Posts filed under 'transCurrents News Service'
by Lynn Ockersz
Winning the confidence of the people in the “cleared areas” by the government and restoring to them all that they have lost is a key to defeating the terror campaign of the LTTE, President, Tamil United Liberation Front, and ex-MP V. Anandasangaree reveals in this interview with ‘The Island”.
The veteran Tamil politician said that a principal tragedy affecting Sri Lanka today is the lack of fellow feeling among sections of the people as a result of escalating violence. He said that, although fortunately, ethnic violence is on the wane, fear and tension in the lives of the people are on the increase. Indicating the inadequacy of a military solution to the conflict, he said a political solution should go hand-in-hand with military action by the state.
Extracts of the interview:
Q: With the government claiming that the LTTE has been decisively weakened in particularly the Eastern Province, what role would you be playing in Sri Lanka’s current politics?
A: More than 90 to 95 percent of the Eastern Province has been cleared. Yet, there are a lot of mopping-up operations to be undertaken. Because a handful of people could trouble the government since they are a guerrilla group. What the government should do, however, is win over the people. The people should be given all that they have lost. The people should themselves feel the difference in how they suffered under the LTTE over the years and how they are being treated now by the government, through the provision of all the relief they need. The people must be won over to get precise, necessary information over LTTE hideouts etc. There will be persons who will be carrying weapons even in Jaffna, in so-called cleared areas. The LTTE would be having enough weapons concealed all over. Acquiring weapons is not a problem for them.
Q: Wouldn’t the recent sinking of LTTE arms shipments make a difference, to the group’s fighting capability?
A: That will make a big difference. It is a good thing the government has done this. They are virtually crippled. Ultimately they would need to depend on guerrilla attacks. To prevent these developments the people must be got together. Today there was an incident in one of the cleared areas. Some STF people had died and people in the area had been assaulted by some members of the Army. This is foolish behaviour. After all, the people are helpless. Such conduct would not help in winning over the people. The people should feel that the Army is helping them, rather than harassing them.
As for my role in politics, it is quite well known. I am very careful. I am not antagonising anyone. I am of the opinion that by fighting and antagonising anyone we are gaining nothing. For the last three or four years I have been on a mission. Whoever I meet, whether it be Sinhala, Tamil or Muslim, I insist that a solution to our conflict must be found and this solution must be acceptable and reasonable, for us to sell it to the people, so much so that people have given up the idea of separation. Most ordinary Tamils did not want separation. It was only demanded at the political level. The ordinary people, on the other hand, wanted peace and goodwill to prevail among all communities. The role that I wish to play and will be playing would not change from the one I have been playing so far.
The UNP is under the misunderstanding that I have condemned them in a recent statement made by me. This is not true. I am one person who is most affected by their decision on the federal issue. Because I have been going around telling the people even the international community, that 49.7 percent of the electorate have voted for the UNP for a federal solution. That is almost half and I campaign for more support. So, when overnight almost the position is changed on the federal issue, the 49.7 percent I depended on is denied me and I am the most affected.
Q: Do you intend speaking to the LTTE?
A: There is no point in speaking to them. No one can talk to them. Consider how many persons have gone to the Wanni. Did anyone come out and meet them? Only some middlemen were sent out by the LTTE to speak to them. So, there is no point in speaking to the LTTE, but I speak to others to agree to a solution, the LTTE cannot reject. Although the LTTE has been attending peace talks they have never openly said that they are giving up separatism. They keep on saying that “the thirst of the Tigers is to set up Tamil Eelam.” So there is no point in talking to the LTTE on this matter.
What we should do is win over the others and make our side strong. I don’t object to the word ‘federal’ being given up because some people are allergic to the term. If they don’t want to use the word ‘federal’ it is perfectly all right. But let them at least agree not to use the word ‘unitary’ also. So that you leave it in suspense. Those who want to call the state ‘federal’ could do so; those who want to call it ‘unitary’ could do so as well. Now consider the Indian constitution. They do not call it ‘federal’ or ‘unitary’, but they are for ‘unity in diversity’. That is the slogan which should be used for Sri Lanka too.
Q: Would the position taken by the major political parties of the South, including the UNP, that maximum devolution and not federalism should be the answer to the conflict, help in resolving the National Question?
A: I have been telling the President too that simply saying “maximum devolution” would not help. You must come out openly in favour of a change. In as much as certain sections of the Sinhala people are worried about the use of the term ‘federal’, equally you have some sections of the Tamils who are very allergic to the use of the word ‘unitary’. So, I have told the President, several times, if two packages are offered, one based on the Indian model and the other based on some other model but with more powers than those devolved on the Indian model, I would still prefer the Indian model, for the simple reason that it could be easily sold. What is contained in the Indian model everyone knows.
On the other hand, if you say that what we are going to give you is much more than the powers in the Indian model, it is not going to sell. The Indian model can be marketed, the other one cannot although more devolved powers are on offer.
Q: Is three a military solution to the conflict?
A: What have they achieved so far? They say they have cleared the East, but have they completely? They haven’t. Military action should go along with a political solution. These should go hand-in-hand.
How long it would take for the government to decide which powers would be devolved? Is the All Party Conference necessary? Is the Experts’ Committee necessary? No. Two responsible persons could sit together and draft the constitution. Because it is now known to everyone what is wanted and what is not wanted.
Once you go to the people with your solution and if the people have any doubts about it, the international community could play a role in clarifying these doubts. It could say the proposals are reasonable if they are really so and that the Tamils should accept them. You have a number of countries in the international community where federalism has thrived. We may not perhaps call these federal states but define them as states where minority rights have been protected.
Countries having constitutions with these features could be studied and proposed as models for a solution. The international community too could study these constitutions and say “fine” or suggest adding this or those powers. On doing this if the international community is convinced that the government is honest about finding a solution, then it could recommend the model to the people and the people would have the courage to accept it without any reservations.
I am not saying the government is not sincere. It is sincere in finding a solution. Unfortunately there are the constraints. I don’t want to spell them out. The people concerned must adjust themselves and act according to their consciences. How many persons die daily! Everyday how many billions worth of property is being destroyed! However, leave aside the property. A limb lost could never be regained. A life lost is lost forever.
And what about the fear and tension? While I am talking to you here, an incident may occur elsewhere in which someone known to me is involved. There is tension. You cannot freely walk along the street. This doesn’t affect only the Tamils and the Muslims. The whole country is affected.
What if some lunatic plants a claymore mine on Galle Road? What about those bus incidents in the South where scores of people were affected and injured? Why should the whole country constantly live in tension, a country which should flourish?
A country which should be in a position to provide thousands of jobs to foreigners is now having its people going in search of jobs. Our economy has gone to the dogs. The fear for one’s life is pervasive.
However, I am happy that there is no communal tension now; to the extent to which it existed in the past. In the past when 12 or 13 soldiers were killed, the country was plunged into flames. Today, if similar incidents occur there is no one to rouse communal tensions.
So the tension prevailing today stems mainly from the fear for one’s life. I am one who went around the country, in the days gone by, sometimes all alone. Can I do that today? Those who are claiming to be patriots and are opposing devolution today, have not tasted the bitterness of terrorism. It is so bitter you can’t take it. You wouldn’t know how terrible terror is until you experience it.
I have lost six members of my own family to terrorism. One I lost in the London bombing, the one Lankan to die in that incident. She happened to be my brother’s lovely daughter.
What is wrong here is that people are not feeling for others. This is the massage I give the LTTE also. There are certain photographs that appear in the papers, in those newspapers supporting the LTTE. These photographs show the kith and kin of LTTE fighters who die in action, wailing, weeping and beating their breasts over the dead cadres. This is how the others who are killed by the LTTE would feel too. This the LTTE must realize. The LTTE is not sent by God to be our liberators.
In our case, when a dear one close to us is killed by the LTTE our grief is grater because an innocent person has been killed. In the LTTE’s case, a guilty person has been killed – one who has been responsible for the killing of innocent persons. The persons who weep and cry for dead LTTE cadres must realise that the grief of those who weep for those who are killed by the LTTE, is greater than their’s because the LTTE has killed innocent persons.
Q: What should be the main ingredients in a well thought-out political solution?
A: People must lead a contented life. They should have no fears. In a recent letter to the papers I have cited the case of India. Indians are very patriotic. I related the story of this old Indian beggar woman in rags, who, while roaming the streets takes out of a dustbin a torn national flag of her country. Saddened on seeing the torn flag, she patches it by using a piece of cloth torn off her tattered Saree. This proved her devotion to her country. This story brought tears to many an eye in India. Do you think we would do that here?
We say we love our country, but merely loving our country is not patriotism. We must love not only our country but its people too. I am a patriot because I love Sri Lanka and its people. Not only Tamils, but Sinhalese, Muslims, Burghers and other communities also. I love everyone, irrespective of caste, creed race and religion.
Every person in Sri Lanka should be contented. If contentedness is brought about, you will find people respecting the country, its flag, its anthem etc. Many people in this country, may be even as high as 90 percent, do not genuinely love this country, its flag and its anthem. They say they do so out of a sense of form. We respect our school flags more than we do our national flag. Why? Because in school there is no tension, we are contended. We are happy that we have our own principals, teachers etc.
But if you take the country as a whole, how many persons proudly say they are Sri Lankans? A person has the right to say he or she is a Sri Lankan only when he or she loves the country and the people in it. This is one ingredient for peace.
Then, we must have at least one square meal a day for everyone. People must be categorized. There are those who do not receive any income. These persons must be provided at least the main commodities – rice, wheat flour, sugar etc.
There is hardly any communalism among our people at present. More than half the Tamil population is living among the Sinhalese. It is only some politicians who speak communal rubbish. The people in a typical Sinhala village are God-fearing, they love their neighbour, they respect others religions. Squabbles occur occasionally among neighbours anywhere but on the whole they are peace-loving.
Q: Does a climate exist in the East for the holding of local government elections?
A: When people are dying what is the point in holding elections particularly in the Eastern Province? We’ll be only losing more valuable lives. There is an armed group which is hiding in the jungles, which is acting as a terrorist group. If there are others carrying arms, they all must be persuaded to disarm. All other groups must be united, they must have only one enemy. All groups must be united against this one group which may not like to get into the democratic fold. Until such a situation, where there is trust and unity among these groups fighting a common enemy, I don’t think elections could be held. If these groups get together then around 90 percent security could be guaranteed.
Besides, the displaced must get back to their respective homes. Those people have been living for more than one year under tin roofs and under tents. Until all these persons get back to their homes and lead normal lives I don’t think the holding of an election is advisable.
Q: Does India have a role to play in resolving our conflict?
A: India has a role definitely. We have reports of a massive quantity of lethal material, such as ball razors and aluminium balls being seized by the Indian Navy. If such material had been smuggled in, the country would have been devastated. Such detections were possible on account of the alertness of the Indian Navy and the Tamilnadu Police.
I am sure our Navy got some intelligence input from the Indian Navy to destroy all the LTTE vessels carrying armaments to this country recently. Such is the help India could render.
Then there is Tamilnadu to consider, which has a Tamil population at least thrice more than our’s. The majority of these people are opposed to the LTTE and hate it for having assassinated an illustrious Indian leader, former Premier Rajiv Gandhi in Tamilnadu. But there are a few people who are like eels – showing the tail and the head – who support the LTTE. These are opportunistic politicians.
So, the moment India comes in and tells these persons, “Ok, be quiet, we’ll negotiate with the Lankan government and get powers devolved on the North-East, on the lines on which they are devolved on the Indian states”, they are silenced. People such as Nedumaran, Vaiko etc are silenced. For, they cannot ask for powers in excess of what they are enjoying in India, for us.
One must remember that India was here to help us within four hours of the Tsunami tragedy. Whenever we are in distress, they are there, whenever our security is threatened they are there, whenever there is tension in Tamilnadu they are there. The Indian government would have helped us if Nedumaran came here.
Q: Will the North-East merger continue to be a demand of the Tamil people? Why is this issue so important to the Tamil community?
A: There are people who argue that since more than half the Tamil population lives with the Sinhalese in the South, there is no need for a merger of the North-East. This is no argument. The TULF decided on the merger on account of the common interests that the Tamil people of the North-East share. It could provide for linguistic unity.
In these provinces, for example, there are more Hindu temples, more Tamils schools, more Tamil-speaking people. The Tamil-speaking people of the provinces have common interests. So we decided on a linguistic state.
I recently told a well known Buddhist priest: “Why bother about this merger. I would like to have a ‘Sinhalse as my neighbour on my right, when I live in the North-East, and a Muslim as a neighbour on my left so that I could enjoy fraternal ties with them. I could have Kiribath for the Sinhala and Tamil New Year and ‘Vattalapan’ for Ramazan. We could live like friends in peace and harmony.
Q: So in this merged North-East province all communities are welcome?
A: Exactly. They are welcome. You see, the moment we attempt to tamper with the rights of the Sinhalese, the whole country would react. This is a check against abuses. The North-East would be open to all the communities, similar to how we live in the South. [Courtesy: The Island]
October 17th, 2007
by Shanika Sriyananda
Congress (SLMC) says that they had joined the government as both parties have a collective vision to develop the country but is not a slave of any of the state policies. The Leader of the SLMC and Minister of Posts and Telecommunication Rauff Hakeem, who is now clamouring for acquiring more ‘power’ as a minister and ready to end the ‘UPFA – SLMC marriage’ when he is unhappy with the way the government treat them, told the Sunday Observer that the SLMC is not permanently bound with any political party. He said that the SLMC would never let down the Mahinda Rajapaksa government until it secures the best interest of the people.
Following are the excerpts of the interview:
Q: How do you see the current political situation in the country?
A: There need to be de-escalation of hostilities as far as the war-front is concerned and on the top of it we also wish there could be acrimony among the parties in the South regarding a solution to the ethnic problem. This is basically is the wish of almost all the minority forces in this country.
Q: The general belief is that the SLMC is now more loyal to the UNP and the National United Alliance (NUA) is closer to the PA. So, do you think that you have betrayed the aspirations of the late leader?
A: I would say definitely not. In the first place I must disagree with you on the issue of us being a virtual appendage of the UNP. Of course we have entered into an electoral understanding at the time we contested the elections together. We have always contested on our own in many areas though we have contested with the UNP in some areas because we had to mutually strengthen each other.
We maintained our individual identity in many areas but in the meantime we also made use of the advantage in the present PR system through understanding with a major party.
That does not mean that we became virtually dependent of that party by coming into an electoral understanding.
In my opinion, though may we have come into an electoral understanding, one cannot jump to the conclusion that we have virtually become slaves of their policies. Of course, collectively we have a vision for the country. In contributing towards that collective vision, we have come to some understanding.
So, in our alliance or understanding with the present government, we have still not arrived at a broader policy framework because we joined the government half way through at the request of this government.
Q: What kind of a relationship exists between the SLMC and the NUA now?
A: I cannot speak for Mrs. Ashraff. But unfortunately Mrs. Ashraff, in my opinion, should not have broken away from the SLMC and we should be in one fold. But this has been inevitably weakened the party to some extent. She is the only NUA member in Parliament who is elected.
The NUA and ourselves are partners in establishing the Peace Secretariat for Muslims. That is a significant achievement where at least we had come together. As far as the peace process is concerned we do not have divergent opinions in presenting our views to resume negotiations.
At present we the SLMC is dominating in all the areas where the Muslims are living and when it comes to the Eastern province, now we control 11 local authorities. I do not think the NUA or any other party can claim to have power at local authority level. That shows you where the support lies.
Q: As one major political party that represents Muslims do you think Muslims are politically divided today?
A: Muslims are politically divided not only today. Ever since Independence they are politically divided. This is not a new phenomenon. For that matter, every community is divided today.
It will be ideal and for all of us to find a common ground on vital issues that concern the community. But that kind of consensus is difficult task to achieve. We have also know that when the need arises, we had always displayed collective responsibility at crucial times on behalf of the community.
Q: What are the major problems faced by Muslims today according to your assessment?
A: We have problems in every corner. At present, the law and order situation, particularly in the North and the East is a matter of concern.
Though the government has re-established its control in some areas, there appears to be para-military groups which appear to be having their own writ in some of these pockets. Some steps are being taken now progressively to see that the entire law and order responsibility would come within the Police Department and no other armed group would be allowed to engage in police functions or to conduct their own ‘Kangaroo courts’. But this exercise, according to the Defence Secretary, has begun where he has given strict orders to prevent these armed groups enforcing their own writs in these areas.
The other important step that needs to be taken is to make the police force truly a multi-ethnic force. In my opinion, police in local areas should reflect the ethnic composition to win the confidence of the people. Now there is so much of mistrust in law and order machinery.
There is the language problem on one have and on the other religious and cultural misunderstanding. I believe, the police should be more friendly towards the local population as no police force can function without the support of the local population.
I think that if the police and the law enforcement authorities had taken timely effective preventive action, most of these disturbances could never have occurred.
Those who are responsible to maintain law and order, particularly the police appeared to be closing the stable after the horse had bolted. This is what happened in most of the serious cases where communal disturbances took place. This must be corrected. To get the confidence of the people they must have the feeling that the police are not an alien force.
Q: How far here the aspirations of Muslims achieved under the Mahinda Rajapaksa government? Are you satisfied with the steps taken by this government to solve these problems?
A: We have joined the government seven months ago. When it comes to attempts of forcible settlements and then dismantling previous settlements or resettlement of IDPs there are problems.
There are attempts under the patronage of some influenced people to deprive land owners of their permits to cultivate the lands. These instances were highlighted by us.
What we found is that these things have to be nipped in the bud before they are allowed to escalate. We have various hot spots like those in the East and whenever such things happen we will take action quickly to bring them to the notice of the government agent of the area or higher officials or the President’s advisor, so that we can prevent them.
Whenever we complain to the government, they have given us the assurance that it would not to allow such things to take place. We have had mixed results.
Q: What is the situation of the Eastern region after it was liberated from the LTTE?
A: There are steps taken to improve the livelihood activities. Some restrictions by the government have affected hundreds and thousands of people in this region and these should be relaxed in order to allow the fishermen to engage in fishing in their traditional fishing areas.
The strict checks on movement of people and vehicles have caused some delay and disenchantment among the public. So, the cumbersome procedures that have been put into place need to be dismantled as they appear to be affecting the return to complete normalcy. These people need to feel that they are living peacefully.
There is no point in liberating an area if we are unable to bring it to total normalcy.
We know that it is bound to take a little while. We do admit that there are practical difficulties in bringing in the climate of absolute safety overnight. But that need is an urgent priority.
Q: Once the SLMC has blamed the government for not consulting the party about the development programs in the East, where a large number of Muslims are displaced. Did you get an opportunity to discuss the matter with the government?
A: The government had few discussions with members of the Parliament and the officials regarding their ‘Nagenahira Navodaya’ program.
One particular feature of this program is a top to down process. What I would wish to see is a bottom to top process. Any development must start from the grass roots upwards. But as it is, we have top down process. And here we need to take all our requirements and get the approval from the top.
We would appreciate if there is better coordination and consultation, so that more inputs can be made in identifying different programs that could be beneficial for the people of the area.
These projects would be sustainable so that one would not overlap with the other and also can prevent unnecessary wastage of funds.
I see even in this budget, the appropriation bill shows us that over Rs. 130 billion have been allocated to Nation Building. Here one Ministry has got a large allocation of funds. This is the question of how much of consultation that is taking place with Ministers representing different areas and how much it is properly planned before the government embarks on very ambitious ventures.
Q: Do you think that as a responsible political party the SLMC has lost the chance to look into the grievances of the Muslim community in the North and the East?
A: Certainly not. We have been a primary political force which has focused on the issues of Muslims and not simply of the people in the North and the East but also those who are living outside the North and the East. We certainly do look into people’s grievances and try to solve some problems. We are not a political party that help only the Muslims but the non-Muslims in other areas.
Q: Now the government is planning to conduct elections in the East. How conducive is the climate in the Eastern region to hold Provincial Council and Local Government elections?
A: Unless the government is confident that they can maintain law and order fully under their purview it is unlikely that they will get the people’s support as they are somewhat reluctant to be involved in elections. First, the cultural violence that appeared to have taking place in some areas may have to be de-escalated very fast. Proper monitoring of the law and order should be put into place.
The conducive climate for the democratic political process to hand over nominations and contest will have to be ensured. For the major political forces to contest in the elections, they must first feel that they are safe.
And also it should be ensured that the prevailing security situation would not be disturbed by intimidation harassment. These are the vital elements that the government must first ensure before deciding on an election.
Q: How do you see the attempts by the opposition and some political parties to topple the government and are you a part of that secret deal while you are supporting the government?
A: Unfortunately always this suspicion is aired about the SLMC. It is a very unenviable position. We do have a strong leverage in national politics. But, as we are a principal party, we do not believe in conspiracies and behind the scene negotiations.
We always deal with thing very openly and we have been told those people in the government with whom we are having these deals that any discussions with the SLMC need to be very transparent.
We have no permanent binding to any political force in this country and our only interest is to secure the best interest of people who voted us. We joined this government with the hope that the best interest will be safeguarded.
As long as this government stands by those assurances and treat us with dignity I do not think that this government has anything to fear.
The government must allow us to function freely in the areas where we have been given responsibilities; we should be able to carry out our work within our purview so we can do justice to the positions that we are holding under this government.
I, as a Minister in charge I must bring down the tariff on phone. I must be able to implement policies which will allow people to have better facilities at less cost.
Power should not be concentrated on one place and it should be shared. Development funds must be made available to everyone to work and contribute. This is our expectation and this is what we call dignity. Then we can call ourselves full partners of this government.
Q: Does this mean that you are not satisfied with the functions assigned to you or are you not given a free hand in your Ministerial functions?
A: I would say we could do more and we are all under utilised. Power is entrusted to us to be able to do our work.
Q: Do you say that you are a powerless Minister?
A: No. I think I can do much more in the telecommunication sector.
The Telecommunication Regulatory Commission is a body that always being a part of this Ministry but it is not under the Ministry at present.
To drive polices and to have healthy competition, there has to be a proper guidance and political leadership. Now the entire Ministry is a shell without the TRC. The day I took over as the Minister I told the President that without the TRC that this ministry is of no use.
If it is given to me, I must be in a position to have control and supervision over the Board and administration and then only we can improve the services.
I am sure that I could do more in the telecommunication side. I have brought this to the notice of the President but it has been delayed and hope things would improve soon.
Q: Are you ready to help the government at the budget?
A: Why shouldn’t I help the government at the budget. There should not be unnecessary doubts on this.
I am part of the government. The appropriation bill shows that there is an uneven distribution of funds among Miniseries but that is how the budget has been prepared. We will hope there should be a more coherent and fair distribution of funds in the future.
Q: You are a politician, who joined all the successive governments with certain conditions. Do you think that this time you are trapped?
A: That is a very good question. We joined the government at their request in February this year. Before joining we had a few rounds of discussions on the basis which we join the government. So it remains as an expectation to achieve these objectives in addressing the grievances in the Muslim society.
If we are to continue with them for the rest of this parliament we naturally should have more support to achieve our objectives. We have to use our leverage that we have within in government to achieve our objectives. In the meantime we are also quite mindful about of the difficulties that the government is placed in. The fiscal position may not be that rosy. I think it is a collective responsibility.
We have been looked at as a party that inclined towards the UNP. That feeling may be still lingering in the government. The fact is we are an independent party, which would be always harnessed to the advantage of any party and any government in power. But, I do not think I am trapped. I am free to leave whenever I want. That is my strength. I represent another party and I always tell the government if I am unhappy.
Q: Once you have said that you joined the government to ’stop poaching of your MPs’. Have you been able to stop this by joining the government?
A: Yes. Indeed. I think I was able to do that because I have already lost four members before joining the government. We had to deal sincerely. We have decided that we need to be a disciplined and respected party. In my opinion it is wrong to say that we have been trapped. But whether we like it or not, the truth is that this government had in poaching. So, as a party leader I had to take a prudent decision to prevent poaching. I should know my strengths and weaknesses. On the other hand, the government and the opposition know the strength of the SLMC when it comes to an election. Whether it is the UNP or the PA they would always be attempting in various ways to weaken us.
Q: Is there an urgency in putting the APRC proposals out?
A: The initial euphoria was there in getting a result out of the APRC and we had noticed that there was an urgency a month ago. But I think because of the budget there is some deliberate delay in putting out the APRC proposals. Though it is very regrettable the President Rajapaksa appears to be determined that he will do it in his way we are not very pleased with it. We want some urgency as we do not want this current situation to be continued. On the other hand he appears to be in some sort of dilemma without knowing which way he would lead. One thing is sure, he needs to decide either way very soon in bringing a solution and he has to come out with a devolution package.
Q: How do you see President Rajapaksa as a leader and as a friend?
A: Well as a leader he is a very charismatic man. He has his own charisma. He has not forgotten his simple ways. He is a grass roots politician who has not lost that touch. That is one of his greatest strengths.
As a friend, as I have heard from his many friends that he is somebody who does not forget his friendships. So, I wish I could be a friend of his and I have to be counted as a friend too. [Courtesy: Sunday Observer]
October 17th, 2007
Leading social scientist Dr Padmakar Vishnu Vartak, founder of Veda Vignyan Mandal of Pune, is confident that Sanskrit is the most ideal and scientific language for computers.
Speaking to this paper here on Friday, Vartak, author of many books on Vedic heritage said Sanskrit letters are written exactly how it is pronounced. However, in Roman script, spelling and pronunciation change many times.
Dr Vartak said scientists are busy developing computers which can run on pronunciation. But, it is difficult for the computers to absorb English pronunciation and the spellings as more often pronunciation change with spellings in English, he added.
The Rishis of the Veda times had enormous knowledge of every thing under the sun, said the scholar. Rishis knew about cloning thousands of years ago. A medical practitioner by profession, Vartak said the Indian mind was so much corrupted by the British that we today think that developments in science should come from the West. The western science has hypnotised our mind, he regretted.
He said Valmiki has given exact date and time of birth of Rama. The Vedas also have discussed about the ‘big bang’ theory of world’s origin. He said Shankaracharya had revealed about the gravity of the earth (Gurutwakarshan) in his ‘Prashnopasana’.
The modern science came to know of gravity only when Newton said about it in recent times, he added.
Dr Vartak said Jesus Christ’s forefathers had migrated to Jerusalem from India and they were Tamils. To support his statement he said the last words uttered by Christ at the time of certification were Tamil words.
Dr Vartak said in one of the portraits kept in Vatican City, Christ was depicted wearing dhoti. The picture of Christ also shows that he had a ‘Janiwaram,’ he said adding that Christ had a sister whose name was ‘Thamar’ which in Tamil means Lotus.
Dr Vartak said the people should take interests in preserving knowledge and heritage of India. The country has given perfect science as well as mathematics to the whole of the world, he said.
Dr Vartak is addressing in Belgaum on October 13 (Saturday) and 14 (Sunday) at Sharadotsava Mandal at 3 pm on Saturday and at 10 am at Gurudev Ranade Mandir and at 5 pm at Maratha Mandir on Sunday. [Express NewsService]
October 14th, 2007
Sri Lankan Tamil and Muslim intellectuals are urging President Mahinda Rajapakse to avoid the ‘unitary’ label as Sri Lanka braces for a new power sharing formula for the island’s northeast.
In an open letter to the president, the intellectuals have urged him to keep away from both ‘unitary’ and ‘federal’ labels in any devolution package so that no community feels offended.
Many in the majority Sinhalese community are bitterly opposed to their country becoming a federal entity, arguing this will be the first step to separation.
Tamils in particular are opposed to a ‘unitary’ state, saying minorities would never get a fair deal under such a dispensation. ‘We plead with you to … show leadership, and create a constitution without labels, one that will make all communities of Sri Lanka feel equal participants in working towards peace and prosperity,’ they said in the letter, a copy of which was made available to IANS.
Among the signatories are professors Mohamed Nuhuman, Santasilan Kadirgamar, Kumar David and Vijaya Kumar, Minna Thaheer, Faizun Zackariya, Rohini Hensman, Krishna Velupillai, Subra Jayanthan, D.B.S. Jeyaraj and Rajan Philips. Also among the signatories, living both in Sri Lanka and abroad, are Bala Sooriyan, Leah Marikkar, Najah Mohamed, P. Rajanayagam and A.R.M. Imtiyaz.
The letter said that the deliberations of the All Party Representative Committee to create a new constitutional framework were stuck over two key issues: whether the constitution should be labelled ‘unitary’ and whether the northern and eastern provinces should be remerged.
‘As members of Sri Lanka’s minority communities, we ask of you, as president, to avoid labelling the constitution ‘unitary’ or ‘federal’ and (to) facilitate reaching consensus over power-sharing units for Tamils and Muslims in the northern and eastern provinces instead of isolating them from one another.
‘Referring to a recent interview distributed by IANS, the letter writers said it was disappointing President Rajapakse had said that he would uphold the unitary character of Sri Lanka’s constitution. ‘We are both disappointed and disturbed by this assertion,’ the letter said.
‘We are disappointed because your assertion shuts out the opinions of large numbers of Sinhalese who have consistently voted for constitutional change involving devolution of powers in every election since 1994… ‘And we are disturbed because your assertion is also a rejection of your responsibility to serve all Sri Lankans and not just those who voted for you.
‘More important, the assertion alienates the minority communities who want to abide by a Sri Lanka that politically and constitutionally includes them as equal citizens despite their lesser numbers. ‘The unitary label that was first inserted in the 1972 constitution has since produced the biggest threat ever to the island’s unity. Even if that threat were to be defeated militarily, persisting with the unitary label will leave the cancer of alienation.’ [Wednesday September 19 Colombo, Sep 19 (IANS)]
September 20th, 2007
By Charu Hogg
(We reproduce below the text of testimony by Human Rights Watch researcher on Sri Lanka, Charulata Hogg at the European Parliament on Sep 11th 2007)
Your Excellencies and Colleagues,
Thank you for giving us the opportunity to discuss our recent report on Sri Lanka at this gathering.
Human Rights Watch has consistently documented abuses by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), in particular its abominable use of child soldiers and coercive fundraising tactics in Canada and the UK, as well as targeted killings and other serious violations of Sri Lankan and international law. We have called for the UN to impose targeted sanctions against the LTTE due to its “repeat offender” status with regard to child soldiers. Our research on the LTTE’s international fund-raising tactics is presented on the government’s Peace Secretariat website and the Sri Lankan government has used our report on that topic in its advocacy to get the LTTE proscribed in Europe.
It was with a deep sense of sadness and dismay that we researched and released this report on human rights violations by the government in Sri Lanka. This report documents violations by the government because we see serious back-sliding in the government’s human rights record since the resumption of major hostilities in mid-2006. We determined through our research that the Sri Lankan government has not taken adequate care to minimize harm to the civilian population during the fighting, nor has it acted to uphold the basic human rights of all Sri Lankans. As our report shows, government security forces have been implicated in enforced disappearances, forcible returns of internally displaced persons to unsafe areas, restrictions on the media that undermine press freedom, apparent complicity with the abusive Karuna group, and widespread impunity for serious human rights violations.
Human rights defenders, community leaders, and humanitarian workers are under attack in Sri Lanka. In September, figures published by a respected human rights organization showed that 43 humanitarian workers had been killed in Sri Lanka since January 2006.
What is obvious since we published our “”report is that the government has shown itself unable or unwilling to stem the tide of ongoing human rights violations by state forces. In June Sri Lankan police arrested 16 people, including four policemen and a member of the air force, in connection with the spate of burgeoning abductions, and claimed to have broken the back of the racket. While disappearances and abductions showed a temporary lull in the capital Colombo, in the rest of the country, families continued to report abductions of relatives by unknown persons. The National Human Rights Commission in Jaffna reported that, in the first three weeks of August 2007 alone, 21 cases of enforced disappearances and 13 cases of unlawful killings took place. On September 3, the ICRC reported that in the previous three weeks, it had documented 34 such abductions countrywide.
In the east of the country, despite numerous promises, the government has not made any apparent progress in its investigations of alleged state complicity in abductions by the Karuna group. On the contrary, the abductions and unlawful practices of the group continue.
The condition of internally displaced persons continues to be cause for alarm. The Sri Lankan government retains primary responsibility for ensuring the protection and security of displaced persons within the country. Since fighting in 2006, some 315,000 people have had to flee their homes in the north and east. At present around 290,000 people largely Tamil and Muslim continue to remain displaced. Many have been displaced multiple times. Over the past year, government authorities have in some instances forced internally displaced persons to return to areas that remained insecure. Protection for the displaced has been very weak despite the presence of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, with regular threats and occasional violence, including abductions, by both the LTTE and pro-government armed groups. Others will never be able to return to their homes following the government’s announcement in May of the creation of “High Security Zones” that include “special economic areas” on the lands where thousands of families once lived. These people have been left languishing in makeshift camps. Those who have returned have often faced reprisals.
The concerns regarding displaced persons we cited in our report are coming to the fore yet again. Fresh fighting between government troops and the LTTE over the past week have caused more than 3,000 people to flee their homes in north-west Sri Lanka’s disputed Mannar district. One of the features of the eastern military operations being repeated in the northern campaign has been the use of the air force to bomb LTTE targets – the military has failed in its past use of aerial bombings to take all feasible precautions to minimize civilian loss. There are also severe protection and humanitarian concerns for those caught in the cross-fire and though the government has claimed that this campaign is being conducted without any civilian casualties, more than a dozen civilians have been killed since security forces launched their Mannar offensive.
Sri Lanka suffers from a long-standing climate of impunity. The Sri Lankan government has failed to hold perpetrators accountable for abuses. Key parts of the criminal justice system, such as the police and the Attorney General’s office, have not effectively investigated human rights violations or brought perpetrators to justice. The high level of violence has created an atmosphere of fear and insecurity for civilians, particularly ethnic Tamils. Victims of violence by the security forces and non-state armed groups are apprehensive about complaining to the police or other authorities for fear of retaliation, especially in the absence of functioning victim and witness protection mechanisms. The draft witness protection bill is still pending, which has further frustrated effective investigation.
In areas under its control, the LTTE has prevented the development of any independent and effective human rights institutions. Domestic human rights organizations critical of the LTTE have justifiable concerns for their safety.
The country’s Human Rights Commission, set up in 1996, has a mandate to investigate incidents of specific violations and recommend redress. But time and again it has been unable to fulfill its mandate, primarily due to the lack of cooperation from the government and the LTTE. The Human Rights Commission lacks sufficient political weight to ensure implementation of its recommendations. Furthermore, its capacity to monitor the human rights situation and investigate specific incidents in conflict areas is limited. The independence of the Human Rights Commission and other constitutional bodies was undermined in 2006 when Sri Lanka’s President directly appointed commission members, contrary to the Constitution. It is important that the Constitutional Council be reinstated to comply with the 17th Amendment of the Constitution.
The Presidential Commission of Inquiry is not a deterrent for current and on-going human rights abuses. The commission is only advisory. It can only recommend to the government the steps to take, including by the attorney general, but there is no legal obligation for the president to act on them or make the findings public. The mandate of the commission allows a high level of participation by the attorney general’s office and the police. The International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP) has expressed concern about the role of the attorney general’s office in the investigations, citing a potential conflict of interest because investigators “may find that they are investigating themselves.”
The Sri Lankan Monitoring Mission’s (SLMM) difficult task has been made impossible. The SLMM has found it especially difficult to verify abuses after the recent escalation in armed conflict because the government has denied its monitors access to areas after certain incidents (including, for instance, to Mutur in Trincomalee district, where 17 humanitarian workers were murdered in August 2006). Further, both the government and LTTE have frequently failed to act on recommendations of the SLMM.
In our report, we argued that given the failure of domestic mechanisms and the continuing culture of impunity, the setting up of a United Nations human rights monitoring mission is essential to save lives in Sri Lanka. Since we released our report on August 6, protection needs in Sri Lanka have increased, not decreased. It is even more vital for the international community to act now.
We have been surprised and disappointed that instead of looking into the information presented in this report, the government quickly dismissed our findings as “tendentious” and “generalized”. It seems like only yesterday that the LTTE was accusing us of bias and the government was quoting our reports at the UN and elsewhere favorably. When we spoke out in Toronto and London against LTTE intimidation against the Tamil communities there, the government applauded and the EU acted.
We haven’t changed our standards. What has changed is the reality on the ground. The research in this report–as in all our reports covering more than 70 countries across the world–is based on thorough and contemporary reporting, which is subjected to a rigorous process of fact-checking and review. Our reporting is based primarily on interviews with witnesses, victims, human rights defenders, humanitarian aid workers and others with direct experience on the ground. We also make inquiries to governments and non-state actors, as we did with the Sri Lankan government for this report. The government has accused us of having an agenda. This is true. It is to protect the human rights of all people. That’s it. There is no more to it.
Instead of using the report as a reason to turn its attention to address human rights violations, conduct effective investigations and stem the culture of impunity, the government has dismissed critics as “traitors,” “terrorist sympathizers,” and “supporters of the LTTE.” Yet in August 2007 chief government whip and Cabinet Minister Jeyaraj Fernandupulle called UN under-secretary for humanitarian affairs and emergency relief John Holmes a “terrorist” after Mr. Holmes appropriately described Sri Lanka as “one of the most dangerous places for aid workers in the world.” A few days after Mr. Holmes’ comment, two aid workers–one, a Tamil staff member of the Danish Demining Group, and the second, an employee of Sewalanka–were shot dead in the army held Jaffna peninsula.
The suggestion that we are somehow anti-government or pro-LTTE, or naively promoting the LTTE’s agenda, is absurd and beneath the Sri Lankan government. Instead of attacking the messenger, the government would do well to address the issues raised by Human Rights Watch and other serious organizations.
We would encourage the European Parliament to pass a strong resolution on Sri Lanka which would condemn violations both by the government and the LTTE and support a resolution calling for a UN human rights monitoring mission in Sri Lanka at the Human Rights Council in Geneva.
We stand ready to cooperate with the Sri Lankan government to promote and protect human rights in Sri Lanka. That should be our shared, and primary, goal.
Thank You.
September 12th, 2007
A large gathering of 250 or so persons met at the Indian YMCA Building in Central London on 26 August, the eightieth birthday of the late Hon. A. Amirthalingam, the undisputed Tamil leader for well over a decade and former Leader of the Opposition , to celebrate his life and work. It was organized by the Amirthalingam Trust, with Dr. Baheerathan Amirthalingam, his younger son, doing much of the behind the scenes work. Sumptuous eats in neat boxes were served for the guests who had travelled great distances.
A major event that evening was the release of a book on Mr. Amirthalingam containing some of his important speeches of historic value.
Dr. Nicholas Pillai, President of the London TULF Branch presided. Mr. V. Anandasangari, and Mrs. Mangayatkarasi Amirthalingam spoke and Professor Ratnajeevan Hoole, introduced by Dr. Neethirajah, delivered the Eightieth Birth-anniversary Memorial Lecture. Mr. R. Sampanthan and Mr. Ram of the Hindu were the speakers at the Seventy-fifth anniversary Lecture. The vote of thanks was delivered Mr. Kandeepan Amirthalingam, Mr. Amirthalingam’s eldest son
Prof. Hoole’s 90-minute talk, was titled “A Time for Tamil Introspection and Reassessment in the midst of Myth and Propaganda” and was also published as a booklet by the Amirthalingam Trust. His speech was richly accompanied by slides illustrating his points. The theme of his talk was that Tamils suffer from several myths. He specifically pointed to five myths: (1) Tamils b elieving their own propaganda without verification and acting on it; (2) Tamils declaring anyone who disagrees with them to be a traitor ; (3) Overseas Tamils presuming to be Tamil Representatives — he had amusing examples of the antics of overseas Tamils, particularly from the Ilangaith Thamil Changam ; (4) Tamils believing Tamil histories to be right and Sinhalese histories to be propaganda; and (5) Tamils presuming Tamils to be a Monolithic Community.
He argued that as a result of playing cards they do not have, Tamils together as a people have slipped in numbers behind the Muslims to second minority and therefore there is a crisis upon the community calling for an urgent change of course. Stating that things would have been much better under the Indo-Lanka Accord or the constitutional proposals pushed by Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvan, he asserted that Mr. Amirthalingam was so right in going for the Accord and that Tamils as a people did not give space to their leaders to lead. If either the Accord or the Tiruchelvam proposals had been implemented, he asserted that with safety in the North-East, Tamils would have fared much better. “Is there anyone today who still does not accept this?”, he poignantly asked.
Prof. Hoole adduced that the course of cooperation has been tried and failed in that those Tamils who deal with the state come back empty handed and as a result lose standing among the people. Muslims who tried it are now taken for granted as Sinhalese are settled in the Moothoor area and the Muslim leadership is too scared to protest. Mr. Arumugam Thondaman is sidelined into silence with caste insults, completely taken for granted.
Going on, Prof. Hoole stated that the course of war has failed as Tamils flee the war and the community is effectively facing extinction. The war, he said, has brought out the worst in Tamils making them turn their guns on themselves and the Muslims. In his view, if the government keeps up the war for another five years, there would be no Tamil community left to speak of.
He concluded that the only path to survival as a people is for Tamils to make a real commitment to human rights and speak of violations against the community by the government as well as internal violations. Unless Tamils did this, he said, no one would take them seriously as they complained to the International Community of only violations by the government. It was his thesis that only the International Community can force the Sri Lankan state to give Tamils their due and this requires Tamils putting their house in order and showing that they truly cared for Tamil rights. And for this, he said that Tamils must be seen as being serious about Tamil rights, wherever assaults come from.
Using examples from engineering, he put forward his thesis that the practicable second best is effectively better than the impossible best. That is, a second best federal state where Tamils can live in safety, practicing their culture, is always better than the impossible separate state.
Stating that he had no influence with the LTTE, he urged overseas Tamils who work with the LTTE to persuade them that it is in the Tamil self-interest to make this correction in course.
The text of the booklet published by the Amirthalingam trust can be read on www.federalidea.com.
September 5th, 2007
[The New York based Human Rights Watch has released a 129 page report on Sri Lanka titled "Return to War: Human Rights Under Siege".The following chapter reproduced from that report presents an overview of enforced disappearances and abductions and a selection of documented cases. In the coming months Human Rights Watch is expected to publish a detailed report on "disappearances" with detailed analysis and case studies.]
Enforced Disappearances and Abductions
International law defines an enforced disappearance as the arrest, detention, abduction or any other form of deprivation of liberty committed by agents of the State or by persons or groups of persons acting with the authorization, support or acquiescence of the State, followed by a refusal to acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or by concealment of the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person, which place such a person outside the protection of the law.80
Such acts committed without the involvement of the state, such as by the LTTE or other armed groups acting alone, are considered abductions.
Sri Lanka has a long history of enforced disappearances. During the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) insurgencies of 1971 and 1988-1989, thousands of Sri Lankans, mainly Sinhalese youths, “disappeared” and were known to have been killed or were never heard from again. In 1996, after the security forces took over Jaffna from LTTE control, more than 500 Tamil youths “disappeared” and were believed killed.81
Since its establishment in 1980, the United Nations Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances has received over 13,000 cases from Sri Lanka.82 As of March 2007, the working group had 5,749 outstanding cases.83
In the mid-1990s the government established four different commissions to investigate enforced disappearances. In total they recorded 27,000 complaints and issued findings on 18,000 “disappearance” cases. The government issued over 15,000 death certificates and provided more than 12,000 families with compensation, but commission findings led to very few prosecutions, and there were only a handful of convictions of low-ranking officers. The state accepted some of the commissions’ recommendations, including the establishment of a special unit for “disappearances” in the police and prosecutor’s office and a legal mechanism for issuing families of victims with death certificates and compensation.
At the same time, impunity for enforced disappearances did not stop, as security officials, including commanders, remained largely unaccountable for the massive crimes of the past.
Over the past two years, enforced disappearances and abductions have returned with disturbing regularity to Sri Lanka. The overwhelming majority of victims are Tamils, although some Sinhalese and Muslims have also been targeted. Since May-June 2007, abductions of businessmen from the Muslim community for ransom have been on the rise. Reporting of these abductions to the police or other agencies remains low, largely due to fear and because family members try to secure release by paying ransom.
The precise number of enforced disappearances and abductions since the resumption of major hostilities remains unknown, but available data suggests it is extremely high. The national Human Rights Commission recorded roughly 1,000 cases in 2006, plus nearly 100 abductions and “disappearances” in the first two months of 2007.84 A government commission established in September 2006 to investigate “disappearances” said in June 2007 that 2,020 people were abducted or disappeared between September 14, 2006, and February 25, 2007 (see also below).85
The Civil Monitoring Commission, founded in November 2006 by four opposition members of parliament, has recorded details of 130 cases, 47 of them in the capital, as of April 11, 2007.86 The organization says this number reflects a small portion of the total.87
During research in February and June 2007, Human Rights Watch documented the cases of 109 people who had been disappeared or were abducted in 2006 or 2007. These included cases from Colombo, Jaffna, Vavuniya, Mannar, Trincomalee, and Batticaloa.
The majority of “disappearances” appear to be perpetrated by the Sri Lanka security forces. In these cases the military, alone or in cooperation with paramilitary groups such as the Tamil political party Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) or the Karuna group, target young Tamils suspected of directly or indirectly supporting the LTTE. The clearest examples come from Jaffna, where abductions take place in areas of strict military control, sometimes at night, when a curfew is in effect (see below).
The fate of many individuals taken by the security forces and paramilitary groups remains unknown. Some of them are likely to be kept in unacknowledged detention under the Emergency Regulations reimposed in 2006, which allow the authorities to hold detainees for up to 12 months without charge (see Chapter VII, “Emergency Regulations”). Many of these individuals, however, are feared dead, especially in Jaffna, where the military has a powerful presence and LTTE activity is high. Local human rights groups believe that the security forces “disappear” and then immediately summarily execute individuals for their suspected involvement in the LTTE, or sometimes detain and torture them first at illegal detention facilities, such as military and navy bases and camps.
The LTTE is also clearly responsible for a number of abductions. In most cases the Tigers openly execute their rivals or alleged government supporters and informers to ensure the deterrent effect on the population. But it is also possible that relatives are often too terrified to report abductions perpetrated by the LTTE, fearing further retaliation. At the same time, the LTTE is notorious for abducting children, young men and women for training and recruitment purposes.88
Jaffna
According to a credible non-governmental organization that tracks disappearances, on the Jaffna peninsula alone, 805 persons were reported missing between December 2005 and April. As of May 1, 2007, 564 of these persons were still missing.89
Human Rights Watch also inspected a report from the Government Agent (GA) of Jaffna, which had statistics from April to December 2006. During that time, the GA registered 354 missing persons.90
Human Rights Watch visited Jaffna in February 2007 and interviewed the families of 37 persons who had been “disappeared” over the previous year. Of these, in 21 cases the evidence strongly suggested the involvement of government security forces. In two cases the families strongly believed that the perpetrators were members of the EPDP (based on their accents, appearance, and cars leaving in the direction of EPDP camps). In one case involving three people, the families believed the perpetrator was the LTTE.
In one illustrative case documented by Human Rights Watch, the military “disappeared” two men, ages 25 and 23, in front of their wives on December 8, 2006. That morning the military conducted a large-scale cordon and search operation in several villages in Valvettiturai area, including Samarabaachu, Naachchimaar, Navindil, Ilainthaykadu, and Maavadi. According to witnesses, the group conducting the searches consisted of personnel from Point Pedro camp, Polikandy camp, VVT camp, Udupiddy camp, and another camp locally known as “Camp David.”
The wife of the 25-year-old told Human Rights Watch that in the morning four military personnel searched their house and checked the ID cards of the family members. They returned her card, but took her husband’s with them and told him to come later that day to a playground in Navindil to collect it.
The man’s wife took their two children and accompanied her husband to Navindil. She said there were almost 2,000 people at the playground–men who came to collect their IDs, and their families. The military were calling people by name, asking some questions, and returning their ID cards. She said that they also called her husband, checked his documents again, and let him go. However, he never left the playground. The wife explained,
He got his card back, and was making his way through the crowd. There were two vehicles parked there, and as he was passing in between them, several military personnel jumped off the vehicle, picked him up, and pushed him aside. It all happened in front of my eyes–I stood with the kids some 10 meters away. I ran there, screaming, ‘Where are you taking him? Please, let him go!’
In response, one of the soldiers unfastened a strap from his gun, and lashed me, saying, ‘Go away, he is not here; if you lost your husband, go and ask the police.’ I kept crying, asking them to either release him or take me and the kids as well, because we wouldn’t survive without him anyway. One of the soldiers, moved by my tears, got inside the vehicle and I heard him asking the others to take pity on me and the kids, but he [the soldier] never came back.91
The 23-year-old also had his ID card confiscated on the morning of December 8, in his home village of Naachchimaar. He also came to the Navindil playground to pick up his card. His wife told Human Rights Watch that she came there some time later and although she had to wait behind the fence, she saw her husband, who waved to her. She said that the military checked his ID again, and returned the card, allowing him to leave. However, as he was leaving the playground two soldiers picked him up and put him into one of their Powell vehicles. The man’s wife said she then immediately ran to the vehicle, and, along with the wife of the 25-year-old, started begging the military to release the men. She said that the soldiers kept pushing the women away, saying they would hit them if they dared to come closer.
The women said that some 15 minutes after their husbands had been put into the Powell, the vehicles swiftly left the playground, and other personnel followed them. The two women told Human Rights Watch that they managed to write down the number plates of the two Powell vehicles, 40041-14 and 40032-14.
The wives of the two men immediately filed a complaint at the Point Pedro police station located inside the Point Pedro military camp. The wife of the 23-year-old said,
We gave them the vehicle numbers we wrote down, but they said, ‘e have hundreds of vehicles with the same numbers, so it is childish of you to expect us to find them by these numbers.’Next day, when we came back, we saw both vehicles leaving the camp and coming back. We told the policeman, and also talked to a female military officer who wrote something down. Then a commander–he had stars on his epaulets and a red band on his arm–came. He talked to us and to the female officer, but never returned to us. They said they did not know anything and sent us to the Valvettiturai police station.92
The Valvettiturai police registered the complaint, but advised the women to search for their men in the forest; they mentioned that previously a man taken away by the military had been dumped in the forest, blindfolded, yet alive. The families searched but failed to find their husbands there.
The two wives told Human Rights Watch that they kept visiting Point Pedro and Polikandy military camps, and that on December 25 the military from the Polikandy camp came to verify the places of residence of the two men with their village leaders. The military, however, kept denying having any knowledge of the men’s whereabouts. The women also reported the “disappearances” to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the HRC, and the SLMM. The ICRC inquired with the military, the women said, but received the same response.
At this writing, the fate and whereabouts of the two men remain unknown.
Perhaps the best known case from the Jaffna peninsula is that of Reverend Fr. Thiruchchelvan Nihal Jim Brown, a parish priest in the village of Allaipiddy on Kayts Island, who went missing with another man, Wenceslaus Vinces Vimalathas, on August 20, 2006. The two men left Allaipiddy in the early afternoon for the nearby village of Mandaithivu, but the Sri Lankan military did not allow them to enter. On the way back to Allaipiddy they were stopped at a navy checkpoint, and they have not been seen again.
Inquiries into the fate and whereabouts of the two men proved futile. The navy denied having detained them, and the investigation into the “disappearance” has so far produced no results.
Father Jim Brown was known to have helped many civilians to move from Allaipiddy to the town of Kayts after fighting in the area between the Sri Lankan Navy and the LTTE. In fighting a week before his “disappearance,” on August 13, 2006, at least 54 civilians were injured and 15 lost their lives.
Human Rights Watch asked the Sri Lankan government about the army’s authority to arrest or detain civilians in Jaffna, as well as the number of persons the army is detaining in its camps. The government replied that the army can arrest individuals under regulation 18 of the Emergency Regulations, and it is required to hand over to the police all arrested persons within 24 hours. 93
Colombo
Since August 2006 abductions and “disappearances” have also become a widespread phenomenon in the capital. Human Rights Watch interviewed 26 families of persons missing from Colombo. In seven of the cases, testimonies of the family implicate police and other security forces in the “disappearances.”
In one case, for example, the wife of a 21-year-old Tamil man said she saw the police take her husband on August 23, 2006. According to the woman, she and her husband had come to the capital from Trincomalee on June 26 so that he could obtain a visa to work abroad. They stayed at a lodge in the 14th district of Colombo while he was waiting for the visa to come through. In the early morning of August 23 the police knocked on their lodge door. She explained what happened next:
It was 12:30 a.m. We were all sleeping. The police came in uniform and we were all there. They asked for our ID cards. When they asked I saw there were two boys taken from the room next door. They threw my card away and grabbed my husband’s card, and they took him.94
The wife went to the Armor Street police station on Kotehena Road the next morning but the police refused to take her complaint. She searched at other police stations in the city and returned to the Armor Street station that evening at 6 p.m., she said. This time, the police took her complaint and provided a receipt, which Human Rights Watch viewed.
According to the wife, two men in civilian clothes subsequently came to the lodge and told the wife that her husband would be released in one week, and that they would send him by bus or train to Trincomalee. As of March 4, when we interviewed her, her husband had not returned.
Batticaloa, Trincomalee, and Amparai
In the eastern districts of Batticaloa, Trincomalee, and Ampara, the Karuna group has committed hundreds of abductions with the complicity of Sri Lankan security forces. The section below and Chapter IX, “Karuna Group and State Complicity,” document abductions by that group. Human Rights Watch received credible reports from Batticaloa residents and international aid groups who said the Karuna group was helping government security forces screen displaced persons fleeing into government-controlled territory, identifying those suspected of supporting the LTTE.
Responsibility in other cases is unclear. In one recent case documented by Sri Lankan organizations, unknown assailants abducted Alampalan Sivasubramanium, the head of Lingapuram village in Trincomalee district. Sivasubramanium had been a vocal advocate for the needs of the displaced. It is not known who abducted him.95
One of the most prominent “disappearance” cases in the east is of Professor Sivasubramaniam Raveendranath, 56, vice chancellor at Eastern University in Batticaloa, who went missing from a High Security Zone in Colombo on December 15, 2006. The case began with the abduction in Batticaloa by an unknown armed group on September 20, 2006, of Dr. Bala Sugamar, dean of the arts faculty at Eastern University. The group said, for reasons that remain unclear, they would release Dr. Sugamar if Prof. Raveendranath resigned.
According to Prof. Raveendranath’s family, the professor and his immediate relatives left Batticaloa for Colombo on the night of October 1. The next day, he submitted his resignation. Dr. Sugama was released 11 days later.
Prof. Raveendranath stayed in Colombo, where he worked for the university grants commission. He reported receiving death threats on his cell phone. “The people who threatened him said they would punish him and kill him if he didn’t stop working,” his son-in-law told Human Rights Watch.96
On December 15, Prof. Raveendranath attended a science conference near the BMICH conference hall in Colombo, which is in a High Security Zone with a large presence of military and police. The family expected him back for lunch but he never arrived. His wife tried his cell phone several times but it was turned off. The family filed a police report with the Dehiwala police that same day. They also submitted the case to the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, which sent it under the urgent action procedure to the Sri Lankan government on January 9, 2007.97 At this writing, Prof. Raveendranath was still missing.
Karuna group
Over the past two years the Karuna group has been implicated in numerous abductions resulting in summary killings. Most of the victims are alleged supporters of the LTTE. The group also has engaged in wide-scale abductions of young men and boys for use as soldiers (see Chapter IX, “Karuna Group and State Complicity”).
The Karuna group has also engaged in kidnappings for ransom of wealthy, predominantly Tamil, businessmen to raise money. Such kidnappings, which one journalist called an “industry,” have happened in Colombo and other towns, most recently Vavuniya.98 A few businessmen have been killed, apparently because they or their families refused or were unable to pay, or perhaps as a message to others that they should comply. According to the Civil Monitoring Commission, out of 78 cases of reported abductions of Tamil businesses in Colombo in late 2006-early 2007, 12 abductees have been murdered, 15 released after the ransom had been paid, and 51 are still missing.99 Media reports have suggested that security forces were implicated in these abductions, either directly facilitating them or providing a cover and not taking any action against them.100
Human Rights Watch interviewed a Colombo Tamil businessman who had been abducted by Tamils he believed to be from the Karuna group but had been released after he paid a ransom. According to the man, a jeweler who wished to remain anonymous, he started getting threatening phone calls in April 2006, sometimes from people who said they were from the Karuna group. They demanded that he transfer one million rupees ($US 8,946) into a bank account.101 About one month after the first call, he was walking from his shop in Colombo when a group of men forced him to get into a white van. He explained,
At 5:30 p.m. I went to my car. There’s a bar between my car and my shop. There were two men, ages between 35 and 40. When they saw me they said, ‘We’re from CID [Criminal Investigation Division of the police]. Please show us your ID.’ I gave it. They spoke Tamil but with a Batticaloa accent. They said, ‘Our boss is there, so show him your ID.’ I didn’t ask for theirs. When I went there, immediately a white van came about 20 meters in front of my car. As soon as I got there, the sliding door of the van opened and some people inside pulled me in. I was shocked and I realized that I was trapped by some abductors. They said, ‘Don’t panic or we’ll shoot you.’ Immediately they put a white cloth over my eyes…. I don’t know exactly but more than five people were in the van.
According to the man, the van drove for about four hours, stopping occasionally. The man thought they were stopping at checkpoints, because the person in the front said, “Hello, how are you?” in Sinhala. Eventually they put him in a room and, after 10 minutes, a man arrived. He said, “We had already instructed you to pay and you did not, so that is why we abducted you. If you don’t pay we’ll kill you and even your family won’t be able to see the body because we’ll dump it in the jungle.”
The next day the man’s captors made him call his brother. They told the brother that he had to pay money to save the man’s life. The following day they put the man back into a vehicle and drove him for about three hours. They let him out at a bus stop and told him he could go home, but they warned him not to tell anyone. The man realized then that his brother had paid, although he learned later that he had not paid the full one million rupees demanded.
“They said, ‘Do not convey this information to anyone: the media, the police or human rights groups,’” the man said. “‘We have connections at each organization, so we will not allow you to live.’”
He believes the abductors were members of the Karuna group because they spoke Tamil with a Batticaloa accent (few police or military personnel speak Tamil without a Sinhala accent), and because they had no trouble going through what he believes were government checkpoints.
According to the man, who is active in Colombo’s Tamil business community, the Karuna group has extorted money from roughly 70 Tamil businessmen in Colombo, many of them with businesses on Sea Street. The Jewelers Business Association had met President Rajapaksa to complain, he said.
As in the case of the Colombo jeweler, abductions for ranson in Vavuniya are also part of a broader phenomenon of demanding money with menaces. Human Rights Watch interviewed one couple, both lawyers, from Vavuniya who fled the town after getting demands for money from individuals who identified themselves as from the Karuna group.102 One of the people who threatened the couple identified himself as Seelan, the couple said. According to the couple, who worked closely with the town’s business community, the Karuna group is believed to have abducted and killed three local businessmen who refused to pay. The first was a private teacher named Kamal Chandran, who ran a private tutoring company in town. Then N. Gunaratnam, who ran the Kapilan Transport bus company, with a route between Vavuniya and Colombo, was targeted. He apparently gave money but then informed the police. Last was S.K. Senthilnathan, who owned Elephant Soda Distribution Co. and City Agency in town.103
Most often the person demanding money on the phone used one of four names, the couple said: Robert, Seelan, Elial, or Benthan. The couple provided Human Rights Watch with the telephone numbers of the cell phones on which they received calls from these individuals.104 Some of these numbers matched numbers given by two other Tamils from Vavuniya, who also said they had been contacted by men from the Karuna group who demanded money.
On February 28, 2007, the Vavuniya Bar Association decided to boycott court proceedings due to threats from the Karuna group. The association said that a person calling himself Seelan, who identified himself as from the Karuna group, had been threatening some members of the Bar, demanding large sums of money. “This Bar has not experienced any such demand by any militant group in the past. This demand has caused anxiety in the minds of the members of the Bar, affecting their professional performance. The Bar Association of Vavuniya has brought this matter to the notice of the High Court Judge and the District Judge, Vavuniya,” the Vavuniya Bar said.105
Karuna group spokesman Azad Maulana said the group had a political officer named Seelan in the east, but he was not involved in any threats or intimidation. “Do you think someone will call and give his name while making threats,” Maulana said “Someone is obviously using Seelan’s name and making threats. We respect the legal profession.”106
The government’s response
In late 2006 and early 2007 the Sri Lankan government began to react to the growing chorus of complaints about abductions and “disappearances” from within Sri Lanka and abroad. On the one hand, the government adamantly denied responsibility for the spree of “disappearances,” and dismissed human rights groups and journalists as the disseminators of “LTTE propaganda.”107 On the other hand, the authorities made numerous pledges to investigate and stop the abuses. To date, however, the steps have failed to yield tangible results.
On September 15, 2006, the president’s office announced the creation of a special police unit to investigate abductions, “disappearances,” and ransom demands.108 A few days later the president announced the creation of a one-man commission consisting of former judge Mahanama Tillekeratne to look at abductions and enforced disappearances across the country. Judge Tillekeratne submitted his interim reports to the president on December 12, 2006 and March 23, 2007. The government has not made either report public.
In a media briefing on June 28, 2007 Judge Tillekeratne said that 430 civilians had been killed between September 14, 2006, and February 25, 2007, almost all of them Tamil. Many of the victims were shot through the head with their hands tied behind their backs, he said.109 In addition to the deaths, 2,020 people were abducted or “disappeared” during those five months, he said (1,713 “disappeared” and 307 abducted). An estimated 1,134 were later found alive (1.002 of the “disappeared” and 132 of the abducted) but the fate of the rest remains unknown.
Judge Tillekeratne said that he recommended the government take strong action against policemen who had failed to investigate complaints of abductions and “disappearances.” According to evidence before the commission, he said, the police had not recorded some complaints even after complainants had come to the police station multiple times.110
The commission’s media statements are quite strong but it remains unclear whether the government will make any details of its findings public, or act on its recommendations. Human Rights Watch asked the government whether it would make public any of the commission’s reports, but the government did not reply to this question.
As public criticism of the rising abductions mounted, on March 6, 2007, Inspector General of Police (IGP) Victor Perera announced that the police had arrested a “large number” of police officers and soldiers, including deserters, among 433 people arrested on charges of abduction and extortion since September 2006. “There is a lot of attention by foreign organizations on the human rights situation here and these killings and abductions cause big problems for the government internationally,” he said.111
The government has yet to provide any details of those arrests, let alone whether those arrested face prosecution. On June 18 Human Rights Watch asked the government how many soldiers and police had been arrested, and on what charges. The government replied that “this information is being tabulated by the police, which maintains detailed records of persons arrested and places of detention.”112 Why the government could not provide any information on this issue remains unclear.
A government statement two days after IGP Perera’s announcement took issue with security forces’ involvement in the abductions, effectively raising questions about the authenticity of the 433 arrests. The government’s peace secretariat rejected all allegations and accusations against the government for complicity in abductions and “disappearances” as “unfounded.” It said that police investigations “substantiate the fact that neither the Security Forces, nor the Police, have been involved, directly or indirectly, in the alleged abductions and disappearances” and led “to the inescapable conclusion that much of the accusations were stage managed for mere propaganda purposes.” The statement also dismissed allegations of “disappearances” as coming from people with ulterior motives:
It is evident that many of the [disappearance] cases reported below were clearly and intentionally manipulated, with the ulterior motive of gaining some personal advantage. This was in some instances to gain entry to a foreign land. In other instances, it was to avoid a Customs penalty or a consequence of not adhering to a Court order. Other cases reveal the negligence on the part of those who were allegedly abducted, of not informing their parents or guardians about their fate or whereabouts. Some others also show that underworld criminal gangs have been conveniently mistaken to be armed groups consisting of SL Army and Police personnel.113
Three days later, on March 11, the president’s office shifted the blame for abductions and “disappearances” back on the police. “President Rajapaksa expected responsible intervention by the police to stem a wave of killings, abductions and extortion rackets, some of which have been linked to police and troops,” the president’s office said in a statement. “The President expects a more responsible intervention from the police to prevent the current wave of crime, the violence, extortion, human rights violations.”114 (For the president’s April 2007 recirculation of presidential directives on the arrest and detention of individuals, partly a response to “disappearances” as well as to spiraling detentions, see Chapter VII, “Emergency Regulations.”)
On June 18 Human Rights Watch asked the government how many people the police had arrested over the previous year on charges of kidnapping or other involvement in abductions or enforced disappearances, and the current status of those cases. The government replied that this information was being tabulated by the police.115 Again, the government should be able to provide at least some information on this issue.
Local and international organizations have repeatedly criticized the ineffectiveness of Sri Lanka’s existing national mechanisms and the government’s failure to address the problem of “disappearances.” The Asian Human Rights Commission, for example, noted in September 2006 that “within Sri Lanka at the moment there is no government authority with the capacity to efficiently investigate the disappearances,” and that “the assurance of some state authorities to the effect that if soldiers are found to be guilty of such acts they would be punished is a mere rhetorical gesture in the face of heavy criticism from local and international sources.”116
In April 2007 a group of relatives of the “disappeared” supported by the Civil Monitoring Commission petitioned the government, expressing their despair at the government’s unwillingness to investigate “disappearances.” The petition said,
We are saddened that the present government, headed by a President who had been at the forefront of the struggle against disappearances many years ago along with the family members of the disappeared, has chosen to dismiss the disappearance of our loved ones as something that is not worthy of local and international attention. We are particularly pained at the inability or unwillingness of the government to adequately investigate this situation and their rejection of our efforts and those of local and international groups trying to help us.
Although the government says it is taking steps to address this situation through the Tillekeratne Commission and the Commission of Inquiry (CoI) and the International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP) etc., none of these mechanisms have helped to bring back our loved ones and to know the fates of them. Setting up of these two commissions and group did not prevent disappearances even after they have been set up.117
The government’s lack of commitment to address “disappearances” was also evident in its continued failure to cooperate with international mechanisms. For example, the UN Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances sent a request in October 2006 to visit Sri Lanka in early 2007, but the government responded that it would not be possible for the visit to take place at that time.118
On June 27 the government took another step to address the growing concern about “disappearances,” announcing the creation of a special center under the direction of President Rajapaksa for gathering information on abductions in and around Colombo.119 It remains unclear how this center will function, and whether it will help end the rash of abductions and “disappearances” that continue to occur.
In response to queries from Human Rights Watch, the government said on July 12 that the Disappearance Investigation Unit (DIU) of the Sri Lanka police is mandated to investigate cases of enforced disappearance. The unit is under the purview of the police deputy inspector general in charge of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), currently D.W. Prathapasingha. The CID also conducts a few investigations into “disappearances,” the government said.120
80 International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, E/CN.4/2005/WG.22/WP.1/Rev.4 (2005), art. 2. Sri Lanka is not a signatory to the convention, which has yet to enter into force.
81 D.B.S. Jeyaraj, “An Overview of the ‘Enforced Disappearances’ Phenomenon,” Transcurrents, April 13, 2007, (accessed May 15, 2007).
82 “ICJ Urges Sri Lanka to Ratify Convention against Enforced Disappearances,” International Commission of Jurists press release, January 24, 2007, http://www.icj.org/news.php3?id_article=4096&lang=en (accessed May 29, 2007).
83 Interactive dialogue at the Human Rights Council with the Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances, March 21, 2007.
84 Gardner, “Abductions, Disappearances Haunt Sri Lanka’s Civil War,” and “Sri Lanka Police, Soldiers Arrested over Abductions,” Reuters.
85 “US Concerned about Disappeared,” BBC Sinhala.com.
86 List of the Civil Monitoring Committee, April 11, 2007, on file with Human Rights Watch.
87 Human Rights Watch interview with Mano Ganesan, member of the Civil Monitoring Commission, Colombo, March 6, 2007.
88 See Human Rights Watch, Living in Fear.
89 For security reasons the NGO did not want to be identified. However, details of the 805 cases–names, ages, dates and locations of the incidents, and brief descriptions–are on file with Human Rights Watch.
90 In the same period, according to the Government Agent’s report, 381 were killed and 204 were injured.
91 Human Rights Watch interview with wife of “disappeared” 25-year-old man, Jaffna, February 28, 2007.
92 Human Rights Watch interview with wife of “disappeared” 23-year-old man, Jaffna, February 28, 2007.
93 Sri Lankan government response to Human Rights Watch, July 12, 2007.
94 Human Rights Watch interview with wife of “disappeared” 21-year-old man, Colombo, March 4, 2007.
95 Centre for Policy Alternatives and International Movement Against All Forms of Discrimination and Racism, “Tricomalee Fact-Finding Mission,” April 2007, http://www.imadr.org/en/news/TRINCOMALEE_APRIL_2007.pdf (accessed May 30, 2007).
96 Human Rights Watch interview with M. Malaravan, Colombo, March 4, 2007.
97 Letter of receipt from the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, reference number G/SO 217/1 Sri Lanka, March 26, 2007.
98 Jeyaraj, “An Overview of the ‘Enforced Disappearances’ Phenomenon,” Transcurrents.
99 Figures cited in “Abductions spread to Wellawaya,” LeN, April 10, 2007. Representatives of the Civil Monitoring Commission told Human Rights Watch that abduction for ransom is one the most underreported categories of cases, as families who manage to secure the release of their relatives are very reluctant to report even to human rights groups, fearing further prosecution. Human Rights Watch interview with Mano Ganesan, Colombo, February 20, 2007.
100 D.B.S. Jeyaraj, “Dear Ones of ‘Disappeared’ in depths of Despair,” Transcurrents, April 12, 2007, http://transcurrents.com/tamiliana/archives/310 (accessed April 15, 2007).
101 Human Rights Watch interview with formerly abducted Tamil businessman, Colombo, October 2006.
102 Human Rights Watch interview with couple from Vavuniya, Colombo, March 4, 2007.
103 According to Tamilnet, Senthilnathan was a senior member of the All Ceylon Tamil Congress. “Senthilnathan Shot and Killed in Vavuniya,” Tamilnet, April 26, 2007, http://www.tamilnet.com/art.html?catid=13&artid=17922 (accessed June 28, 2007).
104 Human Rights Watch interview with couple from Vavuniya, Colombo, March 4, 2007.
105 Easwaran Rutnam, “Vavuniya Bar Alleges Threat by Karuna Faction,” Daily Mirror, March 2, 2007, http://www.dailymirror.lk/2007/03/02/news/06.asp (accessed June 28, 2007).
106 Ibid.
107 For example, in a March 2007 press interview Human Rights and Disaster Management Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe responded to accusations of abductions by dismissing it as the LTTE’s “propaganda strategy” used to “paint a bleak picture internationally to bring pressure on the government so that our resolve will be weakened.” See “You cannot expect everything to be normal,” The Nation (Colombo), March 18, 2007.
108 “Special Police Unit to Probe Incidents of Killing,” Office of the President media release, September 15, 2006, (accessed May 15, 2007).
109 “US Concerned about Disappeared,” BBC Sinhala.com, and Official website of the Government of Sri Lanka, “Majority of ‘Disappeared’ Had Returned–Commissioner,” June 29, 2007, (accessed July 27, 2007)
110 Susistha R. Fernando, “Majority of ‘Abductees’ Found to Have Returned,” Daily Mirror (Colombo), June 29, 2007.
111 “Sri Lankan Police, Troops Involved in Abductions: Police Chief,” Agence France-Presse, March 6, 2007. “Sri Lanka Police, Soldiers Arrested over Abductions,” Reuters, March 6, 2007.
112 Sri Lankan government response to Human Rights Watch, July 12, 2007.
113 SCOPP, “Baseless Allegations of Abductions and Disappearances.”
114 “Sri Lanka President blasts police dept for handling of abductions and killings,” ColomboPage, March 11, 2007, http://www.colombopage.com/archive_07/March11175225JV.html (accessed May 15, 2007).
115 Sri Lankan government response to Human Rights Watch, July 12, 2007.
116 “Sri Lanka: White vans without number plates; the symbol of disappearances reappear,” statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission, AS-213-2006, September 13, 2006, http://www.ahrchk.net/statements/mainfile.php/2006statements/729/ (accessed April 17, 2006).
117 Civil Monitoring Commission, “Petition to Help Find our Disappeared Family Members and Friends in Sri Lanka,” April 9, 2007.
118 Interactive dialogue at the Human Rights Council with the Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances, March 21, 2007.
119 “Media is Commended for highlighting HR violations; government sets up a special center to avert abductions,” Ministry of Defence news release, June 28, 2007, http://www.defence.lk/new.asp?fname=20070628_01 (accessed June 28, 2007).
120 Sri Lankan government response to Human Rights Watch, July 12, 2007.
August 7th, 2007
Killings, Abductions and Displacement Soar as Impunity Reigns
(New York, August 6, 2007) – The Sri Lankan government is responsible for unlawful killings, enforced disappearances and other serious human rights violations since the resumption of major hostilities with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) last year, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today.
Human Rights Watch documented a dramatic increase in abuses by government forces over the past 18 months, and called on the country’s donors and concerned governments to support a United Nations
The LTTE, an armed Tamil secessionist group, is responsible for serious crimes such as targeted civilian killings, extortion and the use of child soldiers, which Human Rights Watch has repeatedly documented and condemned.
The new 129-page report, “Return to War: Human Rights Under Siege,” uses accounts by victims and eyewitnesses to document the shocking increase in violations by government forces. Ethnic Tamils have borne the brunt of these violations, the report said, but members of the Muslim and majority Sinhalese population are not immune to government abuse.
“The Sri Lankan government has apparently given its security forces a green light to use ‘dirty war’ tactics,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Abuses by the LTTE are no excuse for the government’s campaign of killings, ‘disappearances’ and forced returns of the displaced.”
A 2002 ceasefire agreement between the government and the LTTE technically remains in force, but major hostilities resumed in mid-2006. President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his brother, Defense Secretary Gothabaya Rajapaksa, have pursued military operations in the country’s north and east, with little regard for the security of the civilian population, Human Rights Watch said.
Security forces have subjected civilians to indiscriminate attacks and impeded the delivery of humanitarian aid. Some 315,000 people have had to flee their homes due to fighting since August 2006, the vast majority Tamils and Muslims. About 100,000 were displaced in March alone. Government authorities have forced some to return to areas that remained insecure.
Human Rights Watch documented a disturbing rise in abductions and “disappearances” over the past one-and-a-half years. More than 1,100 new cases were reported between January 2006 and June 2007, the vast majority of them Tamils. While the LTTE has long been responsible for abductions, the majority of recent “disappearances” implicate government forces or armed groups acting with governmental complicity.
On the northern Jaffna peninsula alone, an area under strict military control, more than 800 people were reported missing between December 2005 and April 2007, 241 of whom were subsequently found. In the vast majority of cases, witnesses and family members allege that security forces were involved or implicated in the abduction.
In August 2006, the government reintroduced Emergency Regulations, which criminalize a range of peaceful activities protected under Sri Lankan and international law. The government has used the regulations to prosecute political opponents and members of the media.
The report documents the deterioration of media freedom in Sri Lanka, where 11 media workers have been killed since August 2005. Tamil journalists in particular work under severe threat from both the LTTE and government, but the government has also pressured Sinhala-language outlets that present critical news and views.
The government has tried to silence those who question or criticize its approach to the armed conflict or its human rights record. It has dismissed peaceful critics as “traitors,” “terrorist sympathizers,” and “supporters of the LTTE.”
“The government is using its conflict with the LTTE and the rhetoric of counterterrorism to suppress dissent in Sri Lanka,” said Adams. “This is an extremely disturbing turn in a country with a long tradition of free speech even during times of conflict.”
Human Rights Watch found that the Karuna group, a Tamil armed group that split from the LTTE in 2004 and now cooperates with Sri Lankan forces against the LTTE, continues to abduct and forcibly recruit children and young men into its force with the complicity or acquiescence of the Sri Lankan government. UNICEF has documented 145 cases of recruitment and re-recruitment of children by the Karuna group since December 2006, and the real number is most likely higher.
The Karuna group has also kidnapped for ransom scores of Tamil businessmen in Batticaloa, Vavuniya, and the capital Colombo. Despite repeated promises to investigate state complicity in Karuna group abductions, the government has thus far not indicated that it has taken any steps to investigate, and the abductions have continued unabated.
In a January 2007 report, Human Rights Watch documented the pattern of Karuna abductions with the complicity or willful blindness of the Sri Lankan government.
Impunity for human rights violations by government security forces, long a problem in Sri Lanka, remains a disturbing norm. As the conflict intensifies and government forces are implicated in a longer list of abuses, the government has displayed a clear unwillingness to hold accountable those responsible for serious violations.
A Presidential Commission of Inquiry created in 2006 to examine specific cases of serious human rights abuse by the government and the LTTE has proven inadequate to handle the deteriorating human rights situation in the country, the report concludes. The commission seems an effort to stave off domestic and international criticism rather than a sincere attempt to promote accountability and to deter future abuse.
“The government has repeatedly promised to end and investigate abuses, but has shown a lack of political will to take effective steps,” Adams said. “Government institutions have proven unable or unwilling to deal with the scale and intensity of abuse.”
Human Rights Watch called on Sri Lanka’s international donors to use their leverage with both the government and the LTTE to encourage respect for international law, including the protection of civilians during hostilities. International aid is one lever, and governments such as the United Kingdom and Germany have recently elected to limit aid until government practices improve.
Concerned states should also work within the United Nations Human Rights Council to initiate and support strong Council resolutions on Sri Lanka to encourage a change in practices of both the government and the LTTE, the report said.
Most importantly, concerned countries and the Sri Lankan government should work to establish a UN human rights monitoring mission in Sri Lanka with a mandate to monitor, investigate and report on abuses by the government, the LTTE and the Karuna group.
“A UN human rights monitoring mission in Sri Lanka would help protect civilians, end impunity and promote a resolution to the conflict that respects human rights,” Adams said.
August 6th, 2007
[TransCurrents News Service]
In a rare and unusual display of professional integrity Criminal Investigation department (CID) officials of the Sri Lankan Police have informed courts that there could be high – level “interference” in the investigation of Tamil National Alliance Jaffna district Parliamentarian Nadarajah Raviraj and his bodyguard Police sgt. Lakshman Lokuwellage .
CID officials requested courts to take charge of files relating to the on going Police probe into the incident in order to prevent possible interference and tampering by powerful persons with the intention of thwartin g or deflecting investigations and distorting justice on behalf of the perpetrators of the appalling crime.
Two assassins stopped traffic on a busy Colombo road and gunned down both victims in broad daylight.
Colombo additional Magistrate Mohammed Irshadeen accepted submissions made by CID officials and took charge of the files placing them under judicial custody till the next date of hearing on Nov 28th.
Earlier Borella police moved courts for a date regarding the inquiry as many potential witnesses including family members of Raviraj’s family had gone to Jaffna for the funeral.
CID then informed court that three suspects were arrested by them and detained under the emergency regulations for interrogation. They had recovered a T56 rifle, some bullets and some articles at the scene of the killing. They also took charge of the vehicle in which the victims travelled and produced it in court with another vehicle with some bullet marks. The productions would be sent to the Government Analyst for his examination and report.
The CID also informed court if the file was not kept under the personal charge of the magistrate there was a possibility of the assailants interfering with the investigation.
The magistrate upheld the submission of the CID and took charge of the file into his custody
The Addl Magistrate also instructed Borella Police to produce all witnesses and postponed hearings for Nov 28th.
The CID request that investigation files should be taken charge of by courts to prevent obstruction of justice illustrates clearly that high level involvement is suspected in the assassination and that interference by powerful people into the probe is anticipated.
transCurrents feedback : editor@transcurrents.com
November 16th, 2006
[TransCUrrents News Service]
Police sleuths investigating the assassination of Jaffna district Parliamentarian Nadarajah Raviiraj have uncovered evidence that implicates a Tamil Political Party with links to the Government in the daylight murder.
The motor cycle used by the assassins to get away from the scene of crime was last registered in the name of a prominent member of this party. The vehicle was bought from a garage in Tangalle in the Hambantota district. The deal was arranged by a military deserter also from Tangalle. At least five persons from Tangalle have been taken in for questioning.
The Tamil politico owner of the motor cycle has gone “missing” and is seemingly untraceable. It is widely believed that the suspect is hiding in the well – fortified Colombo residence of a cabinet minister.
Police investigators fearing obstruction of justice through high – level interference have voluntarily handed over to judicial custody all files relating to the investigation.
Interestingly enough the leader of the Nava Sama Samaje party Dr. Wickramabahu Karunaratne has said that the killer serpents of Raviraj came to the road from under the feet of the President right across the cabinet.
Dr. Wicramabahu stated this at a meeting held at Viharamahadevi Park to pay homage to late Raviraj Nadarajah by the people of South. Dr. Bahu also said that if this trend continues the time will not be far when the President too could be stung by these serpents.
Meanwhile relatives of slain MP told media personnel in Jaffna that a member of a Tamil paramilitary organization linked to the Government had tried to target Raviraj when the TNA Parliamentarian visited Jaffna a few weeks before his death. Raviraj was the first MP to visit Jaffna since A9 was closed following the escalation of hostilities since August 11. He journeyed to Jaffna in an Air Force plane and was given security from Palaly to his home in Chavakachcheri.
According to relatives the Tamil paramilitary operative was suspected of working with the Sri Lankan military intelligence. He had visited Raviraj’s Chavakachcheri residence and questioned people about Raviraj’s movements. Suspecting an assassination attempt Raviraj had gone elsewhere and slept at another place before leaving for Colombo.
transCurrents feedback : editor@transcurrents.com
November 16th, 2006
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