived as an army of occupation and urging it to withdraw was reminiscent to a great extent of the Intifada movements in Israel occupied Palestine.

The central focus of media attention during the past days has been the spate of attacks on soldiers of the Sri Lankan army in the Jaffna peninsula. Seventeen soldiers were killed and twenty – seven injured in eighteen attacks over a four day period. Most of the attacks consisted of handbombs and grenades being thrown and gunfire being directed at targets plus a combination of both in some instances. The targets were army sentry posts, mini – camps and mobile patrols. Seven and eight soldiers were killed in two claymore mine ambushes of two army patrols at Kondavil and Irupalai. One soldier was killed in a grenade cum gunfire attack at Neervely and another in a similar one at Nunavil.

Parallel to these developments was the staging of student protests. This particular round began at Point Pedro with students of Hartley College and Methodist Girls High school demonstrating against the construction of a new bund across Hartley College grounds, the erection of further barbed wire barricades and setting up of sentry posts within the school zone. Soon there were clashes with students and student “activists” throwing stones, bottles etc at the armed forces who retaliated with assaults, tear gas attacks and firing in the air.At least fifty tear gas cannisters were recovered in Point Pedro.

The student demonstrations and related violence then spread to other parts of the Vadamaratchy region like Puloly, Manthigai, Nelliaddy, Thunnalai, etc. Students agitated in front of army camps and set up road blocks. Tires were burnt at key junctions.The armed forces reacted with tear gassing and assaults as students boldly demonstrated in front of camps demanding closure. Stones, bottles and improvised molotov cocktails were thrown. Students covered with wet gunny sacks withstood the severe tear gassing.

Thereafter the protests pervaded Jaffna town with students demonstrating there too. Jaffna Hindu College students protesting in solidarity with their Hartley counterparts were brutally assaulted by soldiers of the army camp in Kaladdy junction. Soon demonstrations were held demanding the closure of Kaladdy junction camp and withdrawal of troops. The response once again was the use of force to “pacify” the demonstrators.A Jaffna Hindu College student was injured in the firing.

The Sri Lanka Moniotoring Mission seemed totally powerless to stop this unrest and violence. Two attempts to resolve the dispute through negotiations were made where the truce monitors arranged for meetings between army officials and student representatives in Point Pedro and Jaffna. Both ended in failure with the rival protagonists sticking firmly to their positions.

The attacks on security personnel in Jaffna by tiger and pro – tiger elements such as the “makkal Padai” or “peoples force” had resulted in a predictable response by the government. Additional troops were concentrated in Jaffna. These troops in a state of heightened insecurity or aggression or both were venting their feelings on the Jaffna civilians. People were being assaulted by sticks, clubs, belts and rifle butts. Many of these attacks were on youths and students. This fuelled the rising tide of resentment.

The highwatermark was the attacks by soldiers on undergraduates of the Jaffna University at Thirunelvely and Technical College at Kokkuvil. The undergraduates union too began a boycott of lectures.Their demand was that the camps in the vicinity of the University and Technical College be shut down and personnel withdrawn.

With student protests escalating and spreading most schools in Jaffna became deserted.Students sitting for exams in progress were decreasing in numbers. There was also increasing pressure on teachers unions to come out in support of the students. The various student organizations were formed into an organization called the “Yarl Mavadda Thamil Manavar Ondriam” (Jaffna district Tamil students Consortium).

This consortium heavily influenced by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam began coordinating and directing activity. The well – known LTTE front called the “Sarvathesa Thamil Maanavar Koottamaippu” or “International Tamil student Federation” provided moral, political and logistical support to the student union. The federation is controlled by tiger activist and Tamil National Alliance MP Selvakumar Gajendran alias “kuthirai” Gajendran.

The spreading student protests have not come out with a comprehensive and explicit demand calling for the complete withdrawal of the army from Jaffna so far. While a general demand calling for army withdrawal was made the specific demands were all localised like those related to Hartley College, Kaladdy junction, University vicinity camps etc. There are signs however that these protests could expand into an all embracing total withdrawal demand of soldiers from Jaffna.The current ” Army Quit or we will make you Quit” slogan is now directed against specific army camps but in the future it could be against the total military presence.

The students could also get better organized and come under a tightly centralised authority in the future. On Thursday the students burnt effigies of the new army commander Sarath Fonseka. An ultimatum until 6.00 pm on Thursday was also issued to vacate the Hartley, Kaladdy junction and Thirunelvely camps.

Since the army is staying put only the coming days will indicate the future course of current student agitation. An ominous sign is the threat implied in many student statements that the protests could resort to armed force if the current demonstrations do not get a positive response. The armed violence of the peoples force could combine with the powerful energy of the student activists and with LTTE backing erupt into a full scale uprising on the lines of the Palestinian Intifada.

Already one can see many familiarities between the Intifadas of Palestine and the protests in Palmyra land. The direct confrontation between students and youths on one side and the armed forces on the other is a stark reminder of Intifada type clashes. There is also the ambushes and attacks on soldiers. Besides the underlying motivation of the Jaffna protests is based on the premise as in the case of the Palestinian Intifada that the armed forces are an army of occupation who must be driven out.

“Intifada” or “intefada” in Arabic means “to shake off”. In the present context it has become an Arabic language term for “uprising”.These uprisings have in recent times become a very significant aspect of Israeli – Palestinian relationships.The first Intifada began in 1987 as a spontaneous uprising but soon a manipulative Palestine Liberation Organization took control of it with the more “extremist” Hamas competing. It was however less violent in comparison with the second Intifada. The first Intifada was a pressure device exerted by the PLO and culminated in 1993 with the Oslo accords.

The second intifada known as the “al – aqsa Intifada” began in 2000 and by some accounts continues even today. The second Palestinian Intifada was extremely violent. Instigated and supported by the Hamas and extreme elements within the PLO the second Intifada proved to be an indirect challenge to the mainstream PLO. If the PLO remote – controlled the first one from Tunisia the hierarchy was right there in Palestine for the second one. Fuelled by the failure of the Oslo accord and the advent of Ariel Sharon the fierce uprising contributed greatly to the downsizing of the Yassir Arafat image.

Even though the two “intifada” campaigns aimed at ending the Israeli military occupation came into popular usage in recent times within the Palestinian context the term has often been recurring in Arab political discourse. As far back as in 1952 when the people of Baghdad engaged a series of wide – spread protests against the then Iraqui regime it was referred to as the “intifada”. After the recent USA – led invasion of Iraq in 2003 the uprising launched against it by militant Shia cleric Muqtada al – Sadr was called the Iraq Intifada.

The wave of demonstrations and riots in May this year in the Morocco – occupied Western Sahara was also named ” El – Aiyun Intifada “or “Independence Intifada” by the Sahrawi people. Even the 1999 Western Sahara uprising was called the Smara Intifada and the 1970 movement against Spanish occupation was known as the “zemla Intifada”.

The media in Lebanon too refers to developments in the aftermath of the Rafiq Hariri assassination as “intifada of Independence”.It is also called the “Cedar Revolution” by some. Right – wing commentators have also called the recent civil unrest in France as the “French Intifada” or “Paris Intifada” or “European Intifada”.

It can be seen therefore that the term “intifada” has different meanings to different perspectives. To many it denotes a struggle against military occupation and the yoke of tyranny. It conjures visions of a latter day David versus Goliath type confrontation where the armed might of a state or an occupying power is challenged by an inferior force making up through force of will for what it lacks in arms and numbers. To others particularly those Western nations subscribing to the clash of cvilisations theory the term Intifada denotes a rebellion, anarchy, violence and de- stabilisation. The challenge posed to the status quo is seen as something illegal with ethno – religious fundamentalist underpinnings.

The Jaffna agitation may or may not escalate into an Intifada type uprising in the future. Whatever it may be the Jaffna uprising is not likely to be called Intifada because Tamil political discourse has its own terminology and history. The past few years has seen many processions and mass meetings called “pongu Thamil Eluchi” or “Rising Thamizh upsurge”. The original “pongu Thamizh” was organized by Jaffna university students against the army presence in the North. There was covert tiger backing. Thereafter with the ceasefire coming into force these “pongu Thamil Eluchi” rallies were conducted in many parts of the North – East and also in International cities with a substantial Tamil diaspora.

Unfortunately the earlier spirit of revolutionary resistance soon gave way to a shameful display of sycophancy and adulation. The meetings became ceremonies of mass veneration for LTTE chief Velupillai Pirapakaran. Only his so called virtues and attrbutes were praised and extolled. Crowds carried his picture and the tiger flag. The overall heroism of the Tamil people defying overwhelming odds was ignored.The nadirof these demonstrations was the sight of Tamil Parliamentarians carrying pictures of Pirapakaran publicly like Hindu devotees carrying “kavadi”.

Despite the distortion the “pongu Thamil Eluchi” term continues to strike a responsive chord in the Tamil psyche. Few nationalist Tamils can forget the immortal lines of Tamil revolutionary poet Bharathidasan “Pongu Thamilarukku Innal Vilaithal Sankaram Nijamendru Sange Mulangu” ( Blow O Conch that destruction is certain for those doing harm to uprising Tamils) The Pongu Thamil term itself derived popular acceptance from these lines. So the Jaffna uprising or upsurge will be rooted in its own cultural specificity and not borrow Arabic terminology.

Besides the nature of Tamil political struggle has had a history of student involvement for decades. The non – violent struggle of the Federal Party for equal rights had solid student support. This was manifested openly during the mass Satyagraha campaign of 1961 when the government administration was paralysed for weeks. Student power made its impact in the seventies when media wise standardization was introduced. The student demonstrations leading to the rise of student and youth organizations resulted finally in the rise of armed Tamil militancy.

At least two organizations the Eelam Revolutionary Organization (EROS) and the Eelam Peoples Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) had student movements as their primary base. These were the Eelam Revolutionary Organization of Students and the General Union of Eelam Students respectively.Student or youth power therefore is not something new in the Tamil political struggle.

The important question however is whether the current student uprising will gather further momentum or gradually fizzle out. It cannot be forgotten that there were earlier demonstrations too a few years ago over Hartley College which subsided soon. An important countervailing factor that may prevent a massive student uprising is the education oriented Jaffna social fabric.

Parents, teachers, community elders and above all peer pressure among students may act to check and curb the tendency to launch a long, violent agitation. In Palestine mainstream schooling reached a standstill. Jaffna Tamil culture laying great emphasis on education may not allow its student population to turn into protesters that easily.Let us not forget that students active in the protests are about 450 to 500 and not in their thousands.

There is also the LTTE. Just as the PLO was masterminding the first Intifada at one stage from Tunisia the LTTE hierarchy in the Wanni is remote – controlling developments in Jaffna. The student agitation like the attacks on the armed forces are all part of a grand design. It is well – known that the master puppeteer is pulling the strings from Kilinochchi while student leader puppets dance to the rhythms of confrontation in Jaffna.

It remains to be seen whether sufficient international pressure may result in the LTTE calling off the student protests. It also depends on what the LTTE goal is. Are the demonstrations a firerunner of an all encompassing uprising in the future or do they serve only a limited purpose for now?

It was Ariel Sharon’s much publicised visit to the Israeli settlements that triggered off the Second Intifada. Ironically the hawkish Sharon dismantled the settlements and is now cooing like a dove. By accident or design the Jaffna demonstrations coincided with the appointment of Sarath Fonseka as army commander. It was Fonseka who single handedly prevented the gradual withdrawal of troops from the Jaffna schools. The undue haste displayed by Mahinda Rajapakse in pushing Shantha Kottegoda out and bringing in this “battlehawk” may have been in tiger perception like the waving of a red flag to a bull.Fonsekas effigy was burnt by demonstrating students.

The advent of the General Certificate of Education (Ordinary Level) examination has dampened the protests. The Student consortium has declared a moratorium on the protests fron Dec 9th because of the exams. They are likely to be resumed after the exams are over on Dec 23td. It may also be postponed further till Christmas and New Year days are past. The interregnum gives the Mahinda Rajapakse regime a respite. If the new President reads the writing on the wall clearly then he must initiate some positive response to the situation.

Otherwise the respite could also provide an opportunity to the demonstrators to plan and coordinate further protests effectively. The resumption could see the protests being intensified on a widespread basis. if the Rajapakse response can only be the deployment of additional soldiers and use of military force to quell the demonstrators the situation could be further aggravated. “Apey” Mahinda nowadays is on the fast track towards “pragmatic realism” going back on many electoral pledges. Let us hope he sees the “true light” in this issue also.

Three points are of significance in the student agitation. Firstly it is not totally a spontaneous, independent one. It has strong LTTE backing. Not everyone at the forefront of the protests are tiger agents or sympathisers but many of the ring leaders have tiger links. It is also possible that some of the demonstrators could be tigers in school uniform. Besides some amount of tiger support directly or indirectly is necessary to sustain morale as well as for logistical purposes. The future course of the student uprising therefore will be determined or influenced by the LTTE.

The second point is that the Government in Colombo or international opinion must not make the mistake of simply dismissing the protests as a tiger inspired action lacking popular support. The underlying causes behind the student agitation has the widespread support of the student population and the people. The security zone concept of depriving people of their homes , devotees of their places of worship, breadwinners of their occupations and students of their schools is highly autocratic and totally unacceptable.

In a region where a high premium is placed on schooling people resent the military use to which their educational institutions are put to at present. Some even see it as a “Sinhala” conspiracy to undermine education. Thus even if people or students do not actively participate in the uprising their sympathies are with the agitators. Thus the agitation could be sustained for a long time if necessary. It all depends on whether the Tamil politico – military leadership wants it so.

The third point is that the state is being unjust and oppressive in refusing to vacate schools or downsize the area of security zones. Reasonable opinion among the Sinhala people must give thought to the fact that some people in Jaffna have been chased out of their homes because of the security zones for more than fifteen years. Students have been deprived or partially deprived of schools for more than a decade. Let it not be forgotten that the ceasefire agreement stipulates the vacation of schools by the armed forces.

Will the Sinhala people allow such a thing to happen in the name of security in the Sinhala areas? Can 19 % of the land area and 42 % of the coastline in a Southern maritime district be maintained as a no go zone for the people for ten years? Will the students of Royal, Ananda, St. Thomas’s and Trinity allow chunks of their schools to be taken over as army camps for a decade and allow security bunds be constructed across their playing fields? Will the students of St. Josephs, Mahinda, Wesley and Nalanda allow their schools to be taken over completely as part of a military base?

What the demonstrations are illustrating is that this whole concept of security zones is totally unjust and immoral. If the protests continue on an Intifada like scale it can only help expose the fact that Jaffna is under virtual army occupation. The Palestinian intifadas demonstrate to the world that the Israeli army has no “Locus standi” to be in Palestine. The Tamil uprisings also help to focus attention on the fact that the pervasive presence of the armed forces in Jaffna is resented.It was Gladstone who once said when speaking of Irish home rule that it was “better to concede with grace that which you cannot hold with authority”. Is anyone listening?

Entry Filed under: MinorMatters