transcurrents

Another July Passing By

“The significance of Black July is distorted. Instead of being portrayed as the month denoting the pogrom against the Tamils “Black July” is now the month where the nation particularly the Sinhala majority is rendered cruelly vulnerable to LTTE violence.”

“Another July Passing By”, first published in The Sunday Leader, on July 23, 2000:

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj

“Shops, Banks, Offices and Restaurants in the Capital’s crowded City Centre and Main Streets being burnt while the Police look on. Thousands of houses ransacked and burnt, sometimes with women and children inside. Goon squads battering passengers to death in trains and on station platforms and, without hindrance, publicly burning men and women to death on the streets! Remand prisoners and political detainees in the country’s top prison being massacred. The armed forces joining in and sometimes organizing this pogrom against members of Sri Lanka’s two Sri Lankan minority communities. The nation’s President and top ranking cabinet members publicly justifying the pogrom!”

- “Sri Lanka: The Holocaust And After” by L. Piyadasa. (Introductory paragraph)

Seventeen years ago on the night of 23rd of July, members of the Liberation tigers of Tamil Eelam ambushed an army patrol at the Post Box junction area in Thirunelvely and killed 13 soldiers. Troops went bersek in Jaffna in the hours that followed and shot dead 51 innocent civilians in the Jaffna Peninsula including 7 passengers in a minivan at Manipay. Some hours later on the Sunday that followed members of the Sri Lankan Navy ran riot in Trincomalee burning down Tamil houses and also forcibly relocating Tamil refugees. In Colombo the powers that be decided to publish, broadcast and televise the news about 13 soldiers being killed by the Tigers while blacking out reprisals by the armed forces. In an even more inflammatory move it was decided to stage a mass funeral for the dead soldiers at Kanatte. The situation took a violent turn and as the Esala full moon shone brightly from a not so cloudy sky, clouds of smoke from burning Tamil establishments spiralled upwards. The following Monday 25th saw anti-Tamil violence spreading like wildfire. The plantation Tamil Patriarch Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman known for his pithy comments later described the violence that followed Poya as – “Sunday Sil, Monday Kill”.

The violence went on for three days peaking on Wednesday 27th and ebbing on Thursday 28th the day that Indian Prime Minister sent then Foreign minister P. Narasimmha Rao as her special emissary to Colombo. Friday 29th, saw Colombo and suburbs being terrified by the rumour that the Tigers had come to town. The afternoon of that fateful “Koti Dawasa” saw the goon squads massacring Tamils again after being “sure” that no tigers were in town. 30th and 31st July saw the violence diminish gradually. By August the violence had ceased as International opinion and pressure compelled the J.R. Jayawardene regime to “normalise” the situation.

In spite of the attempts to rationalise the July 1983 anti-Tamil violence as a “Sinhala backlash to 13 Soldiers being killed by Tamil Tigers” evidence uncovered during the past years have proved conclusively that “Black July” 1983 was a definite Pogrom and not a spontaneous reaction of the Tamils. Notwithstanding the efforts of then President Jayawardene to tarnish the Sinhala people as being collectively responsible for this carnage, respected observers such as Paul Sieghart of the International Commission of Jurists exposed the real state of affairs.

As Sieghart himself points out in his report (Sri Lanka: A Mounting Tragedy of Errors) “Clearly this (July 1983 attack) was no spontaneous upsurge of communal hatred among the Sinhala people – nor was it as has been suggested in some quarters, a popular response to the killing of 13 soldiers in an ambush the previous day by Tamil Tigers, which was not even reported in the newspapers until the riots began. It was a serious of deliberate acts, executed in accordance with a concerted plan, conceived and organized well in advance”.

The mass scale deaths, destruction, displacement, deprivation and despair suffered by the Tamils both Sri Lankan and Indian made them characterise those days in July as a dark period in their life. The extent to which the Tamils were diminished in that month made them call it “Black July”. The Tamil people were at a nadir of despondency. Yet, “Black July” also denoted a decisive shift in the politics of the Island. The bulk of the people affected in the violence were Tamils living outside the Northern and Eastern Provinces. With their hopes of living peacefully amidst the Sinhala people being blasted their future seemed bleak. Two trends started. One group of Tamils started relocating to the North and East. Another group migrated mainly as refugees. As the War escalated, expanded and enveloped the North and East Tamil People started moving out of the Island in even greater numbers.

When writing about “Black July” one is conscious of the negative connotations in using the colour “black” to describe something bad and evil and the colour white for pure and good. In this age of “political Correctness” these usages have been challenged and debunked as insidious vestiges of racism. Wittingly and unwittingly these usages keep promoting racist stereotypes of colour. Nevertheless it is difficult to adopt such a politically correct stance in the Sri Lankan context as the description “Black July” has pervaded national consciousness. Avoiding such reference would be particularly impossible in writing about the developments of July 1983.

The July 1983 pogrom saw more than a hundred thousand people fleeing to India as refugees thereby providing that Country with the necessary locus standi to intervene politically. India also encouraged the training and arming of Tamil youths. Thousands of youngsters flocked to the different militant movements. Thanks to the 6th amendment the Tamil Parliamentarians of the Tamil United Liberation Front also kept away thereby losing their seats.

The political leadership began passing slowly and surely into the militant youth hands. The economy of Sri Lankan was affected badly. The good name of the country was sullied irreparably. One of the lamentable features of that Pogrom was the abominable response of JRJ and senior ministers on Television. Not even one word was uttered in sympathy for the victims of the violence.

Black July 83 was a watershed in the contemporary history of the Island. Black July 83 aroused the conscience of many Sinhala people. Indeed it cannot be forgotten that a great deal of Tamils escaped danger to life, limb and property only because of the courageous protection extended by their Sinhala friends. There were well meaning efforts by several persons notable among which was the initiative taken by the Anglican Bishop of Kurunegala. Rt. Rev. Lakshman Wickremasinghe.

But as time progressed the riling elite was able to prosecute the war against the Tamils further. Anti-Tamil violence became legitimized and institutionalised as a military effort. The brutalisation of the war as well as some of the reprehensibly inhuman acts by the Tamil militant groups helped reduce the moral superiority of the Tamil cause and predicament. Gradually the pangs of remorse and guilt felt by Sinhala public opinion became lesser and lesser. This process has now subtly transformed that humane mindset into a negligible quantity.

Furthermore an insidious campaign has resulted in altering and undermining the significance of Black July 83 this campaign is two fold. Firstly the scope as well as the original implication of Black July has been altered. The past years have seen July being depicted as “Black” not for the 1983 anti Tamil Pogrom but for all the “bad” things that happened in July. The list is endless ranging from the 1987 Indo-Lanka accord to the latest act of violence in July. Thus July is now “black” because of the large number of violent incidents that occurred in that month. The original significance of it being called “Black July” to mark the horrible pogrom against the Tamils is systematically diluted. Historical revisionists may even obliterate this “original sin” and substitute some other event as being the cause for July becoming Black. Thereby the long term “guilt” effect of the anti Tamil holocaust of 1983 July on the Sinhala psyche will be alleviated perhaps eradicated in time to come.

The second aspect of this campaign is the demonising of an LTTE threat. The July 1983 violence as well as the phenomenon of Captain Miller, the first Black Tiger, embracing death on July 5th 1987 are used in a cunning roundabout way. The line trotted out is that the LTTE considers July as “Black” enough to warrant the perpetration of some terrible act of violence as symbolic defiance. So we see the media inundated with stories of how the security forces are geared up to face threats to the nation because the Tigers want to take revenge for Black July. The whole security apparatus is placed on a red alert it is said. Any relatively minor incident of violence by the LTTE is attributed to the Black July syndrome. After July passes a collective sigh of relief is released. With the spectre of Black July behind it the nation strides boldly and confidently forward until of course the next evil “black July”. Each year sees this comical ritual being enacted faithfully.

This annual “black July” scare helps annually to deflect focus away from the remembering of the Black July 1983 pogrom against Tamils. Instead of letting the Nation recall this terrible act with remorse the spotlight on an imaginary threat from the LTTE helps reverse roles. The nation at large is perceived as the “victims” because they are considered vulnerable to a diabolical LTTE threat because of “black July”. The significance of Black July is distorted. Instead of being portrayed as the month denoting the pogrom against the Tamils “Black July” is now the month where the nation particularly the Sinhala majority is rendered cruelly vulnerable to LTTE violence.

One cannot deny that several acts of violence are committed by the LTTE every year. This is true of the armed forces too. In a war situation acts of violence are inevitable. But the hoax perpetrated upon the gullible masses is the fiction that the LTTE singles out the month of July deliberately to commit great atrocities to wreak vengeance for Black July. The track record of the LTTE does not bear this out.

The Tigers plan and execute their operations on the basis of politico- military necessity and not on the basis of melodramatic sentiment. If and when they conduct major operations during July as in 1993 in Weli Oya or 1996 in Mullaitheevu those were done on the basis of militaristic calculations. It was only a coincidence that these were done in July. Of course when such developments occur the LTTE news releases refer to the regular Preparations by the Security establishment as a reaction of July 83. By doing so the Tigers draw amused attention to the antics of the authorities while making Tamils remember. Black July strikes a responsive chord in many a Tamil heart as a very large number of Tamils have suffered directly or indirectly in that month.

Several media organisations trot out a list of all the happenings in July over the years to justify the paranoia of an LTTE attack during Black July. There is no denying that the July list is impressive indeed. But if all the incidents that have occurred since 1983 are classified according to month one would find that each and every month possesses a large volume. If that is the criteria for calling July “Black” then all the months in the calendar have to be described as “Black”. Another point is that if the security forces are really on full alert during “Black” July then the chances of the LTTE embarking upon a major operation become quite slim. So there is every possibility that the scale of LTTE operations during July may decrease over the years. This does not mean that the LTTE will not undertake any operation during July. They may even launch one in this last week of July if necessary. The point however is that it would not be to drive home the Black July notion but more on the basis of military calculations. If that happens LTTE propagandists may very well add a “Black July” spin to it. After all it must be quite amusing for the Tigers to witness this annual fetish for Black July.

The negative result of this campaign is the undermining and distortion of the significance of July 1983. Signs of blaming the victim syndrome are also visible. The inherent danger in the pogrom of July 1983 being forgotten is that it may very well happen again. As the truism goes “those who do not remember the lessons of history are condemned to relive it again”. A major demographic change of vast political significance is the phenomenon of about 500,000 Tamil relocating to the areas outside the North and East in recent times. Politically this is a major obstacle to the Tamil separatist cause. Here are people electing to live in “enemy” areas even as a bitter armed struggle is being launched in the North and East on the rationale that coexistence is not possible.

But this point is lost on the new spectre that is emerging in the South. The ugly head of neo fascism masquerading as patriotism is being raised. The Tamil people in particular and the minorities in general are being pilloried as “aliens”. The purveyors of racial hatred are spreading their evil gospel and irresponsible sections of the media are peddling it regularly. Communalism propaganda in the garb of pseudo nationalism is gaining ground. There are many references to the “tolerance and greatness of the Sinhala people in not enacting another July 1983″ in this hate discourse. The “norm” is being distorted as the “exception”. These are not sign that augur well for the future. The minorities are feeling increasingly insecure.

After the Holocaust of the Hitlerian era and its impact on the European Collective psyche few would have expected fascism or neo Nazism to resurface. Yet many European Nations including Germany are experiencing it now. All people of this land striving for a decent and humane future would hope that the July 1983 pogrom was only an aberration. But as in the case of eternal vigilance being a prerequisite for maintaining perennial liberty, constant rekindling of the tragic memories of “Black July 1983″ is very necessary to prevent repetition.

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Contact DBS Jeyaraj : djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com

July 14th, 2006

Tamil Canadians and the Human Rights Watch Report

by D.B.S. Jeyaraj

The largest concentration of Sri Lankan Tamils outside Sri Lanka is in Canada. More than 250,000 Tamils live in Canada now. Of these more than 200,000 Tamils are in the Greater Toronto area. Toronto is the largest “Sri Lankan Tamil” City in the Global Tamil Diaspora. The Tamil population here is larger than those in North – Eastern cities and towns like Jaffna, Batticaloa, Vavuniya, Trincomalee etc.

It was predictable therefore that the Human Rights Watch report released on March 15th caused great waves within the Tamil community of Greater Toronto.The 45-page report authored by HRW Advocacy director of Chldren’s rights Jo Becker dealt with fund raising for the LTTE and was titled , “Funding the “Final War:” LTTE Intimidation and Extortion in the Tamil Diaspora”.The report focussed on London in Britain and Toronto in Canada. The Tamil Diaspora in these two Countries amount to nearly half of the total number of Tamils living in the West.

The reaction among Canadian Tamils was manifold. Though the LTTE and its minions try to project an impression that the community is 100% behind the LTTE the truth is different. About 15to 20% are hard core tiger supporters while another 10 to 15% are firmly opposed to the LTTE. The rest are of many mindsets. Most feel strongly as Tamils but differ in their degrees of support or opposition to the LTTE. Many do not support the tigers on every issue but generally support the Tamil cause and feel that they are necessary to combat the Sinhala state. Others disapporove of tiger actions but are equally or more opposed to Sinhala racist ideology. Some have “Canadianised” strongly and are just not bothered about anything concerning the “ole” country.

So when the HRW report was released the various strands in the community reacted differently. This response was of two kinds. One was openly articulated and public while the other larger response was among the people themselves and kept private. This column has repeatedly referred to a vociferous pro – tiger minority hogging the megaphone and posing off as the sole voice of the Tamils within the Canadian Tamil Diaspora. This phenomenon was once again present.

An organization calling itself the Canadian Tamil Congress issued a stinging press release. Earlier there was an outfit claiming to represent Canadian Tamils that called itself the FACT. (Federation of Associations of Canadian Tamils). This outfit was clearly identified by the USA and Canadian authorities as a tiger front. Thereafter the FACT went out of circulation and in its place there arose the CTC. In keeping with typical LTTE style the CTC accused the HRW and Jo Becker of bias and pooh poohed the report.

The CTC also held a press conference that was attended largely by Tamil “community representatives”. In fact the 70 to 80 Tamil “community leaders” vastly outnumbered the genuine media representatives present. Significantly enough the much maligned HRW sent a representative as an “observer” to the press conference but was refused admission. The press conference was used by many speakers to attack the HRW and Ms. Becker personally evoking cheers and applause from the “packed” audience.

What was astounding about the tiger and pro – tiger response to the HRW report was the brazen attempt to deny the whole thing. Every member of the Tamil Diaspora knows that fund raising goes on. Many Tamils do give money willingly to the LTTE. Some are “pressured” to give more. Others are coerced into giving. While some Tamils have never been asked for money almost everyone knows of at least a few instances of money being collected and the intimidation involved.

A rational response by the tiger and pro – tiger elements could have been to “admit” to a little bit of fund raising going on but deny that it was widespread. They could also have said that the money was raised for humanitarian purposes and not to fund the LTTE war chest. On the question of intimidation they could have denied it and said action would be taken against anyone found guilty if evidence was presented.

Given the fact that fund raising along with some force and intimidation in some instances does exist within the community attempting to deny the obvious was like the Tamil saying about trying to conceal a whole pumpkin in a plantain leaf of rice. Yet this exactly was what the pro – tiger sections tried to do.Instead of being on the defensive and engaging in intelligent damage control the tiger minions went on the offensive and took on the HRW and Ms. Jo Becker crudely and rudely.

This flagrant attempt to deny the obvious , discredit the HRW and distort reality did not go down well with many members of the Tamil “Silent Majority”. What was mostly resented was the pro – tiger elements trying to interprete the HRW report as affecting the entire community. It was not. The HRW report affected only those supporters and workers of the LTTE engaged in fund raising. It did not affect the community at large in any way. In fact the report brought to light the pathetic predicament faced by Tamil Canadians at the hands of some of their “imagined” kinsfolk. Many Tamils found their non – Tamil colleagues being sympathetic and considerate towards their plight after details of the HRW report became known.

It was apparent that the LTTE and its minions were in a state of “disconnect” with the bulk of Tamil Canadians. Most Tamils were a little upset but not unduly troubled by the HRW report . The uppermost thought in their minds was that this publicity could make the tiger cohorts go “slow” or go “soft” in their fund raising.

[Prime Minsiter Paul Martin visiting Markham's Cedarwood Public School, in the aftermath of 2004 tsunami, where about two-thirds of the student body is Sri Lankan - CP]

While most Tamils do feel strongly about the Tamil plight and recognize the need for fund raising they resent the heavy handed, rough methods of the fund raisers. Many are sympathetic towards the “boys and girls” bearing arms for the Tamils but hate these parasitical fund raisers.

Adding fuel to this resentment is the fact that many Canadian Tamils are suspicious about the bona fides of some of these LTTE fund raisers. They are also uncertain as to how much exactly is actually going to the LTTE in Sri Lanka. It is an open secret that many Tamil businesses are funded by the local LTTE. Tiger acolytes also engage in direct wholesale business using money collected from the people. In order to corner the market and drive out competition a large amount of money is used to undercut others. This “subsidy” is from the people’s donations.

Several tiger fund raisers have been given houses, cars and even paid salaries out of money collected here. There is also much corruption and several operatives without any overt source of income are living iit off grandly. Some top tiger operatives have often been “fired” on charges of graft by the movement.Also some senior fund raisers are given 10 to 20% commission of money collected as an incentive. There is no accountability.

So the ordinary people remained unruffled even as the tiger operatives careered around like headless chickens. Though the LTTE was trying to make out that a great calamity had befallen Canadian Tamils most members of the community were privately happy that those professing to represent the LTTE in Toronto had been given a jolt. There was also hope that the tigers would be careful at least in the future not to harass or intimidate Tamils. Many people were prepared to donate to the cause but resented the intimidation and corruption.

One of the most comical responses came from LTTE political Commissar Suppiah Paramu Thamilselvan who denied fund raising abroad. Funny if the LTTE does not get money from the Diaspora where then does it get its money? Furthermore Thamilselvan charged the HRW of not approaching them to get the LTTE side of the story. LTTE political affairs committee member and self – styled Toronto Tamil spkesperson Nehru Gunaratnam also lamented to the media that community leaders had not been interviewed and only alleged victims had been interviewed.Does the LTTE expect the HRW to interview them about the victims and not the victims themselves?

[Ms.Jo Becker, at a Toronto presentation of report titled "Living In Fear: Child Soldiers and the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka", in December 2004 - Pic by Tamil Canadian]

In any case Thamilselvan was not correct in saying the HRW had not contacted the LTTE. According to HRW circles the researcher /writer Ms. Jo Becker had sent more than one e – mail to Prabakharan alias Pulidevan the head of the LTTE peace sscretariat requesting a LTTE reponse to some questions . These were ignored. She had also contacted Santhan the head of the British Tamil association in London.The BTA is the British Pro – tiger organization. He had declined to be interviewed. He also refused to arrange for a meeting with LTTE ideologue Mr. Anton Balasingham.

In Canada Mr. Sittampalam president of the World Tamil Movement was interviewed. The WTM like the FACT is an accredited front organization of the LTTE. Mr. Sittampalam denied that the LTTE was active in Canada or that money was being raised on its behalf. Mr. Sittampalams response was duly recorded in the HRW report with a commentary note that testimonies from the Tamil community dispute this assertion.

Thus it could be seen that the HRW did make an effort to get the LTTE version of events too. Mr. Thamilselvan is not telling the truth when he says the tigers were not contacted by the HRW. The LTTE by ignoring the HRW has by default lost a good opportunity to present their side of the picture.Likewise Mr. Nehru Gunaratnam is also wrong in saying that the so called community leaders were not interviewed because the WTM president was interviewed. Perhaps Mr. Gunaratnam does not regard Mr. Sittampalam as a Tamil community leader.

One of the biggest challenges posed by the HRW to the LTTE was the ready availability of its report in Tamil. In 2004 December when the report on Child Soldiers in the LTTE was released the HRW made it available in Tamil. This was the case now also. The full report was available on the net and also hard copy. Though the LTTE media took great pains to criticise and condemn the report without publicising its contents to the Tamil people many went direct to the web and downloaded it. Copies were made and distributed.Other community activists also distributed copies to those who needed it.

Thus most people in the Tamil Canadian community who wanted to read the report had obtained a copy by the end of the week. With the LTTE media thundering against the report many people were eager to read it themselves. The HRW report was perhaps the most widely read “document” among Canadian Tamils in recent times that was critical of the LTTE. Many recognized in the report’s anecdotal evidence , similiar experiences they personally underwent themselves at the hands of fund collectors . Soon people were talking excitedly about the hated tiger fund raisers being exposed. Some said” if they (HRW) had contacted me I would have told them more”.

Once again the “disconnect” between the LTTE activists and ordinary Tamil people became blatantly visible. While the people were appreciating and endorsing contents of the report among themselves the tiger minions were ranting and railing against the HRW and denying that fund raising was going on. The fact that the “silent majority” confirming the HRW report could not come forward openly speaks volumes about the “terror ” inflicted upon the community. The HRW report itself explains this clearly. Yet the LTTE too was unable to get any prominent “Non – Tiger” Tamils to speak out against the HRW. Many engaging in the orchestrated anti – HRW campaign are recognized tiger sympathisers and supporters.

With some critics raising questions about the HRW methodology and credentials of Ms. Jo Becker the HRW came out with a press release clarifying those matters. It also highlighted some provisions already mentioned in the report but conveniently ignored by the tiger elements. This statement was depicted as a HRW admission of guilt. The HRW was “backtracking” the LTTE gloated. This was simply not true and served to illustrate the depths to which the tiger acolytes can sink in maligning their perceived opponents. The HRW continues to stand by its report and has not backtracked at all.

The HRW also opened up space on its website for comments and suggestions about the report. Instead of utilising an opportunity to express legitimate , constructive criticism about the report an orchestrated campaign was once again underfoot to malign and slander the HRW and Ms. Becker. But very soon the non – tigers and anti – tigers jumped in to the fray.

It was thereafter a verbal free for all. The report and its contents were forgotten. Totally irrelevant issues were raised. Foul language was used. Charges and counter charges prevailed. It was another missed opportunity for tiger supporters to convey their views effectively. One thing however was clear. The tigers and their supporters have lost the monopoly they once had over cyberspace.The HRW comments section also illustrated the fact that the community had lost its ability to conduct an intelligent, coherent, civil discussion on crucial issues.

The LTTE also launched a massive letter writing cum e – mail signature campaign against the HRW. “model” letters were drafted and copied to be sent to HRW. Though LTTE organs have boasted about 20,000 plus letters being sent the actual number barely exceeded three digits at first. Later the LTTE was forced to take special steps to send letters in bulk. One reason for people being reluctant to petition the HRW was because they knew that the otganization was telling the truth. Also people did not believe the tiger allegation that the HRW had mala fide motives in compiling the report.

While the LTTE smirked in myopic satisfaction about the HRW backtracking it would be pertinent to see what impact the report has had on Canadian mainstream media. Given the prestige enjoyed by the HRW in North America the report was given much publicity. Apart from the wire services reports the CBC radio and main newspapers also gave much coverage. The CBC devoted time to the report in its “Metro Morning” “Current” and “Ontario Today” programs. Ms. Jo Becker and CTC spokesperson David Poopalapillai were interviewed. So too were some Tamil residents including this columnist.

Newspapers like the “Globe and Mail” “Toronto Star” and “National Post” also gave coverage. Editorials were written urging the authorities to ban the LTTE in Canada. The “rightist” National Post urging a ban was nothing new as it has done so in the past. But the bitter lesson for the LTTE was the role of “Toronto Star” Canadas largest circulated newspaper. The Star is a liberal pro – immigrant, pro – minority journal. Yet that paper urged a ban. It also focussed on this fund raising even before the HRW report and had a centre spread article. While giving space to the pro – LTTE rebuttals the “Star” also gave prominence to a little known non – tiger group that welcomed the report.

In its editorial of March 16th the “Star” had a sly dig at those in the community saying that there was no tiger activity in Canada. If that was the case then banning the tigers need not make anyone object the “star” suggested tongue in cheek. If the LTTE acolytes in Canada had any sense they should take serious note of the “Star” leader. The fact that such a reputed liberal newspaper could urge a ban demonstrates how low LTTE stock is with the Canadian mainstream. The writing may be on the wall for the LTTE in Canada if the “Star” response is an indicator.

The security certificate issued against former WTM administrator Suresh Manickavasagam in 1995 cited him as a LTTE fund raiser. That order issued under sec 40 of the Immigration Act was signed by the then Immigration Minister Sergio Marchi and Solicitor – General Herb Gray. It was subsequently upheld by Federal Court Judge Max Teitelbaum. This was a clear instance where the Canadian executive and Judiciary regarded the LTTE as “terrorist” and fund raising as an offence.

After the Sep 11th 2001 twin tower bombings the UN suppression of terrorism act was passed in Canada too. Under this act financing of terrorism was expressly forbidden. The LTTE was listed under this law and funding the tigers was made illegal. Canada also passed a rigid anti – terrorist law called the Anti – Terrorism Act or C – 36.

More than 30 foreign organizations were banned under that law but not the LTTE. Though security agencies had recommended a ban it was put on hold. It was reported then that the former Foreign Affairs Minister Bill Graham had persuaded his cabinet colleagues not to ban the LTTE as the organization was engaged in a peace process and that a ban may affect it.

This was under a Liberal party Government. Now the Conservatives are in power. Two present Cabinet ministers have while in the opposition called for a ban on the LTTE . They are Peter MacKay the Foreign Affairs Minister and Public Safety Minister Stockwell Day.

Interestingly enough these are the two ministers who would have a key role to play in determining which organizations are to be banned under the terrorism act. Mr. Day was foreign affairs critic when in the opposition and consistently called for a LTTE ban.Mr. MacKay called for a ban during the Parliamentary polls campaign but “muted” his views because of pressure from Toronto region candidates.

[L-R] Liberal Candidates Roy Cullen, John Cannis and Jim Karigiannis at a CTC organized debate in Jan 2006 – Photo TamilNet]

Since there is a substantial Tamil voting bloc in about ten to twelve ridings or electorates Conservative candidates including one of Sri Lankan origin did not want to upset the LTTE. This was under the mistaken impression that the LTTE controls Tamil voters in Canada. Once again the vociferous minority hogging the Tamil megaphone had created that illusion. In actual terms this was not true. Except for some hard core tiger supporters most Tamil voters decided independently. These decisions were based on a number of issues affecting them as “Canadians” and not on a single “Tamil” based issue.

The LTTE elements who had been backing the Liberals in the past few elections switched sides this time and expressed support for the Conservatives. This was due to two reasons. One was the realisation that the Liberals were on the decline and that the Conservatives were the favourites. So they jumped aboard the bandwagon.

 [Vincent Veerasuntharam, Conservative Party candidate in Scarborough Southwest in Federal Election 2006, paying tribute to Tsunami Victims at a Vigil held in Scarborough Town Centre on Dec 26, 2005]

The second was to influence the Conservatives and prevent harsh action against the LTTE. The electoral verdict however showed that the Greater Toronto region remained Liberal or New Democratic . The Conservatives did not fare well here because of the new immigrant, visible minority vote.

It remains to be seen therefore what the Conservative Government will do. Some weeks ago Mr. Day was asked about this at a press conference and he replied that the matter was being looked into. This was before the HRW report. The situation is different now.

What the report has done is to inform mainstream Canada about the activities of the LTTE and about how a segment of Canada’s population is being victimised by a group claiming to represent them. The issue is about a section of Canada’s population being under “attack” in Canada. This is an assault on the freedom , rights and core values of Canada.

In a sense the issue has moved beyonde the realm of foreign policy. What is at stake here is the violation of the law and basic tenets of human rights. This is now a Canadian issue. The hardhitting Editorial by a liberal newspaper like “The Toronto Star” is an index of how progressive mainstream opinion views the problem. If the LTTE wants to stave off a future ban it needs to undertake a massive damage control exercise.

Unfortunately those who claim to support the LTTE have shown themselves incapable of gauging or meeting the challenge. They have only been able to engage in predictable antics. Accusing the HRW of ulterior motives and colluding with Colombo, denigrating the integrity and efficiency of Jo Becker, Denying that fund raising takes place, attacking people suspected of providing information as anti – tiger or mercenaries, derisively mocking their perceived critics etc. is what they are doing now.These cheap puerile tactics may win them applause among tiger supporters but will not help their cause in any way.

The LTTE has also commenced its usual intimidatory tactics. Many people suspected of helping the HRW are being attacked in their media. Threatening telephone calls are also being made. This columnist too is at the receiving end. Though I was not involved with the HRW report and references to me in the report were taken by the HRW from an open letter I wrote in 1996 the tiger media has started vilifying me. The usual anonymous calls are also on. If this “intimidation” was intended to make me back off it has been counterproductive.

What these elements failed to comprehend was that I had no connection to the report and I had planned initially to remain aloof from commenting about it. I revised my decision and started writing extensively for three reasons. One was the vilification campaign and threats like the challenge issued by the LTTE website “Nitharsanam” that it would slander and defame me if I wrote anything.

Secondly was my disgust at the conduct of some Canadian Tamils denying the fund raising itself and defending the indefensible. Thirdly I was angered by the attacks launched on Ms. Jo Becker and the HRW for having written a truthful report and felt they should be supported publicly. As long as the LTTE launches vituperative attacks I would continue espousing this HRW report.

The LTTE is yet to learn that “Bullying” does not always pay. In December 2004 the HRW released a report on Child Soldiers. A meeting was held at the Scarborough Civic Centre. A gang of pro – tiger hooligans invaded the place and constantly heckled Jo Becker. Even former Ontario premier Bob Rae was prevented from addressing the meeting for a long time. An enraged Rae exclaimed that in his 25 years of public life he had never undergone such an experience.

[Bob Rae Chair and President of Forum of Federations, met S.P. Thamilselvan in Kilinochchi in August 2004]“

But did the LTTE supporters gain anything by this show of force? Instead of being cowed into silence the very same Jo Becker has come out with another HRW report. Still the LTTE supporters continue with their intimidatory tactics. This has resulted in many people coming forward with their experiences and the truth. For the first time perhaps four Tamil persons in Toronto were bold enough to sign an open letter with their real names criticising the LTTE and endorsing the report. More than one person was emboldened to speak out feely to the media.

Realistically however one cannot see the fund raising end unless and until a satisfactory political settlement is reached in Sri Lanka. Those committed tiger supporters as well as Tamils yearning for an end to the oppression of the Sinhala state would keep on giving money for the Tamil cause. This is understandable.

The problem however is in adopting coercive tactics to make people give more or to make those unwilling give.If tiger agents desist from intimidating the unwilling and harassing the incapable and rely only on their diehard supporters for money then there would not be any major problem.

The Tamils who took up refuge in Canada should not be victimised by an organization claiming to represent them.They are now Canadian citizens and bound by the laws of their adopted Country. The Canadian state should extend every protection to its citizens and this includes the Tamil Canadians too.

34 comments March 25th, 2006

Rajani Thiranagama: A true heroine of our times

by D.B.S. Jeyaraj

More than fifteen years have passed since Rajani Thiranagama nee Rajini Rajasingham was brutally gunned down at Thirunelvely, Jaffna on September 21st 1989 as she was cycling back home from the Jaffna University. She was Professor of Anatomy at the Jaffna Varsity medical faculty. The 35 year old mother of two daughters was also a human rights activist, feminist, critic of narrow nationalism and opponent of irresponsible militarism. No one has officially claimed responsibility for her killing and several attempts have been made by those close to the perpetrators to deflect blame elsewhere. Despite these moves the people at large know who the killers were though not many dared to say it
publicly.

A decade and a half however fails to erase the indelible memories of Rajani among those who knew her. Her brutal murder has not been forgotten. Whenever the human rights violations of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam are referred to in detail her name always crops up. Whenever the tragic plight of women caught up in Sri Lankas long drawn out “Machismo” war is highlighted her murder is usually focussed upon. Whenever the story of the Tamil liberation struggle going terribly wrong is discussed the murder of Rajani Thiranagama is always an issue cited.

She was truly a heroine of our times and an unforegettable symbol of its enveloping tragedy. As former UN special rapporteur on violence against women and current chairperson of the National Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka Dr. Radhika Coomaraswamy observes: ” Rajani had a vision for her people, the Sri Lankan Tamils. She envisioned a time when they would live in peace and dignity enjoying democratic rights and freedoms. Standing against oppression and brutality in all its forms, she is a beacon of light for a community living in fear
and struggling for self – respect. She will never be forgotten; an icon for everyone in Sri Lanka fighting for freedom “.

One agency that has remembered Rajani is the National Film Board of Canada. The land of the Maple leaf has made a name for itself in the realm of documentary films. “No More Tears Sister” – the anatomy of hope and betrayal is the title of an 80 minute film on the life and times of Rajani Thiranagama
produced by the Canadian Film Board.. It is written and directed by Montreal based Canadian film maker Helene Klodawsky. The narrator Michael Ondatatje the Sri Lanka born reputed author now domiciled in Canada. A novel feature in recreating the life of Rajani is the portrayal of her mother by Sharika the younger
daughter now in her early twenties.

The Canadian feature documentary will have its world premiere at the Hot Docs International Documentary Film Festival being currently held in Toronto. “No more tears Sister” will screen at 9. 45 pm on April 26th at the Isabel Bader theatre and at 7. 30 pm on April 28th at the Innis Town Hall.

Unlike most recreations of a contemporary personality the story of Rajani provided a stiff challenge for the filmmakers. There was very little documentation or authentic correspondence. Many of those who knew her or were associated with her were too scared to be filmed. Moreover filming in Jaffna where Rajani
grew up, lived and died was out of the question because of the political climate. One also supposes that an element of screcy had to be maintained at all times due to the sensitive content and theme of the film.

Despite these problems that would have defeated most film makers of Cinema verite Helen Klodawsky has accomplished her task well. She was fortunate that family members and a few fellow human rights activists and feminists were courageous enough to come out openly. Rajanis parents the Rajasinghams,
sisters Nirmala, Sumathy and Vasuki, Daughters Narmada and Sharika, husband Dayapala Thiranagama and some unnamed activists have all been interviewed and the life of Rajani unfolds on screen through their accounts mainly.

The vivid and perceptive comments made by Nirmala and Dayapala are the chief strengths of the film. The story of Rajani is inextricably inter- twined with that of her elder sister Nirmala a political activist cum feminist in her own right. Rajanis story cannot be told without without relating the story of Nirmala also. In that sense this film is as much about Nirmala as it is about Rajani. Nirmala has broken her long “public” silence on Rajanis death in this film. While not dwelt on forcefully the film leaves no doubt in the viewers mind about the forces behind
Rajanis assassination.

Dayapala Thiranagama comes off very well. Both Rajani and he came from contrastingly different backgrounds. He provides many fresh insights into Rajanis life. The scenes showing Nirmala and Dayapala in conversation are illuminating. A revealing moment of truth for anyone familiar with the rise and fall
of the Tamil liberation struggle would be the one where the comment is made that political activism is no longer the armed struggle but that of upholding
human rights.

The story of Rajani is interwoven with the violence of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. What made Helen Klodawsky the daughter of a concentration camp survivor herself take up this tale? This is what she says – “I wanted to understand how ethnic conflict and national struggles impact women – be they victims of war,
militant fighters or peace builders. I wondered whether there was a feminist critique of both state and guerilla violence It was well known that the Sri Lankan military and the opposition Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam were both guilty of torture, illegal detention, disappearances and extra – judicial executions. I wanted to explore whether women were, on the one hand, torn between loyalties to their ethnic communities and on the other hand the community of women. Did oppressed minority women imagine fighting injustice in different ways than their
male counterparts?

The story of Rajani Thiranagama – her courageous life, unique vision and tragic assassination – offered a compelling narrative to pose many of my questions. Rajanis evolution into a spirited champion of the Tamil peoples rights in the seventies and eighties paralleled the escalation of ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka.
Moved by her peoples complex struggle against ruthless state violence, she believed Tamil militancy was the answer and joined the Liberation movement. But when she witnessed the corruption and cruelty within, she felt compelled to document what she saw and urged her people to resist blind adherence to any leader or movement. Embracing feminism and a belief in human rights, she felt that women in particular were the primary casualties of war.

I believed that by following Rajanis life story and the circumstances surrounding her untimely death, several themes could be explored. Nationalisms anti – nationalism; the lives of women as both participants and innocent victims of war
and the belief in armed struggle vs a critique of militarism.

Though “No More Tears ” is set in Sri Lanka, a similiar story might have been explored in Africa, other parts of Asia, the middle – east, Eastern Europe or Latin America. In the sixties and seventies, Rajani was part of a generation of young political activists in post – colonial societies around the world – activists who dreamed of radically transforming their societies to achieve equality and justice for all. But this idealism continues to be ruthlessly thwarted by narrow nationalist agendas in countless Countries.

Cinematically, I wanted NO MORE TEARS SISTER to reflect the passion and beauty of Rajani’s ideals. Together with my talented team including Francois Dagenais (director of photography)Patricia Tassinary (Editor) and Bertrand Chenier (Composer) I aimed at making a film that is political, feminist and
aesthetic. – DBSJ

[No More Tears Sister, is being screened in London from 22 March, 2006 as a part of the Human Rights Watch film festival. This article was written in April 2005 when the film made its debut]
[TamilWeek]

6 comments March 23rd, 2006

Terror unleashed on Tiger supporters in North-East

Terror is not the sole monopoly of a single entity. Violence does not continue according to a predictable pattern at all times. In the memorable words uttered by Malcolm X when John F. Kennedy was assassinated in 1963 “the chickens have come home to roost.” Yet Malcolm X too was killed a short while after. What goes around truly comes around.

It is now the turn of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam to learn the bitter lesson about the cycle of violence and terror. For a very long time the Tigers instilled fear into the hearts and minds of their opponents and the Tamil people at large through selective violence and systematic terror. 

They were thus able to impose themselves upon the Tamil people as the self-appointed sole representatives of the Tamil people. 

Now the LTTE is at the receiving end of violence and terror, directly in the east and somewhat indirectly in the north. In the east the process began after the Karuna revolt. Initially the LTTE was cruelly arrogant. Despite well meaning advice to the contrary the mainstream Tigers unleashed violence on Karuna cadres and their supporters. Initialy they thought they had won. But things changed. 

Members of the Karuna faction began fighting back. The ‘clandestine’ agencies of the state were ever ready to embrace the Karuna cadres. In spite of many denials by former President Chandrika Kumaratunga it was an open secret that the Karuna cadres were receiving patronage, protection, sustenance and support from the state. The violence of the LTTE was challenged by the counter-violence of the renegades. 

Today the LTTE movement in the east has been severely curtailed. The Tigers are restricted to certain areas in the western region only. Moreover the hunted have become the hunters. The Karuna faction goes in search of the LTTE and its supporters and kills them. Statements are made proudly about ambushes inflicting losses on the LTTE. 

Shadow war 

The shadow war of the east has moved to the north too. It was this column which first highlighted this fact when Kopay Christian College Principal Nadaraja Sivakadatcham was shot dead by alleged EPDP cadres. The stealth war had actually started a little earlier in the north when some Tiger supporters like a video shop owner in Uduvil were killed. 

This violence targeting Tiger supporters and sympathisers continued with those involved in the “great heroes day” celebrations being targeted. When two such persons were killed in Neervely the LTTE retailiated with what it termed the Makkal yutham or people’s war. In a combination of Palestine style Intifada and Iraqi resistance, hostile violence against the security forces was stepped up. 

Security vehicles were landmined; RPG’s were fired. Bombs and grenades were thrown. Soldiers were shot at. Parallel to these developments hartals, demonstrations, stone throwing etc. were also conducted. All these were done in the name of the people. An umbrella front called “Pongiyelum Makkal Padai” or “Resurgent People’s Force” claimed credit in the name of the people.  The LTTE disclaimed responsibility and insisted tongue-in-cheek that the people were rising up in protest. It was an open secret that the LTTE was responsible for instigating and promoting the violence through overt and covert logistical support. It was even known that some acts were perpetrated by Tiger cadres themselves. The claymore mine attacks being good examples. Yet the Tigers persisted with the flimsy explanation that it was the people and not themselves engaging in violence.  Tiger training 

January 29th, 2006

Terrible truth of the Trincomalee tragedy

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj

January second of the new year 2006 was a monday. It was 5.30 in the evening when 20 year old Manoharan Rajihar set off from home on St. Mary’s road in Trincomalee town. Both his father and mother were medical doctors jointly running the welcome Medical clininc. He told his parents that he would be going to worship at the Pillaiyar temple and the Pathragali Amman temple. Thereafter he said that he would chat for a while with friends at the beach and return.

One of his friends now an undergraduate at the engineering faculty in Moratuwa university had come home for the new year and was scheduled to go back the following day.Rajihar said he would return home by 7. 30 pm.

Trincomalee had been tensed up for quite a while. There had been much violence along with hartals paralysing normal life. Police and security personnel along with civilians had been targeted. The civilian killings and in some cases reprisal killings cut across ethnic barriers.

Though Trincomalee was bustling actively after many years of the ceasefire the atmosphere had deteriorated in recent times. Life had not been the same after a large Buddha statue was installed overnight near the Central bus stand and market.. Tamil organizations had opposed this. Hartals were staged. It was ruled by the lower courts that the statue was illegally installed on Urban Council property. In spite of the public opposition and court directive the statue remains where it was with massive security provided.

The protests over the statues had resulted in a lot of additionel security personnel being deployed in Trincomalee. This brought about another wave of protests against the increased security presence. With LTTE backed Tamil resurgence movements stepping up demonstrations the situation became worse. Sporadic violence continued. An attack on the security personnel brought about reprisals on Tamil civilians. In some cases “unknown” people killed Sinhala and Tamil civilians.It was tit for tat. For instance when a Sinhala businessman was killed on Dec 24th two Tamil trishaw drivers were killed on Dec 26th.

Against this backdrop people seldom ventured out of their homes after dusk. Rajihars parents too were concerned about their son staying out till dark. But they were not unduly worried because they knew their son was a decent, level – headed boy. He was very punctual and if he said he would be back at 7. 30 they knew he would keep his word. Besides the place he was going to was not very far from home. Also they knew his friends. All of them were quiet, well – behaved youths with little interest in politics let alone tiger politics. They were youths with glowing dreams of a bright future. The parents had no worries about their son or his friends getting mixed up with the LTTE.

Rajihar was the third in a family of six children. The eldest was a girl now married and settled in Britain. The next was a son. There were three younger brothers. An old student of Sri Koneswarar Hindu College Rajihar had completed his AL’s. He was an outstanding sportsman excelling in Table tennis and Chess. Rajihar was the secretary of the Trinco Table Tennis Association.He had even conducted training sessions in TT for the security force recreation. Rajihar had been thoroughly vetted and given a military approved identity card. The military ID is the one respected by all security personnel.

Apart from this the Manoharan’s were familiar with many security officials including naval officers who had obtained treatment at the clinic. All this gave the family a sense of security in troubled times. Being doctors the parents were after all in the upper strata of Trincomalee society. The parents had also bought Rajihar a cellular phone as a precaution. He had strict instructions to call and keep them informed if he was getting late or held up anywhere.Rajihar left home happily for his rendezvous with friends blissfully unaware of the fate awaiting him.

[Execution spot]

Seven young men all of them born in the year 1985 gathered that evening at the Dutch Bay beach. The spot was near the Gandhi statue roundabout where the Dockyard road and Koneswarar or Fort Frederick road intersected.. There was an important checkpost manned by navy. army and Police personnel close by. Actually there were three more checkposts manned by naval personnel within a 100 metre radius.There was also a small boutique selling provisions.
There were stone benches on the beach front where people sat and took in the sea breeze.The seven friends were now seated on those benches chatting gaily. They had been frisked and cleared at the checkpost before coming to the spot.They arrived on four cycles and a motor cycle with two riding” doubles”.. Six of the friends were alumni of Sri Koneswara Hindu College. One was an old boy of St. Joseph’s College. The key figure in the group was Thangathurai Sivanantha the Moratuwa campus undergrad. He had come home on Dec 31st and was returning on Jan 3rd. The seaside chit – chat was like a send off to Sivanantha.

All of them had completed their A levels in 2004/5. Apart from Sivanantha another too had gained entry to Katubedde. The others too were hopeful of higher education or at least a good job in Colombo. Some had ideas of going abroad. They were good all round students in both studies and extra – curricular activities. They were computer proficient too.Time just flew as the friends swapped stories and teased each other in all good fun.

It was about 7.15 when a green three – wheeler coming along Dockyard road slowed down. A grenade was thrown from the vehicle. It exploded yards away from where the seven friends were seated. The three – wheeler then sped away on Koneswara road towards the Fort. The dazed friends realised the situation was taking a turn for the worse and cut short their conversation. They speedily mounted their cycles and motor cycle and prepared to get away from the spot. That was not to be!

Almost as if on cue a security force truck trundled in quickly . Instead of giving chase to the three- wheeler the occupants of the truck zoomed in on the seven Tamil youths. They surrounded them and forced them to kneel down.Rajihar took out his mobile phone and called his father Dr. Kasipillai Manoharan. The call was not answered. Rajihar however left a quick message saying they were being made to kneel down by security forces. The phone was snatched away by one of the assailants

They started checking their ID cards. Thereafter they began assaulting them. They were then put aboard the truck and assaulted again and again. Their explanations and protests were ignored.

At this point some more security vehicles arrived. There was excited duscussion in Sinhala among the new and old arrivals. The youths could only hear the noise. Suddenly they were kicked and pushed out of the truck. Even as they fell they found that the entire area was now pitch dark.The lights in the vicinity had been turned off. The youths were now hit again and forced to kneel down again.

After some more bickering among themselves one group of security personnel began leaving the spot. It was still dark and lights were out. Only the vehicle lights tore through the darkness of the night. After one group of security men left the other group began getting really mean.Then it became really terrible.

After some more rounds of assaulting the youths were forced to kneel down again. Firearms were taken out and brandished. The youths were told that they were going to be killed as a warning to the tigers in Trincomalee. The innocent youths began wailing and pleading. Their pathetic cries were heard far and wide.

Listening to the faintly audible cries was Dr. Manoharan. Finding that he had missed a call Rajihar’s father had checked the phone to find it was from his son. Thoroughly agitated Dr. Manoharan began calling his son’s cell again and again and again. There was no answer. Esxtremely perturbed the father then mounted his scooter and set off for the spot on the beach where his son said he was going to. Besides it was close to the Amman temple too.

When Dr. Manoharan came near the spot he found all lights including street lights were turned off and darkness all around. He was shocked to find that security personnel had sealed off the particular area and were refusing to let anyone go through. Upon inquiring he was told that some tigers had attacked the security forces and no one would be allowed to pass. He was curtly ordered to turn back. Manoharan refused saying his son was in trouble and that he would not go back without him.

As Dr. Manoharan stayed put stubbornly despite the danger he heard the cries of the youths pleading with the assailants. He thought he recognized his son’s voice among them. He kept on pleading with those at the checkpost to let him through. The personnel refused but were becoming increasingly nervous and jittery. And then rang out the shots followed by the screams.More gunfire and more screams. It took just four minutes from 7. 51 to 7.55 pm.. A few minutes later an explosion was heard and then it was all over.

After playing cat and mouse for a while the assassins now began firing. Two of the youths were shot behind the ear. One was shot in the back of the head. The other four then scrambled to their feet and made a desperate attempt to escape by running away. They were mowed down by gunfire. They were shot in the chest, abdomen. shoulders, thighs etc and collapsed . A little while after the firing was over two grenades were thrown at the still bodies. One exploded but the other proved a dud.

The assassins were in no mood to take their victims to hospital. They delayed for nearly half an hour. The calculated delay presumably was to let the youths bleed to certain death. Finally an ambulance was called and even the lights came on”miraculously”.

Dr. Manoharan raced to the Trincomalee hospital. His heart leapt when told that two of the youths were alive still. His heart sank when he found that his son was not in the Intensive Care Unit. Later he was allowed to check out the morgue where he found his favourite son lying dead. He broke down and wept.

News began spreading and the parents of the victims began converging at the hospital notwithstanding the security situation. Their long night of sorrow was made unbearable by the deliberate attempt to twist the truth. The security forces who had brought in the youths to the hospital had made a Police entry that some tigers plotting to attack the security forces had suffered casualties due to some grenades exploding accidently.

This then was the version hastily disseminated by the security propagandists. Given the tense situation in Trincomalee and the vain boasts of the LTTE that the people were rising up against the armed forces there were many takers for this story.Many newspapers and news agencies also carried the security version initially.The defence ministry spokesperson as well as other army and Police officials also stood by this story.

The truth however became known when the post – mortem and judicial inquiry was conducted. The Trincomalee Judicial Medical Officer Dr. Gamini Gunatunga conducted the post – mortem and ruled that all five dead victims had died due to gunshot injuries. Three had died of head injuries while the other two had succumbed to abdomen and chest injuries. The JMO however observed that some of the victims had injuries other than gunshot wounds too. But the fatal ones were from gunshots.

With the JMO report the explanation provided by the security forces was blown to smithereens. The Trincomalee Magistrate Mr. V. Ramakamalan recorded an interim verdict of gunshot injuries and instructed the bodies be handed over to the families. But there was a hitch. The Police at the hospital refused to release the bodies. They insisted that the parents sign letters accepting that their children were tigers. Otherwise the bodies would not be handed over they threatened.

The parents of the victims however were not prepared to do that. They had lost their innocent children. They were not prepared to sacrifice their reputations. They were not prepared to let them be stigmatised as “terrorists” when they were not. They simply refused to budge.

One parent said” if you dont give the body I will have a funeral with an empty coffin and a picture of my son but I will never admit to this untruth of calling my son a terrorist.I have lost my son but I wont lose his honour”.TNA Parliamentarian from Trincomalee district Thurairatnasingham also arrived at the hospital and exerted pressure.Finally the cops relented and the bodies were released without any letters being signed

Trincomalee was overwhelmed with sorrow. On the 3rd there was a spontaneous closure of schools and boycott of classes by students. Students of all communities and faiths expressed solidarity with the victims. Realising the public mood was turning bitter the authorities withdrew security personnel from checkposts and sentry points in the Tamil neighbourhoods of Trincomalee. Some enraged people destroyed a few of these deserted places.

On the following more organized efforts were made by Tamil youths to continue the hartal. The element of genuine spontaneity prevalent on the first day was lost.

On Wednesday Jan 4th the bodies of the five victims were lying in their respective homes.They were all born in the same year on different dates. They had schooled together and now had died on the same date.

Shanmugarajah Gajendran born on 16th September was living on Vidyalayam lane; Lohitharaja Rohan born on 07th April was from Sivan Kovil road; Thangathurai Sivanantha born on 06th April was a resident of Vanniya lane; Yogaraja Hemachandran born on 04th March lived in Customs street; Manoharan Rajihar born on the 22nd of September lived in St, Mary’s road.

Trincomalee town was grief stricken. People flocked to the houses of the victims. Again those condoling with the families were not Tamils alone but many Sinhala and Muslim families. Everyone knew what had really happened and of the innocence of the victims.The student population turned up in large numbers. The certificates, cups and medals won by the victims were laid out by the coffins.

On Thursday the 5th of January the funeral was held at the Srikonewara Hindu College generally known as Trinco Hindu. The institution had a grand tradition of over a hundred years. Among its distinguished former Principals was the great Tamil scholar Swamy Vipulananda who went on to become the first Tamil professor of Annamalai University in Tamil Nadu.

The current principal was Mr. M. Rajaratnam. He was distraught by the developments. A special dais was constructed on the day of the final farewell at the College grounds. The bodies were brought in individual processions to the College. Religious leaders of the Hindu, Christian and Islamic faiths addressed the mourners. Student representatives and Principal Rajaratnam also made speeches. They were emotional but eloquent. One thing rankling was the unjust charge that the victims were tigers.Every speaker refuted the accusation and condemned those responsible.

Finally the five bodies were taken in procession through the streets of Trincomalee to the Hindu burial grounds near Ehamparam road. Once again a few checkposts were attacked on the way. Security personnel were pointedly absent. At Madathady some lumpen elements close to the JVP started throwing stones. They were quickly checked by the Police providing security. Trincomalee had not seen such a large funeral procession after the one for former Federal Party MP Rajavarothayam. After last rites were performed the five friends , inseparable in life and in death, were laid to rest.

Meanwhile the Trincomalee magistrate began his judicial inquiry. He spoke to the two youths receiving treatment at the ICU. One was Yogarajah Poongulalon and the other Pararajasingham Kokulraj. Though conscious the condition of one has not passed the critical stage yet. Dr. Kasipillai Manoharan and the woman lawyer Subashini Chitravelu also made statements before the magistrate. Subashini is the sister of Mrs. Thangathurai the mother of Sivananda the Moratuwa undergrad.

Incidently the Tamil students at Moratuwa Varsity wanted to mourn the death of their fellow undergrad but were fearful because he had been branded a tiger terrorist. But thanks to the praiseworthy professionalism of Dr. Gamini Gunatunga an ethnic Sinhala person the attempt to frame the victims as tigers was failing. The security propagandists who said the grenades had exploded accidently revised their position and said now that there was a shoot – out.

Slowly, open minded people were beginning to realise the terrible truth behind the Trincomalee tragedy. Pressure began mounting on the Government with even Amnesty International commenting on it. A TNA delegation made out a strong case in a meeting with Mahinda Rajapakse. The President pledged firmly that he would probe the incident and punish the culprits.

On the other hand attempts were being made to suppress the truth too. The witnesses who testified at the inquiry were subject to several threatening calls in Sinhala. The families of the victims were also intimidated. They also began suspecting that they were being watched. The JVP sponsored hartal in Trincomalee included a new demand that no inquiry should be held into the Trincomalee deaths. Interested parties were also pressuring the President to let go or face demoralisation among the forces.

Mahinda Rajapakse faces a difficult situation. He is a man who has championed human rights for decades. As he himself said once “Mahinda is a man of human rights”. Now he is challenged to prove that his commitment to human rights and justice is non – negotiable. Mahinda also announced after his victory that henceforth he would not belong to any ethnicity or group in the discharge of his duties. The time has now come for Mahinda to prove his mettle.

President Rajapakse must realise that protecting the riff – raff in the armed forces would not raise its morale. Punishing the guilty, criminal elements would not de – moralise the armed forces. On the contrary every self – respecting member of the armed forces would only be happy that these vermin bringing the entire security forces to disrepute are identified and punished. The onus then is on Mahinda the man of human rights to take the correct decision.

The entire truth behind the terrible tragedy in Trincomalee can be uncovered only through a genuine inquiry. For this the two injured youths, families of the victims and other knowldegeable people have to be protected. Moreover the guilty ones should not only be identified but penalised effectively. This takes moral and political courage but let us hope that the “Weeraketiya Sinhaya” has what it takes.All fair minded Sinhala people who comprise the silent majority in the Country will definitely support him.

Let me conclude with an excerpt from an editorial in “The Island” on the subject.

“President Mahinda Rajapakse has rightly ordered a probe into the incident. And no stone should be left unturned in getting at the truth. He will have to ensure that the probe will be thorough and independent. If any members of the armed forces are found to have had a hand in the deaths of the students, they should be brought to justice irrespective of position. Let the armed forces be told in no uncertain terms that we don’t need them to unleash terror: the LTTE is doing it much better than anyone else. The raison d’etre of the Security Forces is to ensure the security of the citizenry and not to engage in wanton killings.

The memories of the Bindunuwewa massacre are still fresh in the minds of the Tamil community as well as that of every right thinking man and woman irrespective of ethnicity. Nothing hurts a parent more than the fact that the killers of his or her child have got away with it.Children, or all civilians for that matter, must be free from harm, be it in the South, the North, the East or the West, especially during a truce. Enough of them have already perished in two insurrections in the South and in the on-going conflict in the North and the East.We have no way of disciplining a terror outfit or teaching it the value of human life. But that we can do to the armed forces and this is why probes into allegations of criminal activity by the security personnel are necessary”So says the Island editorial. Amen to that!So says the Island editorial. Amen to that!So says the Island editorial. Amen to that!So says the Island editorial. Amen to that!So says the Island editorial. Amen to that!

So says the Island editorial. Amen to that!

January 23rd, 2006

Manmohan Singh: First ‘non-Hindu’ PM of India

“No power on earth can stop an idea whose time has come” – Victor Hugo

Seventy-one year old Gurmukh Singh Manmohan Singh, the gentleSikh from Punjab has become the first non-Hindu Prime Minister of predominantly Hindu India.

His appointment as Premier of the world’s largest democracy has proven wrong the saying about nice guys finish last!

Except perhaps for Lal Bahadoor Shastri, the Indian prime ministerial mantle has never fallen on the shouldersof a more humble and simple man. This unassuming, self-effacing Sardarji is the most qualified Indian Prime Minister to attain that office. “Doctor Saheb” as he is known among Congress Party members is a self-made man with a string of qualifications behind his name.

Educated at the Universities of Punjab and Cambridge, this economist with a flair for administration and politics has an MA and PhD plus a long list of honorary doctorates including D-Litts, LLD, Dsc, and Doctor of Social Science.
Manmohan, the son of Gurmukh Singh and Amrit Kaur, was born on September 26, 1932. His birthplace Gah in West Punjab, after the 1947 partition, is now part of Pakistan. Interestingly the current Pakistani President Gen. Pervez Musharraf was born in pre-partition India and migrated to Karachchi later.

Likewise Manmohan’s family moved to Amritsar. Former Indian Premier, Inder Kumar Gujral too is from the same district as Manmohan and moved to ‘India’ after partition. Singh suffered partition pangs as he was separated from his family for several months during the dark days of relocation.

A brilliant student

Gurmukh Singhwas a small time trader in grain. Young Manmohan  was a brilliant student and with the aid of educational scholarships made his way through secondary and tertiary education. He got his MA in Economics from Punjab University in Chandigargh topping his class and then went to Cambridge in 1954for his PhD again on scholarship. There he won the Wright’s Prize for distinguished performance at St. Johns College and also the prestigious Adam Smith Prize of Cambridge.

Returning to India in 1957 he joined his alma mater Punjab University and served as senior lecturer , reader and professor of economics there till 1966. Manmohan joined UNCTAD as economic officer and worked in New York till 1969. He was in charge of the financing of trade section.
Upon his return to India, Singh resumed teaching at the Delhi School of Economics. Among his contemporaries were renowned economists like Nobel Prize winner Amartya Sen, Arjun Sen Gupta, K.W. Raj andK.L. Nagar.

Departing from academia, Singh joined the Transport Ministry as financial adviser in 1971. From 1972 to 1976, he was chief economic adviser at the Finance Ministry. He then did several stints, serving in different capacities like director, Reserve Bank of India  and later governor, secretary and later deputy chief of Planning Commission,secretary, Finance Ministry, joint chairman, Indo-Japan Joint Study Committee and on the South Commission as secretary general.

Manmohan Singh’s political involvement began with former Indian PM Chandrashekhar who nominated the former Reserve Bank governor and ex-finance secretary as his adviser on finance. Singh was also made UGC chairman. Chandrashekhar’s tenure was very brief, not exceeding six months.

After Rajiv Gandhi’s demise, a new Congress government under P.V. Narasimha Rao emerged. Full fledged political involvement for Singh was through Rao. The new prime minister was looking for a technocrat with  fresh insight plus knowledge of how Indian bureaucracy works to be finance minister. The sick economy needed a physician. Singh fitted the bill.

No political experience

Manmohan however had no political experience or standing. He was brought into parliament through the Upper House or Rajya Sabha. The Punjabi Sikh based in New Delhi had to be elected through North Eastern Assam as Rajya Sabha member in 1991.

Former Assamese Chief Minister, Hiteswar Saikia allowed Singh to use his residence, 3989, Nandan Nagar in Guwahati as his residential address to be eligible. Singh promptly began paying rent and does so even today to Saikia’s widow and State Minister Hemaprova Saikia.

Though Singh resides in Safdarjung Road in New Delhi, the Assamese address is still retained officially. He was elected to the Rajya Sabha from Assam in 1991, 1996 and 2001. In 1999 he contested the Lok Sabha from a New Delhi constituency and lost.

India was economically on the wane when Singh took over as finance minister. There was an unsustainable fiscal deficit of close to 8.5 percent of the gross domestic product – almost double of what it is currently. There was also a huge balance of payments deficit.

The current account deficit was close to 3.5 percent of GDP and there were no foreign lenderswilling to finance it. Also, India had barely a billion dollars in terms of foreign exchange reserves – roughly equal to two weeks’ imports (today forex reserves stand at over $118 billion).

Upon taking office Singh had been forthright with Rao. “I said to him it is possible that we will still collapse, but there is a chance that if we take bold measures we may turn around, and that, I said, is an opportunity. We must convert this crisis into an opportunity to build a new India, to do things which many people before us have thought and said should be done, but somehow were never done,” recalled Singh in an interview to the media in 2001.

Under Singh that year the government of India entered into an understanding with the Reserve Bank of India to deny itself the right to ‘draw’ on the RBI to fund its deficit. This put paid to the unlimited monetisation of fiscal deficit, and was a historic step.

Policy of ‘thinking big’

Looking back, Singh says that when he stood up in parliament stating the case for reforms his argument was that in the midst of an unprecedented crisis, it was time to think big rather than ‘tighten the belt.’

“We could, in a traditional way, tighten our belt, and we did that, tighten and tighten. But persistence on that path would have led to more misery, more unemployment, and I said there is an alternative path. Stabilisation plus a credible structural adjustment programme would shorten the period of misery.

“It would release the innovative spirit, [the] entrepreneurial spirits which were always there in India in [such] a manner that our economy would grow at a much faster pace, sooner than most people believed. That’s exactly what happened,” said Singh in that interview.

After Rao promisedSingh a free hand to clear up the augean stables, the latter knew he had to go with the begging bowl to the IMF to tide over the forex crisis. Ironically Singh had made a scathing attack on IMF-WB policies in his book India’s Export Trends And Prospects For Self-Sustained Growth of 1964. Yet Singh had to take a $5 billion loan from the IMF.
In return, he agreed to implement the IMF’s 3D therapy – deflate, devalue and deregulate. The reforms process had begun and India was on a new track.Even as the new minister went about his task of economic surgery there was a political backlash. He had cut government subsidies in the budget to rein in the deficit resulting in a tremendous outcry.

Congress leaders were quick to point out that this would not go down well with the party’s rural vote bank. The cuts were rolled back and Singh sent his resignation to Rao, though it was turned down. Singh’s journey as a politician had begun.
By 1993, the Congress leadership had realised that the economic crisis had blown over and populist measures could once again be resorted to. Soon Rao was announcing subsidies without consulting his finance minister. The reforms process had run its course.

Technocratic manner

The Narasinha Rao government was booted out in 1996. Singh reverted to the opposition. Soon he became Congress leader of the opposition in the Rajya Sabha. In typical technocratic manner he avoided controversy and limelight seldom speakingout on issues. He  also refrained from criticising opponents and lent a patient ear to other points of view.

This trait benefited him greatly as Singh cultivated over the years an amicable persona acceptable to all and trusted by many. With Congress fortunes on the rise on the one hand and bitter opposition building up against the idea of Sonia Gandhi becoming prime minister on the other, many started thinking of possible alternatives.

Manmohan Singh with his moderation and simplicity seemed the best possible person to be PM till another member of the Gandhi clan wore the crown. After Sonia took over Congress leadership, Manmohan Singh had grown in her esteem and was no longer seen as a creature of Rao.

Realising that he had no political ambition and was a trustworthy adviser Sonia Gandhi began relying on him more than other Congress seniors and political veterans. Presumed to be shadow finance minister, Singh was also consulted by Sonia on a number of issues.

Certain aspects of his personality like his integrity, humility and simplicity were his strong points. When Singh devalued the rupee for example he himself enjoyed a windfall because the money he had earned as South Commission secretary general was still abroad. This money Singh donated to the Prime Minister’s Relief Fund.

His residence is simply furnished. His family too avoids publicity. Singh married Gursharan Gaur on September 14, 1958. They have three daughters. Two are in India, both married to Hindus. The third is overseas pursuing higher education.

Respect

With these qualities Singh earned Sonia’s confidence and trust. She respects him and always refers to him as “doctor” or “sir” He in turn calls her “madam” or “Soniaji.” Along with this personal equation was the fact that he was acceptable to both Congress allies and opponents. Few complaints can be raised against him.

Once Sonia decided not to become prime minister her choice as alternative was naturally Manmohan Singh. So came Manmohan Singh’s unexpected tryst with destiny. Interestingly the stock market that plummeted when the advent of Sonia Gandhi as prime minister was heralded recovered in three days when Singh took over.

During his speech in parliament while presenting the budget in 1994-95, Singh quoted Victor Hugo: “No power on earth can stop an idea whose time has come.” Manmohan Singh as Indian Prime Minister was an idea whose time had come.
Thus India now has its first Sikh or non-Hindu Prime Minister. Nehru (1947) Shastri (1964), Indira (1966 ), Morarji (1977), Charan Singh (1979), Rajiv (1984), V.P. Singh (1989), Chandrashekhar (1990), Narasimha Rao (1991), Vajpayee (1996), Deve Gowda (1996), Gujral (1997) and even Nanda who was twice acting PM in 1964 and 1966 were all Hindus. Some however only ‘nominal’ Hindus.

The man who ushered in economic reforms, removed the permit licence system and launched ‘capitalist’ India on a winning spree realises now that what India requires now is ‘economic reforms with a human element.’

Most important lesson

The most important lesson from the last election is that blooming prosperity has not sunk down to the poor masses or rural India. As Mahatma Gandhi said, “India lives in her villages.”

The agrarian revolt influenced the electoral verdict considerably. Singh’s announcement that farmers will get their power subsidy indicates the direction Prime Minister Singh will be going. He has also said cautionary measures will be adopted in privatisation to prevent loss of jobs on a mass scale.

Thus, the very same man whose economic reforms set India on a new course will now be altering its direction  to some extent. His emphasis will be on helping the poor and downtrodden. There was a time when the Congress was seen as a party of the underprivileged people.
The Congress then will be returning to its roots and this augurs well for the people of India. What then of India’s future? As Sonia herself said, “The future of India, I think, is safe in the hands of Dr. Manmohan Singh.”

May 23rd, 2004

The Importance of being Anton Balasingham

‘Pokkuvarathup Pirachinai’

“Have you been out? No.
And don’t want to perhaps?
If I could only come back again, I should.”

– Edward Thomas (As the team’s head – Brass).

By D. B. S. Jeyaraj

Norwegian officials involved in facilitating the fledgling peace process in Sri Lanka are currently grappling with a problem that seems quite simple at a superficial level.

The issue at hand is the ‘Pokkuvarathup Pirachinai’ or transport problem faced by Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) Political Advisor and Chief Negotiator Anton Balasingham. The senior Tiger leader based in London along with his Australian wife Adele Anne has to reach the northern mainland of the Wanni in the first week of September to meet LTTE supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran for consultations. Thereafter, he is scheduled to lead the LTTE delegation for the preliminary round of direct talks with the Sri Lankan government in Thailand. How this is going to be worked out is the problem.

Those not so familiar with the intricacies of the Sri Lankan peace process may feel that the transport problem faced by one man and his wife has no bearing on the larger issues involved. Besides, a question may arise as to whether a problem exists in the first place. Given the ultra-modern transport facilities available and the prevailing peaceful atmosphere, the comings and goings of the Balasinghams need not be a problem at all.

The reality however, is that Balasingham’s presence and active involvement is crucially necessary for the ongoing peace process to progress smoothly. It is widely acknowledged nationally and internationally that he has been the driving force behind the peace process from the LTTE side.

As mentioned in these columns earlier, the saying about no man being indispensable is not applicable in the case of Balasingham’s role in the peace process. The Norwegians and the government know this and hence the extraordinary attention and concern being shown on this account.

Complexities

Unfortunately for the peace effort, there are complicating factors such as health, security, proximity, the availability or non-availability of proper facilities and also questions of trust and political compulsions.

It is well known that Balasingham is a sick man. He left the Wanni amid much hardship in 1999 to obtain advanced medical treatment. It would be no exaggeration to say that had he not left the island and reached the west to get a kidney transplant, Balasingham would not be among the living now. His continuous stay in London has enabled him to get proper health care on an ongoing basis. Therefore, he needs to stay in London unless he can get proper medical care in Sri Lanka. Thus, he cannot return home on a permanent basis for now.

The LTTE controlled regions do not have the medical facilities available thanks to the war and systematic deprivation policies practised by successive Colombo governments. So, he cannot stay there for long. Staying in Colombo is not an option for the LTTE at this point of time. Without any settlement being reached, the Tigers do not want to use Colombo facilities for a high profile leader. Also, there is concern that if Balasingham stays in Colombo then a strong case could be made for talks to take place in Colombo too. This means the rest of the LTTE delegation too must come to Colombo. This is not something very desirable from an LTTE perspective. A paramount consideration is the security of the LTTE members.

On the other hand, Balasingham also needs to meet and discuss matters with his leader Prabhakaran on a face-to-face level. He has also to brief him of each and every stage of the talks. So, Balasingham has to shuttle back and forth to the Wanni. With the government, LTTE and Norway deciding upon Thailand as venue for the talks, this shuttling will become three-way for Balasingham and two-way for the LTTE delegation.

India ideal

It was this problem that compelled Balasingham to seek Indian good offices for the talks. He wanted to reside in the Tamil Nadu capital Chennai for the duration of the talks. Chennai has the medical facilities required by Balasingham. The LTTE also wanted the talks to be held in a South Indian city like Chennai, Thiruvananthapuram or Bangalore to facilitate the logistics of transporting LTTE delegates from the Wanni. India has neither consented nor rejected these requests officially so far. Sections of the media, several political parties and more importantly the Tamil Nadu government headed by Chief Minister Jayalalitha Jayaram vehemently opposed the LTTE request.

It was against this backdrop that Norway devised a novel way of travel for Balasingham to reach the Wanni in March this year. The Balasinghams arrived in the Maldives and after a respite, boarded a sea plane along with Norwegian diplomat Tomas Strangland. The plane piloted by two Canadian nationals made an unprecedented landing at the Iranaimadhu Irrigation Tank in Kilinochchi on March 25.

After a month long stay, the Balasinghams returned to Britain the same way. They boarded a sea plane at Iranaimadhu, reached Maldives and then flew back to London.

The fact that Balasingham is a key player in the peace search was demonstrated by his earlier stay in the Wanni. Several important meetings were held with the Norwegians and political groupings like the Tamil National Alliance, Sri Lanka Muslim Congress, Ceylon Workers Congress and the Up Country Peoples Front. A notable feature was LTTE leader Prabhakaran’s active participation in these. There was also the widely attended press conference by the LTTE leader who was meeting members of the fourth estate after 12 years. Balasingham presided and interpreted. He amplified and clarified many questions and answers. He even ventured to answer some questions directly claiming to “speak in one voice with Prabhakaran.”

It is interesting to note that after Balasingham returned to Britain, Prabhakaran has ‘retreated’ into a shell once again. While security considerations may have had something to do with this, anyone who saw the press conference telecast can only feel that the absence of Balasingham in the Wanni may be an important if not the sole cause for this too. With ‘Bala Annai’ at his side ‘Thamby Prabha’ may play a more visible and overt role in the search for peace which would definitely be a boost for the process.

On another level, the process slowed down considerably when Balasingham’s health got affected in Britain due to a urinary infection. Again, after his recovery, the process accelerated again culminating in dates for direct talks being fixed. All these illustrate the importance of being Anton Balasingham.

What has complicated the issue now is that the route via Maldives option has run into difficulties. The snags began in April itself. The sea plane that dropped off the Balasinghams in Iranaimadhu flew over Thalaimannar initially. The return to Maldives too was planned the same way and the plane flew from Maldives for the pick up in that mode. The Canadian nationals who piloted the sea plane detected an extraordinary amount of movements by the Sri Lanka Navy off Thalaimannar. This created suspicion. So the pilots after consulting the Norwegian officials changed the return route. Instead of flying over the north-western coast to the sea, the plane went over the north-eastern coast.

This route was much longer. Yet, in the interests of Balasingham’s security, the change was made. This extra vigilance was necessitated not because of mistrust towards the Wickremesinghe government, but, because the Sri Lanka Navy under Daya Sandagiri was enjoying a great deal of ‘independence’ in taking certain types of action. The navy has been charged by the LTTE of deliberate attempts to sabotage the ceasefire. So, it was decided that no risk should be incurred by flying back over Thalaimannar.

Conspiracy theory

The sea plane flew over Trincomalee but was careful to keep within Sri Lankan air space. It was around this time that senior LTTE leaders were returning by boat to the east from the north. An act of omission by the SLMM resulted in a ‘stand off at sea’ between the navy and LTTE. Thereafter, a massive hue and cry was made of Balasingham’s sea plane swooping low over the position where the stand off was happening. The campaign was orchestrated to project an impression that Balasingham had some ulterior motive in changing the route and getting the plane to dip. It was as if a conspiracy was afoot to drop a bomb from the sea plane on the naval gun boat.

The truth was starkly different. Left unsaid in the deliberate campaign was the fact that a Norwegian Foreign Ministry official Kjirste Tromsdal was also traveling on the plane. If that fact was highlighted, then the ‘suspicion’ about the plane’s movement would have been negated. Besides, it is now known that instead of plotting some evil conspiracy on the plane, Balasingham was undergoing nausea and dizziness on the flight. Since the new route was much longer, the pilots had improvised by tearing a few seats apart and stocking that space with fuel. The fumes and cramped space had affected the sick, senior Tiger leader. Later, the Norwegians issued a statement clarifying the situation. True to form, none of those who accused Balasingham of diabolical design rectified the earlier accusations.

This incident cast a shadow on the Maldivian route being utilised again. Other developments complicated the matter further. The Maldivians had been worried earlier as they feared any untoward incident concerning Balasingham in their country could have a negative impact and consequences. Also, Maldivian officials were concerned that tourism could be affected if it was known that a representative of an organisation banned as ‘terrorist’ by western countries like Britain and USA was given special treatment in the Maldives.

Maldivian concerns were further exacerbated by Indian political maverick, Leader, Janata Dal Party and former Law Minister, Dr. Subramanian Swamy. Citing the 1988 event of an abortive attempt by the Sri Lankan Tamil People’s Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) to overthrow the Maldivian government through force, Swamy reminded President Maemoon Abdul Gayoom that it was the Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi who sent troops instantly and ‘saved’ him. Swamy had queried from Gayoom as to how he could allow one of ‘Rajiv’s killers’ to transit through the Maldives.

Apparently, a troubled Gayoom has replied Swamy explaining that he was not aware of who was coming till the last minute as the Norwegians had not given him full information. Referring to Rajiv Gandhi with gratitude, the Maldivian leader had assured Swamy that he would keep the latter’s sentiments in mind when the opportunity arose again. Swamy himself was confident that Balasingham would not be allowed into the Maldives again.

An additional factor negating the Maldivian alternative was the condition of the Iranaimadhu tank itself. Water had been used extensively for an extra crop of paddy cultivation. This along with the prevailing drought had resulted in water levels decreasing drastically in the tank. The deep waters of the greater canal sluice area where Balasingham had landed before is now shallow and muddy. Other choices like the Giants Tank, Vavunikkulam, or Nandhikkadal etc. were also ruled out because the water level has gone down. So even if the Maldivian route was available, the sea plane could not land or take off in any stretch of water in LTTE controlled territory.

Other options available at one point included passage through India. Although India had not responded formally to the LTTE request, Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee had indicated privately to Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazgagham (MDMK) Leader Vaiko that Balasingham could be given transit facilities through Bangalore. Even before this private communication became official, the situation changed drastically in India. On the one hand, Vajpayee was ‘downsized’ and the hard-line Home Minister Lal Krishna Advani became Deputy Prime Minister and the ‘real’ power calling the shots in New Delhi.

On the other hand, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalitha Jeyaram cracked down and acknowledged LTTE sympathisers like Vaiko, Tamil National Movement Leader Nedumaran, Secretary Subha Veera Pandian and several MDMK functionaries. They are being charged under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) for allegedly supporting the LTTE. Under these circumstances the possibility of using Bangalore or any South Indian city seems out of the question. It is highly unlikely that the LTTE will now utilise that option even if available because of the Indian mood and environment.

There is of course the logical option of a straight avenue. Balasingham could fly directly to Katunayake and then be whisked off by helicopter to the Wanni. Again, the LTTE seems to be reluctant. Without the ban being lifted and direct talks commencing, the Tigers don’t want to use any air or naval facility under the Sri Lankan government. Again, it is not the bona fides of Wickremesinghe that is in doubt but the ‘whims and fancies’ of the executive president and the various ‘agencies’ running amok in the defence establishment.

Unwilling

With the Athurugiriya arsenal incident fresh in the LTTE mind, it may not be willing to run unnecessary risks as long as Kumaratunga remains the supreme commander of the armed forces. Interestingly, there is a school of thought within the LTTE that suspects foul play in the death of SLMC leader M. H. M. Ashraff.

There is also the anxiety that if Colombo becomes safe for Balasingham to travel through, then the LTTE delegation to Thailand too could be ‘compelled’ to do so. This, is unacceptable at this juncture for the LTTE. Also, if Colombo becomes increasingly ‘safe,’ the talks too could be shifted there. This is not acceptable to the Tigers for political reasons right now. The LTTE sees the ethnic crisis as a ‘national question’ and not a minority grievance. So, it would like the talks to be held in a third country with third party facilitation. There is the possibility that as time progresses and a greater level of trust and rapport is reached, the Tigers may feel confident and amiable enough to attend talks in Colombo. Much progress is required on the peace process front before the Tigers reach that stage.

For now, the Norwegians are wrestling with the problem. One suggestion being actively perused is to get Balasingham to fly down to Singapore and then get on board a Norwegian ship and reach the Mullaitivu coast. If that works out, then the LTTE delegation too could be transported to Thailand the same way by sea.

If however, the Norwegians succeed in convincing Balasingham that utilising the Colombo route would not pose any risk personally or politically, one may very well see the Tiger ideologue landing at Katunayake. If however, the Norwegians do not find a suitable alternative mode of travel for Balasingham then he may simply go to Thailand this time without reaching the Wanni. That is only a reprieve because finding a way for Balasingham to travel to the Wanni is of utmost importance for the success of the peace process.

So, while the Norwegians and the Colombo government are engaged in devising a suitable travel mode for Balasingham, the LTTE chief negotiator waits patiently in London seemingly without any concern and fully content to let the facilitators resolve his ‘Pokkuvarathu Pirachinai.’

That privilege exists at this point of time only because of the importance of being Anton Balasingham.

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August 25th, 2002

Former Trotskyite now leads the TULF

By D. B. S. Jeyaraj

Veerasingham Anandasangaree is the new leader of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), the largest moderate political party of the Sri Lankan Tamils. The party’s highest decision making body — the Central Working Committee — met on June 23 in Colombo and elected the 69 year old lawyer turned politician unanimously as its president. Anandasangaree known generally as Sangaree had been earlier functioning as the senior vice president of the party since 1993.

He was also the acting president of the TULF from September 1998 to December 2001 in the absence of former party president Murugesu Sivasithamparam who was away in India due to illness and returned only last December. After Sivasithamparam’s demise, Anandasangaree became acting President again on June 5 and held the post until being formally elected last Sunday.

Born in Point Pedro in June 1933, Anandasangaree grew up in Atchuvely as his father was a school principal at Sri Somaskanda College in neighbouring Puthur. Sangaree himself studied at Sri Somaskanda, Christian College Atchuvely, Hartley College, Point Pedro and also Zahira College, Colombo. Before taking up law, Sangaree was a pedagogue teaching at Hindu College Jaffna, Poonakari MMV, Kotelawela GTM School, Ratmalana and Christ King College Ja-Ela. He passed out as a lawyer in 1967 and began practicing until 1983 when the TULF leaders refused to take oaths under the 6th amendment to the constitution. He has not worn the black coat ever since.

Baptism of five

Like many political leaders on both sides of the ethnic divide, Sangaree too began his politics as an ardent Trotskyite. He was an active member of the Lanka Sama Samaaja Party (LSSP) Youth League from 1955 to 1965. His first experience in running for electoral office was in 1959 when he contested the Colombo Municipal Council on the LSSP ticket. His opponent was none other than the uncrowned king of Colombo municipal politics V. A. Sugathadasa who was also mayor then. It was a baptimism of fire in Colombo for the 25 year old Jaffna youth.

The March 1960 elections saw the LSSP under Dr. N. M. Perera make a determined bid for political power through electoral politics. The party contested 101 seats in all parts of the island and NM himself was projected as the future prime minister of the country. NM asked Sangaree to contest the newly carved rural constituency of Kilinochchi as a LSSP candidate. Anandasangaree having no links to Kilinochchi was reluctant.

NM encouraged him to plunge in saying that even if the ‘unknown’ Sangaree lost then he would win the seat in 10 years time. NM’s words in 1960 were prophetic and in 1970 Anandasangaree was elected for the first time to parliament from Kilinochchi. Only he was no longer a Trotskyite having embraced Tamil nationalism but, as a Tamil Congress candidate. The LSSP however fared poorly winning only 10 seats.

Sangaree contested the March 1960, July 1960 and March 1965 elections in Kilinochchi under the key symbol of the LSSP. He got 1114, 2011 and 1804 votes respectively. He lost both times in 1960 to S. Sivasundaram and in 1965 to K. P. Ratnam who were of the Federal Party (FP). In 1966, the LSSP now aligned with the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) adopted the communal ‘Dudleyge bade masala vadai’ line and opposed the reasonable use of Tamil as an official language in 1966. Sangaree like many Tamil LSSP’ers quit the party.

He joined the All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) led by G. G. Ponnambalam Snr. in May 1966. Earlier, he contested and won the Kilinochchi town ward in the Karaichi Village Council. He became its chairman from 1965 to 1968. In 1968, it was elevated to Town Council status. Sangaree contested, won and became the first Kilinochchi TC chairman. He functioned in that capacity till the end of 1969.

January 1970 saw Sangaree become Youth Front President of the Tamil Congress. In May 1970, he won Kilinochchi on the cycle symbol of the ACTC and defeated Alalasundaram of the FP by 657 votes. The ACTC got 9049 to the FP’s 8392. The seventies saw the main Tamil parties sink their differences and forging unity.

The Tamil United Front (TUF) was formed in May 1972. This became the TULF in May 1976. This period saw Anandasangaree’s stock rising in Tamil politics. The Tamil Congress had three MPs in 1970. They were Arulampalam of Nallur, Thiyagarajah of Vaddukkoddai and Anandasangaree of Kilinochchi. Congress stalwarts like G. G. Ponnambalam, M. Sivasithamparam, T. Sivasithamparam, V. Kumaraswamy, N. Nadarajah, T. Sivagnanam, S. Sivanesan, etc. had lost. It was left to the newly elected trio to don the mantle of parliamentary leadership.

Refused to cross

Arulampalam and Thiyagarajah opted to join the United Front government. Sangaree despite his left leanings and respect for NM refused to cross-over and remained in the ranks of the Tamil nationalists. His stature increased greatly because of this. In 1977, the TULF swept the elections riding the crest of a Tamil Eelam wave. Sangaree contested Kilinochchi again and polled 15,607 votes obtaining a majority of 11,601.

The sprawling electorate of Kilinochchi was primarily agrarian and relatively undeveloped. It was part of the Jaffna administrative district. Thus, a Tamil farmer from the rural backwoods of Kilinochchi had to travel a very long distance to attend to matters at the Jaffna kachcheri. So, Sangaree began advocating the redemarcation of Kilinochchi as a separate administrative district. This incurred the wrath of fellow TULF MPs from Jaffna and Sangaree became quite unpopular. In 1983 in the aftermath of the July violence the UNP government utilised the absence of TULF MPs in parliament and created the Kilinochchi District.

The 1983 violence saw the TULF out in the political wilderness. Sangaree like many other TULF figures relocated to Madras but kept shuttling between India and Sri Lanka. In 1989, the TULF re-entered the political mainstream. Sangaree contested the Jaffna electoral district in 1989 and the Wanni District in 1994 on behalf of the TULF and lost both.

In 2000, Anandasangaree was the chief candidate on the TULF ticket again in Jaffna. The TULF got three seats and Sangaree got the highest amount of preferences. In 2001, the TULF contested as part of the TNA under the party symbol of rising sun. Again Sangaree topped the list gaining over 36,000 preferences.

Sangaree has served in several capacities for the TULF, being its propaganda secretary from 1976 to 1983 and a politburo member from 1983 to 1993. He has attended several international conferences as a parliamentarian in Britain, Zambia, Austria, Norway and Switzerland.

Anandasangaree was elected senior vice president of the TULF in 1993 and proved to be a tower of strength to the party when it was at the receiving end of systematic violence by the Tigers. He was instrumental in reviving flagging fortunes of the TULF in Jaffna by taking over the Jaffna Municipal Council election campaign in 1998.

Thereafter, when two TULF Jaffna mayors Sarojini Yogeswaran and Pon Sivapalan along with a mayoral aspirant Mathimugarajah were successively assassinated by the LTTE, Anandasangaree took up permanent residence in Jaffna and rallied the demoralised TULF. He also spearheaded its parliamentary election campaign in Jaffna during 2000 and 2001.

Prominent role

Anandasangaree also received wide media coverage in Tamil Nadu when he accompanied and assisted his former leader and top notch international lawyer G. G. Ponnambalam (Senior) at the Sarkaria Commission sittings. The commission had been appointed to inquire into corruption allegations of the erstwhile DMK regime. Ponnambalam led the team of lawyers representing former Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Muttuvel Karunanidhi of the Dravida Munnetra Kazghagham. Anandasangaree played a prominent role in this legal arrangement.

Recently, hostile reaction to Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalitha Jeyaram began emanating in Sri Lankan Tamil circles after she pushed through a resolution in the Tamil Nadu legislature seeking extradition of LTTE leader Pirapaharan. Several persons including TULF personalities began uttering bombastic and provocative threats against Jayalalitha in an ill advised move to curry favour with the LTTE.

Anandasangaree however issued a very responsible public statement condemning that trend and urging that no offensive comments be made against any Indian leader including the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister. When pro-LTTE elements began distorting what Sangaree actually said in the statement, the TULF leader took a direct Tamil translation to Kilinochchi showed it to Thamilchelvam and cleared the air.

Anandasangaree takes over the TULF reins at a critical phase in the island’s politics. His party itself has accepted the overall dominance of the LTTE . Given Sangaree’s fiery independent streak it is very likely that the TULF while backing the LTTE politically would also try and retain some functional autonomy. That however depends on the extent to which his party colleagues will cooperate with him. If such enlightened unity and support is not rendered the ex-Trotskyite may very well be presiding over the Swansong of the TULF.

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June 30th, 2002

The return of Balasingham

” The woods are lovely, dark and deep, But I have promises to keep, And miles to go before I sleep, And miles to go before I sleep.” – Robert Frost

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj

The date March 25, is significant in the history of the Tamil militant struggle. The sensational Neervely robbery took place on that day 21 years ago. A van taking money from suburban People’s Bank branches to the head office in Jaffna was ambushed at Neervely on the Point Pedo road. A cool 81 lakhs of rupees was seized.

The Neervely robbery was the last act done unitedly by the LTTE and Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization. Among those involved were the legendary Thangathurai, Kuttimani, Sri Sabaratnam and of course Velupillai Prabakharan. Interestingly this was the last action of such type in which the Tiger supremo participated.

Monday March 25, this year was a day of jubilation for the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. Their political strategist, chief negotiator and theoretician Anton Stanislaus Balasingham and his Australian born wife Adele Anne were scheduled to return that day. Balasingham and wife referred to fondly by LTTE cadres as ‘Bala Annai’ and ‘Aunty’ respectively were returning to ‘Tamil Eelam’ after an absence of three years and sixty one days.

Welcoming arches

According to a radio commentary in the London based International Broadcasting Corporation, the town of Kilinochchi had adopted a festive air (vizghakkolam) for the occasion. Conspicuous among the posters and decorations were two welcoming arches interwoven with roses. It was exactly 10. 38 am on March, 25, that a Canadian made De Havilland DHC – 6 Twin Otter sea plane landed on an unusual ‘aerodrome’ in Kilinochchi district – the irrigation reservoir at Iranaimadhu! Situated to the south of Kilinochchi town and north of Kokkavil it is the second largest tank in the northern province. Only the Kattukkaraikulam or Giant’s tank in Mannar is bigger.

The original Mahaweli diversion project envisaged a trans basin canal scheme in which the final destination of diverted waters was to be Iranaimadhu. The accelerated Mahaweli scheme jettisoned this idea. It was on this tank that the sea plane carrying the Balasinghams landed. The landing was on a deep stretch of the waterscape near the perunkaalvaai or greater canal side. The sea plane belonged to a Danish firm and was in use commercially as a Maldivian Air Taxi.

It had started off from the Maldivian capital of Male that morning. There were five occupants namely the Balasinghams, two pilots of Canadian nationality and the first secretary of the Norwegian Embassy in Colombo, Tomas Strangland. Even as the Sea plane ‘taxied’ to a halt at the Iranaimadhu a sea Tiger inland craft set sail towards it. Sea Tigers Special Commander Soosai was at the helm with three other senior Tiger leaders on board. LTTE Political Wing Chief Thamilchelvan, LTTE Police Chief Nadesan and Thamilendhi the senior official in charge of Tiger finances accompanied Soosai to the helicopter.

It was a poignant moment for Soosai and the Balasinghams. In 1999 on January 23, Soosai had piloted a Sea Tiger boat across the choppy seas of Mullaitheevu carrying the Balasinghams to a LTTE vessel in deep sea and bade farewell. Now he was gliding smoothly on the tranquil waters of Iranaimadhu to welcome them back. The boat returned swiftly to the shores of Iranaimadhu where LTTE leader Velupillai Pirapaharan and wife Mathivathany were waiting to receive ‘Bala Annai’ and ‘aunty’ personally. As it reached the lake bank Pirapaharan went personally up to the boat and extended a hand in an affectionate gesture to Balasingham and helped him to clamber out. Then came an emotional reunion between the Tiger leader and his senior adviser.

A number of senior LTTE leaders including Bhanu and Theepan were also at hand to welcome the Balasinghams back. The entourage then returned to the LTTE office at Skanthapuram in Kilinochchi where Balasingham underwent a quick medical scrutiny. After a brief private discussion with the Balasinghams, Pirapaharan and Mathivathani departed from the LTTE office. Thereafter Balasingham and Thamilchelvan had a short discussion. Then came a formal luncheon at 12. 30 pm with a visiting Norwegian delegation including Norwegian Envoy in Colombo Jon Westborg, Norwegian special adviser to the foreign minister, Erik Solheim and the Monitiring Mission head Trond Furhovde.

Vegetable delicacy

Both Westborg and Solheim had been in the Maldives to send off Balasingham that morning. They returned to Colombo by plane from Male and then proceeded to Kilinochchi by Air Force helicopter. After lunch Balasingham and Thamilchelvan entered into a lengthy discussion with the Norwegians till evening. The physically but not mentally tired Balasingham then retired for a short nap to relieve himself of fatigue.

The night saw Anton and Adele Balasingham being entertained for dinner by Velupillai and Mathivathany Pirapaharan. An overjoyed LTTE leader had personally cooked a few special dishes for the occasion including a special vegetable delicacy for the vegan Adele Anne. Thereafter Pirapaharan and Balasingham entered into a one to one meeting to discuss political matters which according to LTTE circles extended into midnight.

This discussion though the first face to face meeting between both in three years, is certainly not going to be the last. It was for this face to face confidential discussion with Pirapaharan that Balasingham had undertaken this hazardous journey. Although Balasingham had been in contact with Pirapaharan via telephone, fascimile, electronic mail and special courier it was imperative that a direct meeting had to take place if the peace process was to be taken forward meaningfully. It is widely acknowledged that Balasingham residing in London had played a crucial and pivotal role in the events leading to a ceasefire. It was now necessary for consultations to take place between Pirapaharan and Balasingham for the ceasefire to be consolidated and negotiations to proceed further. The importance of Balasingham’s role in the peace process and the necessity for him to hold discussions with Pirapaharan is fully appreciated by the international community backing the peace process. Norway as intermediary was fully aware of this and hence its unorthodox efforts to facilitate Balasingham’s arrival in Sri Lanka.

The delicate state of his health affecting travel and security concerns complicated the issue further. If New Delhi had acceded to requests that Balasingham be permitted to relocate to Chennai and that talks be held in a South Indian city, logistical problems could have been surmounted with less difficulty. The fact that the present United National Front government led by Ranil Wickremesinghe was cooperative on this issue made things much easier for Oslo. The twin problems related to Balasingham’s return to the northern mainland of the Wanni were health and security.

Recovering from a kidney transplant and coronary and diabetic conditions the 64 year old Tiger ideologue could not travel distances at a stretch. He also required medical attention at short notice. The security aspect was over possible being directed against him by Sinhala hard-liners and even rogue elements within the armed forces. The discovery of the Athurugiriya arsenal and the rebellious attitude towards observing ceasefire conditions by sections of the armed forces in the east and Jaffna peninsula added much credence to these concerns. So travel to the Wanni via Colombo was ruled out. The vociferous reaction to Balasingham’s return by Sinhala hard-liners demonstrates that his security would indeed have been threatened had the route been through Katunayake.

The Norwegians to whom Balasingham had entrusted the responsibility of getting him back to the Wanni devised a careful plan taking several factors into account. Speaking to a Tamil journalist on the eve of his departure from London, Balasingham was in a pensive, emotional mood. Recollecting the journey he had undertaken three years ago in ill health to reach the west the LTTE chief negotiator said that he had not expected to survive. “When I left I thought that I will never see my beloved homeland again”, he said. Now he was on the verge of another journey back to his motherland but made relatively less perilous by the concerned care of Norway.

Overnight stay

The Balasinghams left London on Friday March, 22. Three Norwegian officials including Erik Solheim accompanied them on the first leg of the journey to Dubai. Unable to travel long distances at a stretch Balasingham broke journey there to rest for several hours. Thereafter, Erik Solheim the special Norwegian peace envoy left for Colombo. The contingent then travelled to the Maldives to the south of Sri Lanka. They reached the islands in the early hours of Sunday March 24, morning. Balasingham had a brief medical test and found he was all right. The travellers stayed overnight at the Airport Hotel on Hululle Island and were provided security by the Maldivian national security service.

Norwegian Ambassador Westborg and First Secretary Strangland went to Male on Sunday night to meet Balasingham. Solheim who reached Colombo on Sunday also accompanied them. Prior to their departure the Norwegian Ambassador and Solheim had met Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and some other senior ministers. Wickremesinghe incidently celebrated his 54th birthday on that date. Wickremesinghe to his credit was extremely receptive and flexible to Norwegian efforts in getting Balasingham back. The diplomats were empowered officially to attend to certain immigration requirements as Balasingham was not scheduled to arrive at any accredited port of entry in Sri Lanka. The Norwegians took with official approval an immigration seal used to stamp passports at the point of entry. The port of entry in the seal was that of Talaimannar the closest entry point to Iranaimadhu.

Tank of Iranaimadhu

Talaimannar the official port of entry for travellers coming by ferry from India has not been utilised for such purposes in recent times After duly completing necessary paperwork in Male the party took off in the sea plane. The British passport of Anton and Australian passport of Adele Balasingham were stamped formally when the sea plane landed at Iranaimadhu by Strangland. Only the inscription Talaimannar was crossed out and substituted with Iranaimadhu with due endorsing signature. Thus the inland tank of Iranaimadhu made history by becoming the first accredited interior port of entry in the island’s history. Thus the Norwegians pulled off the triumphant return of Balasingham safe and sound to the Wanni.

The return of Balasingham was a joyful event for the LTTE for more reasons than one. When the Tigers bade farewell to Balasingham on January 23, 1999 the uppermost thought prevailing among most members was that of a permanent adieu and not temporary au revoir. Such was the deteriorating state of his health. Yet the man had pulled through and thanks to a surgical kidney transplant in Oslo was now back. In pleasant irony the LTTE supremo and senior leaders who saw him off by ship off the Mullaitheevu coast were now able to welcome him back at Iranaimadhu.

The Iranaimadhu factor itself was significant. The Norwegians had arranged this as point of entry out of security considerations as every air port in Sri Lanka has a strong military presence in immediate vicinity and therefore posed a potential security threat to the LTTE at this point of time. Nevertheless the utilisation of Iranaimadhu has thrown open wide possibilities of air travel to and from LTTE controlled areas. The adoption of Iranaimadhu as landing point could not have been possible without the LTTE being sure of its viability and safety. Pirapaharan would have never risked Balasingham’s life if he was not confident about Iranaimadhu’s potential. This therefore reinforces earlier reports of the LTTE’s nascent air wing known as Vaanpuligal or air Tigers.

LTTE air wing

The LTTE air-wing founded by Col. Shankar assassinated by a deep penetration killer squad on September 26, 2001 at Oddusuddan has so far not fulfilled expectations. Test flights of micro-lite aircraft gliders have been conducted. Several cadres obtained specialised pilot and aeronautical training experience abroad. An air strip was set up at Olumadhu. It was also reported once that a helicopter had strewn flowers from the air at a Great Heroe’s Day celebration at Mulliyawalai. There were also reports of sea planes landing and taking off from Iranaimadhu in Kilinochchi, Nandhikkadal at Mullaitheevu and Kattukkaraikulam in Mannar. Tamil civilians themselves had been warned to keep away from a particular side of Iranaimadhu tank. Several trees in the area had also been chopped down and waters cleared.

Whatever the outcome of the LTTE’s experiments with aviation the use of Iranaimadhu for Balasingham’s return demonstrates that it has been tried and tested already for such use. Balasingham’s return via Iranaimadhu therefore shows that the LTTE has reached another milestone in its development. It has for the first time publicly got an aircraft to land officially in a freshwater lake in territory controlled by it. This throws open many possibilities in the future and it is indeed fortunate for the state that a ceasefire is in progress.

The advent of the ceasefire itself is a premier factor contributing to the rapturous welcome afforded to Balasingham. It is realised fully well that he was the driving force behind it. It was Balasingham who helped sustain the peace process in the face of systematic obstruction and sabotage unleashed by the Kumaratunga – Kadirgamar duo. It is also acknowledged that Balasingham’s return however temporary it may be, will certainly impel the process forward. Already such signs are visible. This explains the sensitive fine tuning of Balasingham’s return to the Wanni and the tumultuous welcome given to him and wife Adele Anne.

transCurrents feedback : editor@transcurrents.com

transCurrents feedback :Contact DBS Jeyaraj : djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com

March 31st, 2002