The time was about 7.45 – 7.50 pm.on Tuesday May 13th.
Four young men on two cycles were traveling along the intricate labyrinth of inter-connected “Olungaigal” (by-lanes) of Karaveddy in the Vadamaratchy division of Jaffna peninsula.
It was dark as a power cut was on. Electricity is supplied on a rotational basis to different areas of the peninsula. There is a time-table according to which localities are given electricity for specific periods. “power-cut” time for Karaveddy had begun at 7. 30 pm.
The men parked their cycles close to a “mudakku” or turning point near the long winding lane referred to as “Keerippalli” from time immemorial by residents of the area. It had been re-named later but no one used the official name.
“Keeri” is mongoose and “palli ” gecko in Tamil. Keeripalli would therefore mean “mongoose-gecko ” in English. The name’s origin is not kown.
One of the youths stayed behind with the vehicles. Three others walked briskly for a distance of about 55 – 60 metres. They were clad in military fatigues. Two of them wore rubber slippers while a third had boots on.
Flashing their battery powered torch lights, the trio turned into the Velayutham residence on Keeripalli. The house was situated in the Karaveddy locality but in close proximity to the Karanavaai east and Nelliaddy divisions on two sides.
[Maheswari Velayutham-July 17, 1955-May 13, 2008]
The Velayutham residence was full of people. A family re- union of sorts was going on though an atmosphere of sadness was prevalent. The matriarch known as “Eeswari teacher” in Karaveddy was on her deathbed.
Mrs. Velayutham who had taught for many years at Vikneshwara College , Karaveddy was terminally ill with cancer. Her children many of them living in different parts of the world and in Sri Lanka had all come home to spend some time together with their loving mother.
Eeswari teacher had been hospitalised earlier in Colombo and in Chennai. Upon being informed there was no hope she had wanted to go home and pass away peacefully in her own home
Eeswari teacher was now in a coma. Death was impending and the siblings had converged together after many years at the family residence to be united in a time of sorrow and be with their mother during her last days.
As anticipated death did occur in the Velayutham family but it was not the ailing mother but one of her loving daughters who met with death.
53 year old Maheswari Velayutham was the third child in the family. An attorney – at – law , Maheswari was serving as adviser to Social Services Minister Douglas Devananda and also as public relations co-ordinator in the ministry.
It was Maheswari who had a tryst with death on that night.
Several of the family including Maheswari had returned earlier from the Kiraayi Pillaiyaar temple . Apparently a vow or “nerthikadan” was made at the temple dedicated to Lord Ganesh.
There was a reason for this. May 13th was the day on which their father had died years ago. The children felt that something may happen to the mother on that day. So they had gone en masse to the temple
Three men strode into the residence compound. One of them spoke in “Sinhala” and said that they were from the army. They had information that some people from foreign countries were staying in the house. They wanted to check the identity cards he said.
Five of Maheswary’s siblings had come with their families from Britain. Two of her sisters were living in Sri Lanka, one in Jaffna-other in Colombo.
Family members felt something was not right. Though it was dark there was something fishy about these young teen-aged men in slippers and military uniforms. Two of them had a T-56 each
The face of at least one person was familiar. It was that of a youngster aged around thirteen or fourteen. He had been hired earlier to do some manual work in the household and had been hanging around the place. Now he was in uniform and armed.
One of the brothers asked ” them” to wait and went inside to inform “Sinnakkili” of the problem.
Sinnakkili or small parrot was the pet name of Maheswari Velayutham. Being a lawyer fluent in English, Sinhala and Tamil and also having political influence the family members naturally relied on “Sinnakkili” to sort matters out.
Maheswari was inside the kitchen helping to feed her little nephews and nieces. Her own ID card was in her handbag kept in the bedroom near her mother’s bed.
Upon being told of what was happening Maheswari got up and walked to her mothers room to retrieve her identity card and other official documents. She then began walking to the front of the house saying she would explain to the “soldiers”.
Meanwhile the men in uniform now switched to Tamil and began shouting out “Maheswari Akka! Maheswari Akka! Veliyile vaango” (Elder sister Maheswari! Come outside).
The family members now got alarmed. They realised something was terribly wrong and that Maheswari was in trouble.Some tried to go in and warn her.
But the two men wearing slippers entered the house and began to move in forcibly despite protests. The man wearing boots hurried out and began jogging fast towards the cycles.
The two assassins were going in as Maheswari Velayutham was coming out. They met face to face.
Even though the light was dim Maheswari realised who the assassins were. “Ivai LTTE aatkal” (these are LTTE people) she cried out.
She instinctively knew the killers had come for her. Her primary concern was for her family members. Instead of trying to run away she only implored the youths “Ivaikku ondum seithu podatheyungo” (Dont do anything to these people).
The assassins whipped out their weapons and opened fired at point blank range.
Even as family members screamed out in fear their beloved Sinnakkili slumped to the floor with injuries to her head, chest, shoulders and abdomen.
She lay in a pool of blood in her own family home surrounded by family members. Blood was pouring out from the wounds and much of it came out through her mouth.
Maheswari was a spiritual person and was a devotee of a particular “Holy” man from India. He had given her an amulet that she wore around her neck. “Swami has assured me that as long as I wear this no harm will come to me” she had often told relatives and friends.
Now the amulet itself was red soaked in her blood.
The assailants ran out and trotted towards the cycles. Their two companions had started pedalling . They hurriedly clambered on to the bar and sped off through the maze of by – lanes. The purveyors of death disappeared into the dark night.
There is an army post on Naavalar madam junction at one end of Keeripalli lane . Housed in the building of what was earlier the business known as Suppiah and sons , it is about 125 – 150 metres away from the Velayutham residence.
Further down the Point Pedro road near the Nelliaddy junction there is a bigger military detachment at the old service station premises and adjacent buildings. Opposite to that in the house known earlier as “Sothy Illam” is the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP) office.
Despite the close proximity of the military installations and EPDP camp it was at least 30 – 35 minutes later that official help arrived at the Velayutham residence.
The family was petrified with fear. Some neighbours had seen the assassins coming and going and heard the shots. They realised what had happened and fearfully came over to help.
Phone calls were made to EPDP leader and Social Services minister Douglas Devananda . A shocked Douglas got in touch with relevant authorities and urged immediate action.
It was then that things got moving.
Maheswari was taken to the base hopital at Manthigai but was pronounced dead within minutes.
In Hindu mythology “Yaman” is the god of death. “Chitragupthan ” is Lord Yamans “accountant” who keeps tabs on all beings and determines the day and place of death decreed according to their fate.
It is believed that when the time comes Yaman sends his messengers known as “Yamathoothar” to the house of death and retrieves the soul through the death rope called “Paasakkayiru”.
In this instance Yaman seemed to have sent his messengers to the house of death as expected but it was the death itself which was unexpected. The “time” had come not for the mother but for the daughter to depart.
Maheswari was a trusted aide and respected adviser to Douglas Devananda who is a top target of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam(LTTE). Maheswari too was on the tiger hit list.
Against that backdrop one would have expected maximum security being given to her while visiting her hometown in Jaffna. Urgent attention should have been shown at least after she was shot. But this did not happen.
There was not even a single policeman on duty at her house when she was shot. Neither did the security personnel rush to the spot despite the army post and camp being in the neighbourhood.
The security personnel apparently regarded the case as one more of the many “murders” occurring regularly in Jaffna. They may have come at their own pace but for Devananda’s intervention.
The bitter irony in this is that many of the killings in Jaffna are attributed to killer squads of the EPDP itself. The security personnel do not rush in because most killings are officially sanctioned unofficial executions.
In this instance the security personnel were extremely upset upon knowing who the victim was.
According to sources close to the EPDP Maheswari had not wanted any special protection while she was in Jaffna. There were two reasons one logical and the other based on belief for this.
Maheswari thought that having bodyguards etc would attract unwelcome attention. She also felt that her family members would be uneasy by the security detail. So too would people visiting her mother.
Also she had excessive faith in the Indian Swamy. Irrational as it may seem to some she had firm faith in the amulet given by the Godman. She would re-iterate that nothing would happen to her because of the amulet.
Maheswari had been warned not to go to Jaffna for security reasons. But she was adamant to go for sentimental reasons.
She wanted to be together with family members by the deathbed of her mother. Maheswari had taken special care of the mother when she was hospitalised in Colombo and Chennai.
“How can I be away from her when she passes away” she told trusted friends. It is considered a great blessing to be with one’s parents at the time of their death.
Ms. Velayutham had been expected to inform the authorities and get special security after she flew into Jaffna. But she refrained from doing so.
Initially she was scheduled to stay in Karaveddy for only two days.
But after seeing her family members particularly the children Maheswari wanted to prolong her stay.
[Relatives of Maheswari Velayudam mourn at a public cemetery during her funeral procession in Colombo May 15, 2008-Reuters via Yahoo! News by Buddhika Weerasinghe]
“We have never seen Akka so happy in recent times. She was always with her nieces and nephews” One of her brothers told a friend in Canada.
Maheswari reached Karaveddy during the week – end and maintained a low profile for three days. Even the local EPDP office was not informed.
But news did spread that she had come. It was further confirmed when she went to the temple. Apart from the Pillaiyar temple she also worshipped at a nearby Vairavar kovil. Maheswari herself had procured much state assistance for renovating this temple.
Whether Maheswari was too sentimental, rash or careless is a matter of opinion. The stark reality is that Ms. Velayutham is now dead.
One of the assassins who had done some manual labour was from the LTTE. After confirming that she was there the tigers had come after nightfall to kill her.
It was only after her death that the security forces got into action. An extended curfew was announced. The area was cordoned off and a house to house search was conducted.
There was however no sign of the suspected LTTE assassins. The area was quite porous and it was very easy to get in and out through by – lanes, footpaths and ridges despite the security maintained on the roads and key junctions.
The LTTE had engaged in quite a few attacks in the Nelliaddy – Karaveddy area during the past weeks.Most of them were done by teen – aged youths.
Some persons have been arrested on suspicion. Vehicles going in and out of the area are being checked but it seems a case of shutting the stable door after the horse bolts.
Maheswari’s body was taken to Jaffna city where the magistrate conducted the inquest. Thereafter the body air-lifted to Colombo hastily. The post-mortem was conducted in Colombo.
Family members were also flown to Colombo. The ailing mother was taken to Chennai and admitted to Apllo hospital. Maheswari’s elder sister is with the mother.
Maheswari’s mortal remains were kept at the EPDP office in Park road and later at Jayaratne Florists for people to pay their respects.
A large number of political leaders from different political parties as well as a cross section of human rights and peace activists expressed condolences..
The funeral held on May 15th according to Hindu rites was attended by many people.
Devananda was associated with family members in performing the last rites.
In reporting her death the media refers to Maheswari as a key EPDP official or adviser /aide to Douglas Devananda.
It would however be incorrect to assume that she was only an EPDP activist and nothing more.
The media is not to be faulted as Maheswari at the time of her death was indeed a close confidante and trusted deputy of Douglas Devananda.
Devananda’s one time adviser and ex-MP Dr. K. Vikneswaran has left the EPDP and formed his own party the Akila Ilankai Tamil United Front. When Vikneswaran was adviser to minister Devananda Maheswari was functioning as consultant.
It was after his departure that Ms. Velayutham became adviser and later public relations co-ordinator.
In recent times she has become a tower of strength to Devananda. It is said that the right and left hands of Devananda are his brother Dayananda and Maheswari.
After Thavarajah’s departure to Britain Maheswari was appointed the EPDP representative to the All Party representative committee chaired by Dr. Tissa Vitarane.
It was announced last week that a task force to co-ordinate administration and develop the north would be set up under Douglas Devananda. Rishard Badiudeen and Basil Rajapakse were to be the other members.
It was widely speculated that Maheswari would play an important role in the administration and development of the North in the days to come. Indeed her assassination may have been hastened due to this.
Some tiger media organs operating abroad within the Tamil Diaspora stated that Maheswari was in Jaffna to oversee matters concerning the proposed task force.
The fact that this woman was in Jaffna without any security to be with her ailing mother along with family members was conveniently suppressed.
Under these circumstances it is but natural for the media to focus on Maheswari’s EPDP links alone. Likewise the pro – tiger media gloats that an accomplice of EPDP ’s Douglas has been eliminated.
While it is correct to say that Maheswari was of the EPDP at the time of her murder it would be a gross injustice to the praiseworthy past and dedicated calibre of the woman if only the EPDP dimension in her life is highlighted.
Maheswari Velayutham has been involved with human rights and the Tamil cause from the seventies of the 20th century.
Ms. Velayutham had been through various trials and tribulations but not wavered from the original task of restoring lost Tamil rights and uplifting the community.
She was of the fast dwindling old guard in this respect and it is is with immense sadness that I recall the life and times of Maheswari Velayutham.
I came to know her in the seventies when she was a law student.Thereafter I was in touch with her occasionally but not regularly until the mid – nineties when I lost contact..
Maheswary who was born on July 17th 1955 hailed from a middle – class family in Karaveddy. Her father was attached to the CTB of old and was a popular figure among school children. Her mother was a school teacher at Vikneswara College.
There were ten children – three boys and seven girls – and Maheswari was the third. After studying at Vadamaratchy Hindu Ladies college she entered university and did her LLB.
She was the first student from that school to enter varsity for an LLB degree and received a special gold medal.Maheswari excelled in studies and sports and was head prefect.
She apprenticed under TULF president Murugesu Sivasithamparam who was also from Karaveddy.
The 1977 anti – Tamil violence saw some Tamils setting up the Tamil Refugee Rehabilitation Organization (TRRO) which is different from the present TRO linked to the LTTE.
Maheswari volunteered her services to the TRRO and also towards the legal work related to the Sansoni ommission inquiring into the 1977 violence. I came to know her better during this time.
The well – known human rights lawyer K. Kandasamy was closely involved with the TRRO and Sansoni Commission then. He was instrumental in starting the Jaffna based “Saturday Review”.
Maheswari used to travel frequently to Jaffna then to help with the TRRO and Saturday review.
That was a period when most printing presses in Jaffna were reluctant to publish pamphlets and leaflets related to the Tamil struggle for equal rights.
Maheswari used to display great courage and initiative by getting them across clandestinely to India through friends from Valvettithurai and getting them printed for distribution in Jaffna..
Actively engaged in human rights work , she was greatly concerned with the pathetic plight of Tamil youths being detained without trial on charges of alleged terrorism.
Several Tamil lawyers used to visit the Tamil detenues then. Maheswari was the only woman among them
A former Tamil detenue now in Canada told this writer with tears upon hearing of her demise “I will never forget how she used to visit us then and inquire after our well – being. She was the only ray of hope for us then”.
One of Maheswari’s brothers Satheeswaran ,a second year engineering undergrad was among those arrested unfairly and incarcerated for many tears for alleged links with the PLOTE. After his release he went to India and then to Britain where he obtained a doctorate.
The 1983 July anti – Tamil pogrom was a defining moment for many Tamils. Youths flocked to the militant movements. Most youths from Karaveddy – Udupiddy joined the TELO.
Maheswari’s younger brothers Vigneswaran and Ganeswaran also joined the TELO. Vignes who went under the nom de guerre “Kamban” was killed years later amidst mysterious circumstances in Colombo
Another sister and brother in law died amid tragic circumstances. She was electrocuted due to fall-out from an artillery shell while hanging out clothes to dry. The husband died trying to save the wife. Maheswari took the sister’s children under her wing.
Maheswari herself went over to Tamil Nadu after July 1983. Lawyer Kandasamy now in London set up a Tamil information centre in Madras and another in Madurai. Veteran journalist S. Sivanayagam ran the Madras TIC while Maheswari ran the one in Madurai.
This period was perhaps the finest phase of her life. She established contacts with a human rights organization run by Catholic priests from Tamil Nadu and began working with dedication.
She frequently visited the refugee camps and catered to the needs of the people. She also established wide contacts with the media and helped propagate the Tamil cause.
She was also helpful to many Tamils stranded in Tamil Nadu without a place of refuge or money to eat.
The Madurai TIC was also a forum where members of all Tamil armed groups used to meet. Maheswari was a friend to all the groups and acted impartially. This was a time when Maheswari Velayutham had become a popular personality in Madurai.
I remember a remark made by Kuppusamy of the United News of India when both of us were on the way to meet Maheswari at the Madurai TIC.He quipped then that more people flocked to see Maheswari than Meenakshi. .The Meenakshi temple is the most famous one in Madurai.
If this jovial crack was an indicator of Maheswari’s popularity another acidic comment by TULF President Sivasithamparam illustrated her growing clout.
The veteran lawyer was miffed with Maheswari over some issue and in my presence told former TULF Jaffna MP V. Yogeswaran sarcastically” Maheswari Velayutham will be the Attorney – General of Tamil Eelam”.
Maheswari Velayutham was a frank and fearless woman who spoke her mind out regardless of consequences. She quarrelled with TELO leader Sri Sabaratnam over the manner in which he handled the Bobby – Das factional feud.
She criticised Umamaheswaran and Jyotheeswaran of the PLOTE over the Santhathiyaar issue.
Maheswari also fell foul of the LTTE when she argued with Shankar and Ragu of the LTTE about the internecine warfare waged by the tigers.
The Madurai TIC began gradually folding up after the Indo – Lanka accord of 1987.
Maheswari then re-located to Chennai and began working with SC Chandrahasan who was running organizations like the PROTEG and OFERR that were catering to the needs of Sri Lankan Tamils.
It was on June 19th 1990 that Padmanabha and several other EPRLF members were killed by the LTTE in Chennai. It was Maheswari who raised the issue with then chief minister Muttuvel Karunanidhi and attended to the resultant problems.
Eventually Maheswari realised that the political situation had changed. She felt there was an urgent need to look after and fight for the inalienable human rights of the Tamils in Sri Lanka itself.
She returned to Colombo in the mid – nineties and started a Human Rights organization called the Forum for Human dignity. She focussed mainly on the issue of many Tamils being detained under the PTA
One of her achievements was in securing the release of many Tamils detained in Anuradhapura. This she did without charging a cent from the detenue families unlike many tiger lackey lawyers who parade as true Tamil patriots
It was Maheswari’s organization that devoted itself to cases of persons detained in Negombo under the immigration act. This she did for free and incurred the wrath of many colleagues charging exhorbitant fees.
It was also Maheswari who initiated legal action on behalf of some innocent persons arrested in connection with the Chandrika Kumaratunga assassination attempt.
Douglas Devananda used to help her organization financially and it was this that drew her to the EPDP gradually.
In fact Douglas was among those who persuaded her that she could be of more service to her people than in India.
It was however an act of callous brutality by the LTTE which made Maheswari throw in her lot firmly with Devananda.. This was in 1997 when she was concerned greatly with the detenues at Kalutara prison.
Some of the detenues had gone on a protest fast and endangered their health. Maheswari persuaded them to call of their fast. A few requested that Devananda visit them and formally end their fast.
Maheswari agreed and called Devananda who readily consented. But when they went to Kalutara they found themselves facing grave danger.
Another group of LTTE prisoners had crafted makeshift weapons and set upon Devananda when he went to their cell.
When Maheswari remonstrated and tried to stop the cowardly assault the LTTE mob began attacking her too. Both were rescued and Devananda was in critical condition. Emergency surgery was done and Douglas was saved but lost an eye permanently.
It was after this incident that Maheswari forged closer relations with the EPDP. The shared experience of facing treacherous death together may have established a bond.
When close friends queried her about her EPDP connections she used to tell them that nothing was perfect and that she was involved with the EPDP because she could be of service to the people.
Maheswari like Devananda was of the opinion that Tamil Eelam was a lost cause and that the need of the hour was to struggle peacefully for Tamil rights within a united Sri Lanka.
She also concentrated on the plight of Sri Lankan women exploited as housemaids in middle-eastern countries.
Later she contested the Jaffna district on the EPDP ticket. She would go campaigning without any security in the Vadamaratchy area. She was not elected but enjoyed much support among the socially oppressed Tamils of Ganpolla in Karaveddy.Sadly one of her assassins was a youth from this area.
In recent times she became more involved with the social services ministry and the EPDP. She used her position and influence to help poor, innocent Tamils facing many problems.
She also accompanied Devananda in his many meetings with foreign dignitaries. In addition she herself met with a number of people and sought assistance for the betterment of Tamils.
Her detractors from the LTTE camp relished calling her a Douglas acolyte.Those who knew her well realised that this was far from the truth. She was an independent ;free spirit who could not be dominated by anyone.
Knowing Maheswari’s sincerity and commitment to human rights I have always wondered how she could tolerate the killings done by EPDP hit squads in the North.
The only explanation seems to be that she was in a state of blissful ignorance. Her involvement with the party was about its positive aspects. The sordid , negative side remains a dark secret to many EPDP stalwarts in Sri Lanka and abroad.
It was this “ignorance” perhaps which impelled her to declare publicly that she was always a human rights activist and would never be involved in an organization committing human rights violations.
In spite of being on a tiger hit list she was quite careless about her security often travelling alone in trishaws in Colombo without any escort. This was due to her courage bordering on stupidity as well as her belief in divine providence.
She used to tell friends that no harm would befall her because she had not harmed anyone.
She became increasingly spiritual and was a disciple of Swami Chinmayananda. She also took to Yoga in a big way and helped establish Yoga centres.
Later on she became a devotee of another Indian Godman and had faith in the amulet given y him.
Maheswari also immersed herself in the rehabilitation and re-integration of former Tamil militants. This included members of several groups including the LTTE.
She remained unmarried.
There was only one true love in her life. Their romance was well – known in Karaveddy and everyone expected them to get married. But the man who later became a Police officer broke off the relationship and married his own cousin.
Thereafter Maheswari remained single and involved herself with human rights activism and fighting for Justice. She was however a truly liberated woman and lived her life as she wanted to on her own terms.
Given her ability and talents she could have minted money as a practising lawyer. She could also have gone abroad and made a new life for herself.
Instead of that she kept going on with the struggle to emancipate the Tamil people. Her dedication was sincere and absolute and certainly does not deserve the diatribes by tiger elements.
It was only last month that Fr. M.X.Karunaratnam, known as “kili” was killed. Now Maheswari called “Sinna Kili” has been killed in Jaffna. Both “kili” and “sinna Killi” were from Karaveddy. While LTTE supporters protested vehemently over the “kili Father”, but now the tigers have killed “sinna Kili” Maheswary.
Maheswari Velayutham belonged to the pioneering group of Tamil human rights activists. Whatever the ups and downs in her life she remained steadfast in her commitment and conviction.Her death is a great loss to the Tamil people.
The cowardly murder of Maheswari Velayutham must be condemned vehemently. My condolences to her family members.
The fascist terror enveloping the beleaguered Tamil community continues to snuff out the lives of intellectuals with leadership potential.
One by one the leading lights are extinguished. Darkness prevails everywhere. Will this cycle of violence diminishing the Tamil people ever cease?
DBS Jeyaraj can be reached at djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
The controversial election to the Eastern Provincial Council is over but the controversy over the chief minister (CM)appointment is not over.
Speculation whether the new CM will be Pillaiyan, M.L.A.M. Hizbullah or some other is somewhat absurd because in a sense the issue really does not matter.
Regardless of who becomes de jure Eastern chief minister the de facto chief minister will be none other than national list MP Basil Rajapakse.
[Basil Rajapakse]
The Presidential sibling who calls the shots in matters concerning the East will be the unofficial Viceroy of the province.
The result of the first ever election to the Eastern provincial council was a foregone conclusion even before the poll was held.
There was no way that the Rajapakse regime would lose it. The Government had to win it whatever the cost.
If a Government victory was a “known” the only two “unknowns” were firstly the methods to be used by the Government and secondly the final figures of voting.
How will the verdict be engineered?
What will it be?
[M.L.A. M. Hizbullah]
The Government contesting under the betel symbol as the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA)got 308, 886 votes and 18 seats. It also got two bonus seats thus making it’s overall tally 20 out of a 37 member council.
The Chief opposition United National Party (UNP) obtained 250,232 entitling it to fifteen seats. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) got 9,390 votes and one seat. The Tamil Democratic National Alliance (TDNA) with 7,714 votes got one seat.
The district break down was as follows. Amparai district that has fourteen seats saw the UPFA with 144, 247 getting eight and the UNP with 121,272 obtaining six..
Batticaloa district with eleven seats saw the UPFA getting six with 105,341 votes and the UNP getting four with 58,602 votes. The TDNA consisting of the EPRLF (Naba), PLOTE and TULF got one seat.
Trincomalee with ten seats saw the UNP with 70, 858 votes getting five seats and the UPFA with 59,298 votes obtaining four. The JVP also got a seat in Trinco district.
Apart from the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) other parties contesting as part of the UPFA were the break-away tiger faction known as the Tamil Makkal Viduthalaip Puligal (TMVP), the National Unity Alliance (NUA), The All Ceylon Muslim Congress (ACMC) and the National Congress.
The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress contested in all districts under the UNP elephant symbol.
Both the UPFA and UNP fielded multi-ethnic candidates. These lists reflected the multi – ethnic demography of the Eastern province.
[Pillaiyan, a candidate for the post of Chief Minister for Eastern provincial council is seen in his office in Batticaloa, via Yahoo! AP Photo/Gemunu Amarasinghe]
This however did not remove the “communalism” factor. Ethnicity and region played an important role both overt and covert in the hustings.
The stakes in terms of real politik were immense for the Rajapakse regime. The 75% Tamil speaking “kizhakku” province officially referred to in Sinhala as “nagena hira” is the jewel in this government’s military conquest crown.
This government has derived much political mileage out of the fact that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) organization was driven out of the east and that the province has been liberated from tiger clutches.
The logical follow-up to this conquest was to rehabilitate, re-construct and develop the province.
Making a showpiece out of the liberated east is a pre-requisite in demonstrating that the province is well under Government control and that the people appreciate the fact.
Colombo also requires much international assistance and financial investment to re-construct and develop the East.
Some countries including India have expressed willingness to provide such aid.
One condition however was that the East should have its own provincial administration. The development should be initiated and co-ordinated regionally and not from Colombo it was emphasised.
This necessitated the setting up of either an interim advisory council or re-activating an elected provincial council.
The Rajapakse regime opted for polls due to a number of reasons.
Chief among them was the desire to concretise the de-merger and “Sinhalaise” the province.
The Rajapakse regime deeply infuenced by the Sinhala supremacists has been blatantly open about its eastern agenda.
One of its objectives was to de-link the Tamil dominated Northern Province and Tamil majority eastern province.
Both had been “temporarily” merged in terms of the Indo-Lanka accord of July 29th 1987.
When the Supreme Court ruled that the merger was invalid due to procedural flaws the Government always had the option of re-merging it through appropriate action.
There was also the option of letting the status quo prevail till a better alternative was found.
Instead the government went ahead with the de-merging process.The government wanted to ensure that the de-merged east remains permanently separate.
Effective de- linking was necessary to usher in “Sinhalaisation” of the east. So retired military officials and experienced administrators subscribing to the “sinhalaisation” agenda were given key appointments.
What then is the not so hidden “Sinhalaisation” agenda of the Rajapakse regime?
This writer has referred to it in these columns on previous occasions. Nevertheless it is important to note the contours of this project at this juncture.
An earlier politico – military objective of previous regimes was to interdict the territorial contiguity of the Northern and Eastern provinces/.The creation of the Weli – Oya/Manal aaru region consisting of areas from the Mullaitheevu, Trincomalee, Vavuniya and Anuradhapura districts was the chief component of this strategy.
This Government however has expanded and enlarged this strategy. If a new district is to be created out of Weli-Oya/ Manal Aaru a Constitutional amendment is required. The regime does not have two-thirds majority in Parliament for such an amendment.
But then this Government is resolved to go beyond the confines of a mere district. Instead of creating a new district to interdict contiguity of both provinces the Rajapakse regime is determined to alter the demographic structure of an entire province.
At the turn of the twentieth century 55% of the East was Tamil, 40 % Muslim and 4 % Sinhala. Thanks mainly to state-aided colonisation schemes the population ratio at the turn of the twenty-first century was 38 % Tamil, 36 % Muslim and 26 % Sinhala.
The idea now is to alter this ration further. The Sinhala population is to be increased in the Trincomalee and Amparai districts so that within a few years the single largest ethnicity in both districts would be Sinhala.
Currently the Muslims are the largest ethnicity in both districts but no single ethnicity is a clear majority. If the Sinhalaisation agenda gets underway the Sinhala community will be more than 50 % in both districts. The Tamils and Muslims will be a minority.
The Batticaloa district will remain a Tamil majority district but there will be an enhanced Sinhala presence. The Kudumbimalai/Thoppigala region along with areas like Thirukonamadhu and Vaaganeri will be Sinhalaised. Eventually the Sinhala community will be the second largest ethnicity in Batticaloa district.
Thus the “Sinhalaisation” agenda will ensure that the single largest ethnicity in the East would be the Sinhalese. Given the current ethnic ratio where the Sinhala people are only one – fourths of the province such a possibility may seem remote.
But the demographic ratio can be altered rapidly and drastically if and when the Sinhalaisation agenda is implemented with vigorous gusto. In that case the goal may be reached by 2015.At the latest 2025
Already hard line Sinhala Buddhist organizations have compiled lists of people willing to re-locate to the East if and when the correct conditions are created.
The process will be expedited when the re-construction and development projects are underway and the total security of the east is guaranteed.
The induction of new Sinhala settlers from the South into the eastern province will rely mainly on an “encroachment approach”.
Already an extensive road and highway network is being constructed and developed in Trincomalee district.
Thereafter Sinhala settlers will be brought in as “officially sanctioned unofficial encroachers” and settled with the help of the military.
After a short period their encroachments will be legalised through both the Provincial and central administration.
Similarly as and when development projects get started much of the labour would be brought in from outside though local Muslim and Tamil residents will also get some jobs for cosmetic reasons.
For this “sinhalaisation” agenda to succeed militarisation is necessary. This has been done to a great extent after the LTTE was driven out.
Recruiting Sinhala youths into the armed forces or auxiliary forces is also being done.
The setting up of a provincial council controlled by the regime would help the military consolidate its hold on the province.
Though there woud be a nominal civil administration the security forces will wield real power. The elected administration will simply toe the line.
But for the strategy to succeed in the long term ,extensive investment and development projects are needed.
Only then can the economy be sustained and new influx of people accomodated. It is here that an elected provincial administration is very necessary.
Portraying the Provincial council as a harbinger of change and engine of economic growth ,foreign investment, aid and assistance will be procured. India is expected to provide much help to develop the east .
A key component of this development strategy will be agriculture and tourism. The extensive lands in the East will be handed over to International agro – business concerns.
A pliable provincial council would be helpful in this land alienation.
Apart from these issues the holding of an eastern provincial poll also ensures that the de – merger stays in place.
If the provinces are to be re – merged the Eastern provincial council must first pass a resolution. Thereafter the President may hold a referendum if deemed necessary.
A govt controlled Council will not support a merger conditional or otherwise. In fact it may pass a resolution welcoming the de-merger.
There is also the need to demonstrate the Government’s success in winning the war against “terror”.
Enthroning the LTTE break-away faction TMVP in the provincial administration can be cited as proof that the eastern Tamil people are firmly behind the Government.
Against this backdrop it was imperative from the government’s perspective that the UPFA should win the Eastern PC. Whatever the cost it had to be done.
There was no alternative and there was no way in which the opposition would have been allowed to win.
Realising that a government victory was a foregone conclusion this column virtually ignored the eastern polls in the past.
This column did not go through the motions of analysing or speculating about the electoral campaign.
While it was certain that the Government would win the uncertain aspects were the methodolgy to be used and the margin of victory.
The architecht of the UPFA victory was Basil Rajapakse. He is the master puppeteer who pulled all the puppet strings in this mock show.
Initially the Government wanted to conduct a free and fair election.The polls required political credibility both nationally and internationally. So the government was keen on a flaw – free poll.
Basil devised an incredible campaign strategy.
Many of us have heard or read the story about the boatman who had to ferry a tiger, goat and a cabbage in his boat.
He could only take two at a time across the water. If left alone together, the tiger would have killed the goat or the goat would have devoured the cabbage. So the boatman did more than one trip to ferry them across.
In this case Basil brought within UPFA folds the Sinhala Buddhist extremist Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) the Pillaiyan led TMVP and various Muslim parties. They all had different and competing interests.
Unlike the boatman in the fable “Apey” Basil adopted a different tactic. He promised the chief minister post to both the Muslims and the Tamils if either side got the most number of votes.
It was like the boatman in the story telling the tiger and goat they would get to devour what they wanted if they helped get the boat across.
Basil Rajapakse’s campaign strategy may have worked well if not for the Muslim Congress.
Since the pro – LTTE Tamil National Alliance had been intimidated to the extent of keeping out of the polls the “Tamil” field was clear for the Government.
The TMVP, EPDP, TDNA, EDF etc were all Tamil parties either with the government or pro – government.
The TMVP was relied upon on to terrify voters through subtle and indirect means. Also ethnic differences with Muslims were to be exploited. Stationing TMVP members at each Police post was a deliberate move to frighten Tamils.
The TMVP also engaged in psychological warfare to terrify the Tamil people.
Basil enticed Muslim leaders like Hizbullah in “B’caloa district, Azeez in Amparai district and “thideer” Thowfeek in Trincomalee district from SLMC to UPFA ranks. They were made candidates.
The personal influence of people like Athaullah, Ferial Ashraff, Ameer Ali, Najeeb Abdul Majeed, etc along with that of the Respective Muslim candidates was expected to sway the Muslim vote.
The Government was very confident about the Sinhala vote. The development work done in Trincomalee and the integration of Sinhala civilians into the military effort was enought to attract the bulk of Sinhala votes in that district.
In Amparai former UNP strongman P. Dayaratne was with the government now. Itt was felt that the party with its lackluster leadership would not be able to galvanize enough votes.
As for the Tamils and Muslims the strategy was quite cynical. A multi – ethnic list if handled correctly could have helped promote inter-ethnic amity. But here it was different.
By promising the Tamils and Muslims the chief minister post much ethnic enmity and competition was promoted. It was a divisive and not a unifying approach.
The UPFA may have won the election without resorting to fraudulent means but for three or four factors.
Firstly the Muslim Congress and UNP were able to strike a deal and the SLMC took the bold step of contesting under the elephant and not its own tree symbol.
Secondly the unexpected twist of SLMC stalwarts Rauff Hakeem, Basheer Segu Dawood and Hasan Ali resigning their Parliamentary seats and contesting in the Trinco, B’caloa and Amparai districts respectively, electrified the Muslim masses. The opposition charge about the SLMC abandoning the tree symbol did not make an effective impact
Thirdly there was the welcome sign of many Tamils being ready to defy the dictates of the TMVP and avoid being lured by Government promises. Many Tamils stayed away and also spoiled their votes. But many were prepared to vote against the government and did vote for the UNP.
Fourthly some Tamils if not all were ready to sink their ethnic differences and vote for Muslim candidates in the UNP. This was visible particularly in the case of Hakeem and to a lesser extent with Basheer.
In such a situation intelligence reports procured by the Government indicated that the UNP would edge out the UPFA if a free poll was held.
The UNP would come second in getting Sinhala votes but would get more Muslim and come close in getting substantial Tamil votes it was reported.
Thus the Government had to resort to other means to win. Muslim gangs were brought from Puttalam to “facilitate” electoral work in the east.The TMVP also engaged in its own tactics. But due to the spotlight being on the TMVP and the over confidence that the fear factor had terrorised Tamils the ex-tigers could not engage in large scale rigging.
Sections of the Police and even armed forces “helped” the UPFA on election day.
Thus the UNP-SLMC combine came second in getting Sinhala and Tamil votes but was ahead in getting more Muslim votes.
The SLMC and UNP have protested strongly about electoral malpractices and alleged that the election was not free and fair. More details of the fraudulent methods used will come to light in the coming weeks.
There is much truth in these complaints and allegations. The eastern provincial council poll was a flawed one. Statements endorsing the fairness of the poll by partisan election monitors lack credibility in this respect.
The silver lining in this dark cloud scenario is the Trincomalee, Muthur and Kalmunai electoral division results. Trincomalee town and environs, Kinniya, Kalmunai and Saithamaruthu etc have been places where a substantial number of votes were cast for the UNP.
In such areas of groundswell votes the scope for vote rigging has been less.The vote tampering was more in the rural regions and also places where the competition was close and intense.
Despite fervent efforts by the UPFA to “garner” votes through unorthodox methods the UNP-SLMC combine won Trincomalee district.
This shows that whtever the pressure tactics an overwhelming expression of public opinion can defeat authoritarianism and tyranny.
Now the speculation is about who the chief minister will be. Is it Hizbullah or Pillaiyan? The chances are that Pillaiyan may be CM for 2 years and then a Muslim would be appointed on a rotational basis. It could be the other way about too.
Pillaiyan’s prospects are brighter not because he is a Tamil but because he could be a greater puppet than Hizbullah.
It is tragi-comic to see both Pillaiyan and Hizbullah claiming that their respective communities have brought in more votes for the government.
In short the Tamil and Muslim puppets are proudly boasting about having served their Sinhala master puppeteer better.
It does not matter whether Pillaiyan or Hizbullah or someone else becomes eastern chief minister.Real power will be in Basil Rajapakse’s hands.
There will be de-jure Chief ministers but the de-facto CM will be Basil Rajapakse. The President’s brother would be like the viceroy of the east.
Pillaiyan or Hizbullah, Basil is the sun around which the eastern provincial council will revolve in the future.
There may be many projects in the pipeline and the gravy train could indeed be long The moolah to be made will be more than ten percent.
DBS Jeyaraj can be reached on djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
The United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) led electoral front does not seem to be united in the issue as to who should be the Chief Minister, a Tamil or a Muslim in the event it wins the Eastern Provincial Council election scheduled for Saturday. This is a major issue discussed in the Tamil media in view of the composition of population in the province.
MLAM Hisbullah, the former deputy minister, who defected in the wake of the nominations for this election from the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) to the ruling UPFA, said soon after nominations were tendered that President Mahinda Rajapaksa was firm to have a Muslim as the Chief Minister. Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pillayan, the leader of the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Puligal (TMVP), or Pilliyan Group, however stated at an election rally in Batticaloa on May Day that President Rajapaksa wants a Tamil Chief Minister for the Eastern Province.
At another rally on Monday he said that basically Provincial Councils are meant for Tamils, but some people unnecessarily raise the question as to who should be the Chief Minister, a Tamil or a Muslim. This reminds us of a news item published weeks ago in a website often critical of the Government saying that Senior Presidential Advisor Basil Rajapaksa has promised the Chief Minister post to both Pillayan and Hisbullah.
United National Party (UNP) led coalition has successfully averted such a difference of opinion on the Chief Minister post by an electoral pact between the UNP and the SLMC which stipulates that the candidate who will obtain most number of preferential votes will be appointed Chief Minister.
Since the agreement did not specify a member of any community for the post, and the coalition has three prominent SLMC leaders, Leader Rauff Hakeem, Chairman Basheer Segudawood and General Secretary Hassan Ali, in the fray, after resigning their parliamentary seats, it is widely rumoured that one of them would be appointed CM in the event the UNP would win. Despite the fact that the Eastern Province is the only province that has the potential to produce a Muslim Chief Minister it is clear that Muslim leaders in the province are not united as to whom among them should be the Chief Minister.
Apart from the CM issue LTTE’s possible resurfacing is another issue taken up in this election campaign, but understandably only by the UPFA-TMVP alliance. Government leaders discussed this matter at election rallies with the intention of translating the credit of liberating the Eastern Province from the grip of the LTTE into votes.
In fact the very campaign theme of the Government seems to be pointing to the LTTE “Goni Bila” and UPFA leaders attempt to identify the UNP led coalition with the LTTE. President Mahinda Rajapaksa said at the May Day rally held this time in Dehiattakandiya, the farthest place in the North and East from the conflict area, that the LTTE might raise its head again in the east in the event UNP wins this election. Given the UNP’s relative soft attitude towards the LTTE and its criticism of the recent war effort of the Government, President Rajapaksa’s remarks might have some bearing on the Sinhalese villages in the East who were invariably harassed by the LTTE atrocities.This might be one of very few messages that are likely to be fruitful in influencing voters though the political hype or the “Rella” has a bigger say in addressing the voters.
Some ministers argue as another campaign issue that the party in power in the centre must take control of the provincial councils as it was the central government that allocates funds to the provincial councils for their various development projects. By the very argument those ministers admit that their administration in the centre is far from good governance and they convey a message to the world by implication that if a party other than theirs comes to power in the province their administration in the centre will discriminate against it.
This is not a new ploy by a ruling party. It was one of the main trump cards played by the ruling UNP led by Late President JR Jayewardene during the District Development Councils (DDC) elections in 1981. Then the JVP leaders who contested the DDC election retorted that if that was the case UNP must be defeated for the very reason and for the sake of a just society- Dharmishta Samajaya, JR Jayewardene’s motto- not only at the district level but also at the national level.
UNP’s main campaign theme has been the accusation against the Government and the Pillayan group for harassing other parties during the campaign. As most observers anticipated the Provincial Council election in the East is far different compared to the Batticaloa Local Government election where complaints on violence and malpractices were minimal. Already election monitors have expressed fear that violence may erupt on the election day.
However election monitoring has been seemingly politicized and divided this time and two monitoring bodies seem to represent the two main parties. There had been more than one monitoring body sometime back too, but they did not seem divided on political lines, but cooperated with each other instead as in the case with PAFFREL and CMEV.
The recent division among the monitoring bodies came to the surface following the Local Government election in Batticaloa district on March 10.Most people, particularly people representing the opposition parties argued that Pillayan group would use their weapons and anticipated a situation similar to that of North Western (Wayamba) Provincial Council election in January, 1999 when the supporters of the opposition were brutally harassed.
Contrary to their prophesies only some thirty odd election related complaints had been lodged in police stations during the LG polls in Batticaloa and it was seen as relatively a violence free election. When the main local monitoring organization issued the report on the election the main opposition, the UNP criticized it claiming that it sided with the Government and soon emerged another organization consisting mainly Government critics on its hierarchy. Thus we are sometimes going to have two conflicting reports after the election.
Almost all except a few allegations on harassment during this election campaign have been levelled against the Pillayan group. It is going to adversely reflect on their future. For the Pillayan Group this is not merely an election, but a process that would take them far beyond the election. Pillayan at a meeting held in Batticaloa on May Day amidst the election campaign, made a request, which was very vital in respect of democracy, although most champions of democracy ignored it or did not take it into consideration. He wanted all political parties to help his organization to transform itself into a democratic movement.
In spite of the question as to how much this plea was genuine it reminds the political parties that claim that they are keen to solve the ethnic problem one of their paramount duties. However most so-called anti- war activists are unfortunately not on good terms with Karuna- Pillayan group ironically for they have stopped the war with the Government forces. Also they are not as sympathetic towards the TMVP as they are towards the LTTE which is not prepared to accept anything short of Tamil Eelam.
If the Pillayan group can win at least the majority of the Tamil votes in the East this time, it will boost the confidence in their cadres in the democratic process. On the other hand the sense of indignation in their cadres, in case they could not win the majority of the Tamil votes, will sometimes turn them again towards the AK 47 and T56. Also it will further mount their confidence in weapons if they win some seats using them or capitalizing fear of other parties in their weapons. Therefore the Pillayan group’s transformation is not purely on others hands; they too must have a genuine desire to be transformed.
Pillayan’s request cannot be considered to be genuine in the light of some reports from Batticaloa which points to the terrific behavior of his group. They had assaulted a group of JVPers who had been engaged in putting up posters in Akkaraipattu area days ago and it has been complained that they had used the much talked about weapons to intimidate them.
Apart from transforming Pillayan group into a democratic movement the Eastern Provincial Council election is one step forward in Government’s effort to politically banish secessionism from the country. It further politically distances the eastern Province people from their Northern brethren and would be become a wedge in Tamil Homeland concept which includes Northern and Eastern provinces. If Eastern people are prepared to tell the northern hegemonic politicians to mind their own business by way of establishing a separate provincial administration and run their affairs independently no politicians have the right to call for merger of those two provinces any further. And a sizable credit must go in that event to the JVP and the JHU which were instrumental in legally de-merging the two provinces. [dailymirror.lk]
Thirty-two years ago, on May 5th 1976 , around 40 – 50 Tamils met clandestinely at a secret location in the Jaffna peninsula and formed themselves into an organization called the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
Umamaheswaran became its leader. Prabakharan was made military commander.A five member committee was appointed to control and co-ordinate the new movement. Both Umamaheswaran and Prabakharan were members of this committee.
Their objective was unambiguously clear. The LTTE goal was to establish an independent state called Tamil Eelam in the northern and eastern provinces of Sri Lanka.
A revolutionary armed struggle relying on guerrilla warfare was to be waged against the Sinhala dominated Sri Lankan state.
Nine days later on May 14th the newly formed Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) passed a resolution at Vaddukkoddai demanding Tamil Eelam-a separate state for the Tamils of Sri Lanka.
In July 1977 the TULF contested the Parliamentary elections on a secessionist platform. The TULF said in its manifesto that the elections was a referendum and that votes for the party meant a mandate for Tamil Eelam.
The TULF swept the polls in the Tamil majority electorates of the North-East winning 18 seats.TULF Secretary-General Appapillai Amirthalingam became leader of the opposition.
The goals of the TULF and LTTE were the same on paper. In practice the relatively moderate TULF was prepared to compromise and eventually agreed to the District Development Councils as an alternative to Tamil Eelam.
The militant youths referred to as “Boys” did not agree with this and continued to pursue their goal of Tamil Eelam through violent methods.
The anti-Tamil pogrom of July 1983 was a watershed that brought moderate and militant Tamils together temporarily.
Meanwhile the LTTE split in two. A large number of members broke away under the leadership of Umamaheswaran and formed the Peoples Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE). Some like Nagarajah, Aiyer etc went their own way.
Only a handful of the original LTTE members remained loyal to Prabakharan. A frustrated Prabakharan went away to India and stayed there for a while.
In his absence a triad comprising Seelan, Mahathaya and Ragu ” managed” the LTTE in Sri Lanka.
At one point the LTTE with its depleted ranks began working together with the Tamil Eelam Liberation organization (TELO) led by Thangathurai and Kuttimani.
There was a time when Prabakharan wanted to merge the LTTE remnants under him with the TELO and form a new organization.This however did not happen.
The arrests of TELO leaders Thangathurai , Kuttimani and Jegan by the Navy in 1981 brought an end to the TELO-LTTE cooperation.
The LTTE began functioning independently under Prabakharan who was both its leader and military commander.Later Charles Anthony alias Seelan became military chief.
By July 1983 the LTTE cadre numbered thirty. There were twenty-three full-time members and seven part-timers.
There were also many “helpers” of all ages in different walks of life.
The LTTE killed 13 soldiers through a landmine at Thirunelvely on July 23rd 1983.
This resulted in the 1983 anti-Tamil violence. There was a spontaneous “rush” by Tamil youths to join the militant movements and fight for Tamil Eelam. India began training and arming the movements
The struggle for Tamil Eelam itself underwent many bizarre twists and peculiar turns. There was internecine warfare among the movements. The LTTE became the dominant Tamil group.
The Indo-Lanka agreement of July 29th 1987 caused a sea change in Tamil politics.
Except for the LTTE all other Tamil parties and organizations accepted it and opted to give up the Tamil Eelam struggle and accept devolution provided under the 13th amendment to the Constitution.
The LTTE also agreed initially, surrendered some arms and even accepted a monthly payment of money from New Delhi as an “incentive” in the early stages. The tigers however changed track soon and resumed hostilities, daring to take on the Indian army.
The past years have seen many rounds of peace talks between the LTTE and different governments in Colombo. None of them succeeded and the Coutry suffers endless war interspersed with temporary spells of no-war.
In the meantime the LTTE has achieved tremendous “growth” in certain aspects. The double digit membership of 1983 is in five digits today.The LTTE is a transnational entity today with front organizations among the wide-spread Tamil Diaspora.
From 1990 the LTTE has succeeded in keeping under its control sizeable parts of the North-East. The areaof this “de-facto” state has fluctuated periodically.
Tiger territory has increased and decreased according to the fortunes of war.Yet there has always been a sphere of LTTE control.
Within this LTTE area the tigers have set up structures like Police stations, Courts, inland revenue offices,TV, Radio, film unit, newspapers ,banks,immigration and emigration offices, business ventures, farms, etc. The tigers have even drafted their own laws.
Militarily the LTTE has grown. They have infantry brigades, womens brigades, commando units and specialised divisions for laying mines, sniping, firing mortars and artillery, resisting tanks and armoured cars etc.
The tigers also have a naval wing known as sea tigers and a fledgling air wing called Air tigers. The LTTE has many marine vessels and a limited number of small aircraft.
The LTTE also has an elaborate overseas network with the Tamil Diaspora as its base. There are multimple media organs engaging in propaganda and myriad activists raising funds.
The tigers have the capacity to organize mass demonstrations at short notice in many western cities.
The LTTE also runs many commercial enterprises in several countries both west and east.They also have a fleet of ships transporting arms acquired overseas to North Sri Lanka.
In short the LTTE growth in the past 25 years has been phenomenal. It is perhaps the only enterprise run” for, of and by” the Tamil people in Sri Lanka that has registered “success” of this magnitude after July 1983.
This successful growth has come at immense cost to the Tamil people of Sri Lanka.
Vertically the LTTE may have gone up but horizontally the Sri Lankan Tamils have gone down.
This is the unpleasant and inconvenient truth that the LTTE and acolytes often deny and do not like to hear.
The first world war was only four years long from 1914 to 1918.The second world war was six years from 1939 to 1945.
This war for Tamil Eelam has gone on for decades and decades with an intensity and ferocity that has debilitated the Tamil people immensely.
The Tamil areas have undergone a staggered “scorched earth policy” cunningly implemented in phases by different regimes. Death, injury, destruction, displacement etc are part of daily life.
Fishing has dwindled. Agriculture has diminished. Industry is virtually non – existent. The economy has decayed and unemployment is rampant. Single parent families, widows, orphans etc are widely prevalent.
Education the mainstay of Tamils has suffered considerably. Many schools do not function. Hospitals are run down. People are displaced from their homes under the pretext of setting up security zones.
The quality of life has gone down. Infant mortality rates, malnutrition, stunted growth etc are areas where Tamils in the North-east are affected more.
The social fabric of Tamil society is torn badly, cultural life shrinks, Values are brutalised. Ethical codes crumble.These are the effects of long term war on a small, powerless people.
The worst impact has been on demography. Tamils have left the Country in very large numbers. Equally large numbers have moved to areas outside the North and East. Only 42 % of Sri Lankan Tamils are said to be living in the North-East now.
Some years ago at a seminar in Colombo retired Indian Judge V. Krishna Iyer stated that Tamils be given full autonomy. Former Central Bank governor N.U.Jayewardena wrote to the newspapers in response.
NU made three observations. Firstly he said the Sri Lankan population would stabilise to zero growth in 2025. Secondly he said that the high rates of Tamils leaving the Country indicated that the Tamils would only be 1.9 % in 2025. Thirdly NU said that 1. 9 % was a “manageable minority that need not be given autonomy”.
Thanks to comparatively higher educational standards and social problems like dowry, late marriages, aversion to female children etc the Tamil birth rate has been on the decline even before 1983.
The census figures of 1963, 1971 and 1981 show gradual decrease percentage wise. If a proper census is taken now the Tamil population percentage would be much less. It may not be 1. 9 % as NU said but it could certainly be less than 5%.
The Tamils may have proved a point by taking up arms against the state dominated by the numerically larger Sinhala people. But ultimately demomgraphy would defeat the Tamils.
The LTTE and its supporters often assert that a guerilla movement fighting for the goal of national liberation cannot be defeated militarily. This may or may not be true but the point to be taken note of is something else.
If the prolonged armed struggle for Tamil Eelam is leading to a gradual decline of the Tamil population in Sri Lanka then the ultimate losers will be the Tamils themselves.
A minority would be made a microscopic minority and therefore made easily manageable by the numerical majority.
It does not matter then whether the LTTE is defeated or not because the Tamils will be weakened quantitatively and qualitatively.
To put it bluntly the so called “Sinhala state” need not win this war. All it has to do is prolong the war and sustain the pressure. The Tamils would be drastically reduced in numbers . This is already happening in the Island.
It is against this backdrop that the LTTE turned 32 on May 5th.
Through the sacrifices and dedication of its cadre on the one hand and the ruthless violence and authoritative intolerance on the other hand the LTTE has become the dominant politico-military force of the Sri Lankan Tamils today.
The tigers have become the self-appointed sole representatives of the Tamil people.
This columnist does not accept the LTTE as the sole representatives of the Tamils.
Not merely the LTTE but no entity on earth can claim to be the sole representatives of a nation or people.
The reality however is that the LTTE remains today the dominant entity among Sri Lankan Tamils. It is the single-most powerful non-state actor among Tamils.
Along with such power should come a sense of responsibility. As former British premier Stanley Baldwin once observed “power without responsibility has been the prerogative of the harlot throughout the ages”.
The LTTE has been the determining force in Sri Lankan politics for many years. Tragically the tigers have been the sole arbiters of Tamil destiny in Sri Lanka.
The LTTE asserts that creating Tamil Eelam is the only solution and that Tamils must suffer and sacrifice in order to achieve it.
According to tiger acolytes Velupillai Prabakharan is the only Tamil leader steadfastly advocating the cause of Tamil Eelam. All others have abandoned it and are therefore traitors.
But the multi-crore question is at what cost?
The Bible queries whether it is worth gaining the whole world and yet lose one’s soul.
There is a Tamil provern “Suvar irunthaal thaan Sithiram varaiyalaam”. (One can draw a fresco only if a wall exists). Can Tamil Eelam be established in the Island while the Tamil people get reduced in numbers?
There is also the question of whether the LTTE can achieve Tamil Eelam? The real estate it controlled once has shrunk in size. Can it recapture these areas militarily?
The tigers have alienated the Muslims living in the North and East and also the Sinhalese. In recent times due to the Karuna revolt a large number of Eastern Tamils have spurned the quest for Tamil Eelam.
There is also the case of Tamils living outside the North-East. Unless there is violence like in India during the time of partition most of them would not like to return to Tamil Eelam.
The expatriate Tamils of an older generation may say emotionally that they would return but very few would actually do so.
As for the second generation they are-as Prabakharan himself once commented-a “lost generation” (tholainthu pona santhathi). At best they may come for extended vacations.
Apart from the desirability and attainability of Tamil Eelam there is also the question of viability and the situation within Tamil Eelam if it materialises.
Given the tenacity of the Sri Lankan state in resisting separation there is little chance of Colombo accepting Tamil Eelam.
Assuming that Tamil Eelam comprises the present Northern and eastern provinces the land and sea borders would be very long and large. There would be constant friction and strife.
Even if the Sinhala people accept Tamil Eelam India would not. Thus India would move in quckly and crush it.
Given the current geo-strategic configuration there is no chance that New Delhi would ever countenance an Independent Tamil state in the Indian ocean unless the Sinhala government does something incredibly stupid.
Even if that happens (highly unlikely) the Tamil areas of Sri Lanka may be attached to India as a union territory or protectorate. There would be no independent Tamil Eelam.
If and when Tamil Eelam evolves notwithstanding these factors the resources of the nascent state would be devoted mainly for military purposes. In a climate of war very little foreign investment could be expected. The Tamil Eelam state will be an economic basket case.
The focus on national security will result in a negation of democracy, pluralism and human rights. All these would be denied under the pretext that an external enemy is at the gates.
The despotic rule of the LTTE in the regions under its control would be replicated on a much larger and institutionalised scale.
Even though the LTTE boasts about its parallel state administration the reality is that food and fuel have to come from outside. Besides the salaries and expenses of Government employees, school teachers, medical staff etc are all being currently paid by Colombo.
The LTTE may have made a name for itself through its armed struggle. But its strength is basically its destructive capacity and not constructive capability.
In recent times the LTTE has acquired a negative image internationally. The conscription of child soldiers, suicide killer attacks and the adoption of terrorist modes at times has given it a terrible reputation.
Despite its impressive feats on the battlefront the LTTE is isolated internationally. Some of the most powerful nations of the world including the USA, India, Britain, Canada and the EU countries have proscribed it as a terrorist organization.
Significantly the LTTE does not enjoy support on a large scale even among the Tamils of India. There is sympathy for the Tamil plight but very little regard for the LTTE. The support of tiger sympathisers like Nedumaran, Vaiko etc is negligible.
It is in such a situation that the LTTE reaches 32 years in age. After decades of fighting that has debilitated and diminished the Tamil people what are the concrete gains made by the LTTE in winning back the lost rights of the Tamil people?
Death , displacement and destruction have enveloped the Tamil areas for many years. Despite all this suffering and sorrow undergone by the Tamil people what has the LTTE achieved in its perennial quest for Tamil Eelam?
There redressing of valid Tamil grievances and the accommodation of legitimate Tamil aspirations is possible in two ways. One is through the arduous route of secession and the other is through equitable power sharing arrangements within a united but not necessarily unitary Sri Lanka..
The LTTE while paying lip service to the concept of a political solution has sabotaged any worthwhile effort aimed at meaningful negotiations. It would have the Tamils believe that only Tamil Eelam can achieve results and that only the tigers can quench this thirst for Tamil Eelam.
The truth however is that the LTTE has many , many miles to go before it can ever hope to attain Tamil Eelam. Even then the quest is elusive as the odds are stacked effectively against it.
It is like the search of a blind man for a black cat in a dark room. Only in this case the cat is not there. Also the Tamil people are made to pay a heavy price.
Like a compulsive gambler Prabakharan has risked the entire existence of the Tamil people as a vibrant ethnicity in Sri Lanka for the elusive goal of Tamil Eelam. It is an all or nothing gamble for him.
He is like an invading military general who burns his boats so that his soldiers have no choice other than to fight on for victory or face death. There is no turning back.
If the soldiers win the war the general will be praised for his steely determination. If they lose there wont be anyone left to tell the tale.
Ultimately the success or failure of the LTTE cannot be gauged by the size of its military assets or the destruction and losses inflicted upon the enemy.
The proper criteria is to see how far the LTTE has progressed on its journey towards Tamil Eelam?
In terms of a cost benefit ratio assessment is the progress (if any) achieved commensurate to the heavy price being paid by the Tamil people?
The ultimate political destination of the Tamil people can only be the full restoration of lost rights. The important question is whether the LTTE is on the right track?
How long will the LTTE persist with its unrealistic quest for Tamil Eelam? How long must the powerless Tamil people suffer due to this protracted war?
It is time for the 32 year old LTTE to do some soul-searching!
Readers who have serious and sincere responses, about the views expressed in this article may send them to djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
The Chimera in Greek mythology was a fire – breathing monster with a lion’s head,goat’s body and a serpent’s tail. According to the mythical tale, the hero Bellerophon killed it with the help of the winged horse Pegasus.
Nowadays the word chimera is used at times when referring to a thing of hybrid character.Chimerical is the adjective derived from the noun chimera.
The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) organization is ostensibly fighting for the goal of national liberation. The LTTE wants to set up an independent state called Tamil Eelam comprising the Tamil dominated Northern and Tamil majority Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka.
The tigers are often chimerical in the methods used to pursue their goal. Their mode of armed struggle has trilateral aspects.
The LTTE adopts positional warfare like a conventional army or militia when it is trying to capture or defend territory. It engages in guerilla attacks when it targets the armed forces or Police. The tigers indulge in terrorism when innocent civilians are killed in bomb attacks or while assassinating democratic leaders and officials.
The tigers have in the past used all three modes. This mixed methodology makes it difficult to “label” the tigers effectively. Friend and foe would selectively pick what they want and brand the LTTE accordingly.
Some treat each act of the LTTE on an individual basis. In what seems to be a very simplistic approach ,each instance is treated on a case by case basis and categorised accordingly .
Events of the past weeks have demonstrated the LTTE’s trifold dimensions effectively.
In the North, the LTTE is engaging in positional warfare to defend the territory it holds. The tigers have been fighting the armed forces on multiple fronts in Mannar, Muhamaalai and Manal Aaru.
The high watermark in this was the manner in which a military push by elements of the 53 and 55 divisions were beaten back on the Muhamaalai front.
As for guerilla attacks there was the landmine attack in Thutuwewa killing 2 Special task Force personnel and the pressure mine explosion at Kalmadhu in which Capt. Bandara, Lt. Ratnayake, Cpl.Wickramaratne and Pvt. Padmasiri of the 6 Vijaya regiment travelling in a tractor were killed.
[VaanPuligal-pic:Eelavision]
The more spectacular attack was done by air when the LTTE’s fledgling air wing known as “Vaanpuligal” dropped three bombs in the Manal aaru / Weli Oya region.Once again tiger aircraft were able to drop explosives and get away safely despite the reportedly set up air defence systems.
The LTTE received much kudos for its fighting prowess in Muhamaalai and its Air tiger exploit in Weli – Oya/Manal Aaru. Both demonstrated that the LTTE was a fierce fighting force and could not be written off lightlly.
Yet, whatever its gains in the positional warfare and guerilla attack spheres , the LTTE lost it all by exploding a bomb in a bus at the Piliyandala bus station. The gruesome incident – in which 26 innocent civilians were killed and 38 injured – was a blatant act of terrorism.
Acts of terrorism in which innocent civilians are victimised must be condemned. This goes for acts of state terrorism also.
If the tigers had hoped to prove a point or two by the tenacious militaristic display at Muhamaalai , their brutal act of terrorism at Piliyandala turned the tables on them.
The LTTE strategy may have been to show that they were capable of inflicting a military defeat in the frontlines as well as infiltrate a Colombo suburb and plant a bomb but the end result was counter – productive.
[Buddhist monks stand at attention during the funeral of monk Vepathaira Chanananda at the cemetery in Piliyandala, a suburb of Colombo, April 29, 2008. Chanananda and another 25 people were killed in the suspected Tamil Tiger bomb explosion on a packed community bus-pic via Yahoo! News by Anuruddha Lokuhapuarachchi]
Both the national and international media publicised the pathetic plight of the civilian victims locally and abroad. Given the overwhelming international and national mood against terrorism the bus incident got more coverage than the battlefront debacle.
Had the LTTE refrained from the terrorist action of killing and injuring innocent civilians in a bus, the case of those arguing against the march of folly towards a military solution, could have gained more strength.
Once the LTTE exploded a bomb with terrible consequences the proponents of a political solution were effectively silenced.One cannot advocate political dialogue over military confrontation in the aftermath of a brutal terrorist attack.
A Colombo based diplomat told this columnist immediately after Muhamaalai about a tentative plan to meet President Rajapakse and emphasise the need to suspend war and promote peace talks. The move was aborted after the Piliyandala bomb.
” Our position on the need to suspend war and engage in talks still remains the same. The fighting in the north and the explosion in the south strengthen our stance that the solution can only be politically evolved and not militarily imposed. But timing is important in matters like these. Friday’s Piliyandala bombing has screwed up matters”, the diplomat said.
Despite the Muhamaalai debacle the Rajapakse regime’s hand has been strengthened further. There is very little pressure on the Government to call off the war.
To the contrary the hawkish sections in the corridors of power who had been dumbstruck after the Muhamaalai debacle have begun re-asserting themselves. More war seems to be on the agenda.
Each time the LTTE engages in an act of terrorism the hard-liners get re-invigorated.The underlying justice of the Tamil cause gets undermined.The terrible situation of the Tamil people is overlooked. The Tamil problem is easiliy distorted into a terrorist problem.
The LTTE plays into Colombo’s hands by such acts. The Government’s so called war against terrorism gains wider accptance. The peace doves are weakened. The battle hawks are strengthened.
Meanwhile Police sleuths investigating the April 25th bombing of the bus at Piliyandala claimed to have made a distinct breakthrough when they arrested three persons in connection with the incident. Two relatives of an arrested suspect are also being questioned.
According to informed sources two of those arrested were Tamils and the third a Sinhalese. One of those arrested is suspected of being a seasoned tiger operative. The Identity card in his possession says that his name is Lawrence David Raju. It is doubted whether that is really his name.
This man had allegedly placed the deadly bomb in the bus at Piliyandala bus station. He is known by the name “Appan” and has also used the names Prakash and Vasanthan.
The Sinhala accomplice who allegedly took “Appan” to the bus station is a 21 year old youth called Ranasinghe Aarachilage Buddhika.He is being interrogated intensively.
The third person arrested is also a Tamil who was residing at 210/2, Horana road, Piliyandala. The man named Devendran Siinnaiah has a brother Vijayendran Sinnaiah in Kilinochchi.
Vijayendran is a hard – core tiger and has been involved along with his brother Devendran in transporting LTTE cadre to Colombo and suburbs.Another brother Rajendran Sinnaiah is being held at the Negombo jail for a weapon related offence.
A fourth brother is a Police sergeant attached to the traffic division at Kollupitiya Police station. His wife is a woman Police inspector. Both are being questioned now.
Though investigations are still incomplete this columnist was informed by knowledgeable sources that two lines of inquiry are being pursued.
One is that of a “London link”. Apparently the attack was conceived of and co-ordinated by tiger bigwigs in Britain. The LTTE cell operating in Piliyandala was being handled via London it is suspected.
The modus operandi seems to have been that of “communication” between the Kilinochchi command and the Piliyandala cell being conducted by telephone via London.
It was only a few days ago that three persons aged 46, 39 and 33 were arrested in London by the British authorities for suspected LTTE links.
A high level Police delegation may leave for London shortly to pursue investigations regarding both the London link in the Piliyandala explosion as well as the tiger involvement of the trio recently arrested by the British police.
The second line of inquiry being pursued is whether the Piliyandala cell had originally intended to target in the Galkissa-Dehiwela area , a businessman named Kumar Rajapakse allegedly involved in the arms and armament dealings.
It is suspected that there was a sudden change of plan after the killing of the Catholic Priest cum human rights activist, Fr. Mariampillai Xavier Karunaratnam on April 20th in the LTTE controlled Wanni region.
Fr. Karunaratnam was targeted-at Ambaikulam between Vavunikulam and Vannivilankulam-through a claymore device in what was a deliberate killing perpetrated by a special assassination squad run by military intelligence.
While fighting continued between the security forces and LTTE along many fronts in the Mannar – Vavuniya area the spotlight has been shifting gradually to the Manal aaru-Weli-Oya region.
The Manal Aaru region comprises areas from the Mullaitheevu, Vavuniya, Anuradhapura and Trincomalee districts. Tamil inhabitants from 28 villages and 40 hamlets. farm settlements were driven out in the eighties of the last century in a flagrant exercise of ethnic cleansing by the United National Party regime under Junius Richard Jayewardena.
The region was then settled by Sinhala agriculturists and fisherfolk brought from different parts of the Country. A network of military camps was established to “protect” the new settlers many of whom were trained as home guards.
The area has been rapidly Sinhalaised with the ancient Tamil names being changed to Sinhala. Names like Mankindimalai, Kurunthumalai, Thannimurippu etc have gone out of use. There are new militarised settlements like Janakapura, Kalyanipura, Parakramapura etc.
Even streams and rivers known by their old Tamil names have been translated into Sinhala. Thus “Paalamai Odai” has become Kiri Iibban wewa. “Aanai Vizhulunthaan Aaru” is now called Ali wetuna wewa.
The process began in the eighties itself when Manal Aaru became Weli – Oya just as Kudumbimalai is now becoming Thoppigala.
The sad irony in this that both the Tamil and Sinhala names have the same meaning in many instances except where new militarized settlements have sprung up.
“Aanai vizhunthaan Aaru” and “ali wetuna wewa” for example mean in English “the river that the elephant fell in”. So too is Weli – Oya and Manal aaru meaning sandy river or stream.
The creation of Weli – Oya in the Manal Aaru region is a politico – military project. The ethnic cleansing of Tamil inhabitants along with the militarised Sinhalaisation of the region was a calculated scheme to interdict territorial contiguity between the Tamil dominated Northern province and Tamil majority Eastern province.
The Weli oya – Manal aaru region has seen an escalation of military activity in recent times. The 59 division under the command of Brig. Nandana Udawatte is stationed there.
The LTTE cadre drawn mainly from the Imran – Pandiyan infantry division and Sothiya womens brigade are stationed at the “Manal aaru kalamunai” (Weli oya battlefront) under the command of “Col” Balraj.
Balraj a former member of the Peoples Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) hails from Puthukudiyiruppu and is an original son of the Wani soil. He was at one time a protegee of ex – LTTE deputy leader Gopalswamy Mahendrarajah alias Mahattaya.
Balraj rose rapidly in the ranks and was responsible for early victories of the LTTE in Kokavil and Mankulam. He was made deputy military commander of the LTTE and played a crucial role in the war for Elephant pass in 2000.
“Col” Balraj led a sea – borne invasion that landed at Kudaarappu that made its way clandestinely to the A – 9 highway and interdicted supplies at Inthaavil between Elephant pass – Iyakkachchi and Eluthumadduvaal. This was the turning point which paved the way for the ultimate defeat.
Balraj who underwent severe injuries to his leg walks with a slight limp at times. He also underwent an operation in Colombo during the ceasefire.
In recent times two senior LTTE leaders “Col” Sornam and “Col” Bhanu have been sent to the Manal aaru/ Weli – Oya region to assist and supplement the efforts of “Col” Balraj.
The frontlines are about 12 km in length extending from Aanaivizhunthaan aaru in the interior to Kokuthoduvaai along the coast. An elaborate complex of military installations and forward defence lines have been set up along this 12 km line of control.
There have been many skirmishes and ” limited ” offensives by the armed forces in recent times. There has also been intermittent exchanges of artillery fire.
The army has also infiltrated into tiger territory in small groups and engaged the LTTE. The army has succeeded in injuring some tigers through landmines including a senior tiger leader.
Basically the 59 – 3 brigade has been active along the Kokuthoduvaai – Alambil front; the 59 – 2 has been active in the Naayaaru – Kumulamunai front; the 59 – 1 is concentrated along the Janakapura centered FDL’s.
Though not spectacular some significant advances have been made by the 59 into tiger territory. An area of about 4 1/2 to 5 km has been seized from the LTTE although the overall strategy at this juncture is not to acquire real estate.
The 59 division has been actively engaged in combat from January 1st this year. According to military reports the 59 division claims to have killed 537 LTTE cadre in the period between January 1st and April 30th.
It is also claimed that 653 tigers were injured during this period. The bodies of 47 LTTE cadre were recovered by the soldiers in these 4 months.
The LTTE however refutes the casualty figures claimed by the Army.
It is apparent that the strategic importance of this front is likely to cause increased military activity in the near future. The fact that LTTE supremo Velupillai Prabakharan has “transferred” two senior leaders Sornam and Bhanu from Mannar to Mullaitheevu denotes this fact.
“Col” Bhanu is in overall charge of the Kittu artillery corps as well as the “kutty Sri mortar unit. Both Kittu and Kutty Sri took their lives and sank with the LTTE ship “Ahad” on Jan 16th 1993 when surrounded by the Indian navy in international waters .
There has been a departure in the pattern of artillery-mortar fire after Bhanu moved in. Instead of targeting FDL positions alone as in the past the LTTE is now targeting the army’s area headquarter positions and field command posts also.
The tiger artillery shells have also fallen into civilian settlements like Parakramapura and Sinhapura. This has resulted in a minor exodus.
There has been a marked increase both quantitative and qualitative after “col” Bhanu entered the scene. On April 26th for instance a total of 37 shells were fired within a relatively short period. Six soldiers were killed and 13 injured.
The army gauged that the shells were being fired from a point in the Nedunkerny area. The army retaliated by using multi – barrel rocket launchers(MBRL).
It is not known whether the tiger artillery was hit but the Tamilnet claimed that two civilians, an elderly man and woman were injured in Nedunkerny.
The army however states that intercepts of radio messages reveal that 29 tigers were killed and 53 injured in the firing.
Military circles have noted with concern that there has been a conspicuous increase in artillery and mortar firing by the LTTE in the recent past.
At one point the LTTE was using its artillery and mortar very economically due to the difficulties it was facing in procuring regular supplies via sea. The Navy and Air Force had succeeded in circumscribing marine supply routes it was said.
However in recent times the LTTE has been very “liberal” in using mortars and artillery. Apart from using its home made “Ragavan” artillery shells and the mortar shells named Paseelan and Kumarappa the tigers have also been using “imported” stuff.
This is visible in multiple fronts in Mannar , Mullaitheevu and the Muhamaalai region.
Apparently the tigers have succeeded not only in getting a fresh supply of artillery and mortar shells but also have procured adequate “raw material” to manufacture their own varieties.
The induction of fresh supply of shells was confirmed in two recent intelligence reports.
The State Intelligence service in a report submitted to the Joint Operations Command stated that two LTTE ships had unloaded arms and other military related supplies on February 16th and 17th this year.
The vessels were stationed deep sea and the unloaded stuff was fetched to different points along the Vettrilaikerny-Challai coast by trawlers.A first hand account has been obtained from ” persons” who had purportedly been involved in carrying boxes.
In another report presented by the military intelligence division to the national security council it was said that another LTTE ship on March 28th had brought war materials, fuel , medicine etc from the Indian coast to Naachikuda along the Mannar coast.
The fact that three LTTE ships have reportedly broken through the naval cordon was not a pleasant fact to digest. There is also the possibility that more ships may have transported additional armaments and war material.
While the Navy is going on with its sea patrols focusing mainly on the Trincomalee – Mullaitheevu coast there has been visible lethargy in taking pro-active initiatives.
Some defence circles believe that the December 2007 incident of a Navy Fast – attack craft (FAC) being destroyed by the LTTE in the Neduntheevu seas, the February 2008 “seizure” of a naval water jet in the Thalaimannar seas and the recent demolition of another FAC through a submersible device in the Nayaaru seas have altogether had a cumulative effect on the Navy.
There is also the additional deterrent of explosive laden boats manned by “black sea tiger” suicide cadre accompanying LTTE flotilla. All this has led to a slackening of pro-active naval activity and has led to breaches in maritime naval cordons , it is felt.
There is also suspicion that the “international” support provided in curtailing LTTE maritime movement is not readily forthcoming as in the past. If correct, this may be related to growing international displeasure over the Gung Ho policies of the Rajapakse regime.
The LTTE also “scored ” politically when it re-activated its hibernating air wing described as the “Tamil Eelam Air Force”. Two small Ziln planes carrying three bombs each flew up from a clandestine airstrip along the Mullaitheevu coast.
They were targeting an MBRL artillery pad and a military headquarters complex in the Weli-oya /Manal Aaru region. Five of the six bombs exploded but failed to inflict large scale destruction.
Several buildings and six vehicles were damaged.
The important point however was the fact that the tiger planes were able to come from nowhere, drop bombs and return safely without any problem in spite of the elaborate air defence systems said to be in place.
It is said that a tiger helicopter was also scouring the skies simultaneously in what may have been either a diversionary tactic or aerial surveillance mission.
There have been a number of reports in the media about the air force having destroyed several LTTE airstrips and related installations. The latest attack shows that the tiger air wing is not merely alive and kicking but flying and dropping.
In a separate development the LTTE sustained a “cultural” loss when Subramaniam Kannan alias Major Silambarasan a.k.a. “Kuttikkannan” was killed in the fighting. Kuttikannan hailing from the Trincomalee district was a well – known singer of Tamil nationalist songs.
His most famous number was “Aandaandu Kaalamathaai” (for many, many years of our time) He was called Kuttikannan to differentiate between the senior musician Kannan and him. LTTE political commissar Balasingham Nadesan presided over the special funeral ceremony.
These then are the fluctuating fortunes of war. The bloodshed and mayhem goes on relentlessly . Even as the armed opponents pursue the illusion of a military solution the helpless civilians continue to bear the brunt.
DBS Jeyaraj can be reached on djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
Professional record-breaker Suresh Joachim always knew that if he wanted people to listen to him, he’d have to make a name for himself.
Then he discovered the Guinness Book of World Records.
Now a stay-at-home dad and full-time record-breaker, Suresh has broken 53 world records-including longest karaoke marathon (25 hours, 49 minutes), longest time spent standing on one foot (76 hours, 40 minutes) and longest continuous ironing (55 hours, five minutes).
He currently holds records in more than 30 categories-the second most prolific record holder in the entire Guinness Book of World Records. He is Canada’s number one record breaker.
[Suresh Joachim]
Born in Sri Lanka, Suresh grew up surrounded by violence and civil war. He always wanted to do something to help needy children worldwide and now uses the media attention on his record attempts to spread a message of peace.
“In 1991, one of my uncles gave me a ‘Guinness Book,’” said the fast-talking Toronto resident, who worked as a chartered account and as a purchasing officer before deciding to focus on record breaking.
“It was very nice, colourful, with a black cover and silver letters,” he told CTV.ca, describing his first the way one might recall a childhood friend.
“All my stars were in there: Madonna, the football players-you know Madonna, right? Even Michael Jackson was there for most albums sold….I thought ‘OK, this is a good book.’”
The first record he tried to break was standing on one foot for the longest amount of time. While he didn’t get the record on his first attempt-someone else had submitted a higher one in the meantime-he started to realize he might be capable of some amazing feats.
“Everyone has these abilities but they don’t try it,” said Suresh, who credits his success to his good intentions. “If I want to run in the Olympics I will train and I will do it. Anyone can do what I am doing if they believe in God. He is my strongman.”
Record-setting wedding
When Suresh married his wife Christa, the nuptials were witnessed by 79 bridesmaids and 47 groomsmen — setting world records for highest number of each at one ceremony.
It wasn’t exactly what Christa had pictured when daydreaming of her ideal wedding. That said, she might have guessed what kind of life she was in for after meeting her future husband at a live radio broadcast where she watched him chat and play music for 120 hours — another record.
“It definitely wasn’t my idea,” she said of the wedding. The event also featured the world’s longest bouquet, an interwoven flower display held by Christa at one end and extending 62.09 metres down the aisle of Mississauga’s Christ the King Catholic Church.
“At first my family thought, ‘Oh my God, can you settle for this guy? He’s crazy,’” she told CTV.ca.
Suresh, 39, stays at home while Christa, 32, goes to work. Christa said she supports her husband’s goal of using his fame to draw attention to child poverty.
“It was hard for my parents to understand,” she said. “They came around.”
Besides looking after sons Joshua, 3, and Jacob, 5 months, Suresh trains in his home gym and meditates.
He usually attempts about one record a month. He says that would increase to two if he were able to get sponsors to pay for expenses such as travel to the best places to attempt certain records.
Next stop: Bollywood stardom
These days he’s looking for financial help to get to the U.K. so he can swim across the English Channel and back, and then across again.
He’s also planning a trip to India in May to produce a Bollywood-style record-setting film with a volunteer crew that he already has in place.
If his plan goes off without a hitch, the film will set at least three records:
* shortest amount of time to make a film, from scriptwriting to screening
* highest number of costume changes by one character
* most roles executed by one person.
“I have to do everything: editing, dubbing, shooting,” he said, noting he hopes to finish the film in 12 days in order to beat the current record. “I am acting as the main character in this movie and the producer as well.”
Suresh set his two most recent records on April 18 at a fundraiser in Markham, Ont. There, patrons paid an entrance fee to watch him attempt the highest number of “star jumps” in one minute (60) and the farthest distance rowed in one hour on a Concept II rowing machine (11.191 km).
A star jump begins from a crouched position with both hands and feet touching the ground. The jumper then hops to a standing position where the arms are stretched out horizontally and the legs are spread apart.
The event raised about $20,000 for Project Hope, an international non-profit organization offering medical aid and training to people in poverty. Suresh says it’s a start to what he hopes is a long career of using whimsical stunts to draw attention to the world’s most serious problems.
Suresh has two goals he hopes to meet before calling it quits on his unique career: Earning 500 world records and running a peace marathon that would take him through 55 of the world’s richest countries. He plans to use the run as a fundraiser for child poverty, although he has not yet decided which organization he will support.
“This is the good time to turn my way to spread the peace message and bringing more money to the children,” said the earnest achiever. “I am ready to help any of them.”
Suresh Joachim’s world records include:
* Most bridesmaids at a wedding (79)
* Most groomsmen at a wedding (47)
* Long karaoke marathon (25 hours, 49 minutes)
* Longest drumming marathon (84 hours)
* Furthest distance rowed in one hour on a Concept II rowing machine (11.191 km)
* Longest duration balancing on one foot (76 hours, 40 minutes)
* Longest continuous ironing (55 hours, five minutes)
* World’s longest bouquet (62.09 metres in length)
* Longest Elvis Presley impersonation (54 hours)
* Coach potato record for watching 69 straight hours of TV
* Longest time standing on one foot (76 hours and 40 minutes)
* Fasted time to crawl a mile (23 minutes, 45 seconds)
* Longest radio broadcast (120 hours)
* Longest time rocking in a rocking chair (74 hours)
* Longest distance run whilst carrying a 4.5 kg brick in an ungloved hand, in an uncradled downward position (126.675 km)
* Most star jumps in a minute (60)
For many,many moons the government of President Mahinda Rajapakse has been projecting an image that everything is going well for the security forces on the military front.
The people of this country have been the targets of a sustained propaganda barrage claiming that everything was hunky-dory for the regime in the on going war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
The scale of this propaganda has been so great that many people in the South were taken in and believed that “victory” over the tigers was imminent.
This focus about winning the war instilled a buoyancy in the public mood which has helped the Rajapakse regime to help contain resentment over the rising cost of living, inflation, economic decline , corruption, mismanagement, nepotism, economic decline etc.
Many faults of the government are being tolerated to some extent because of the perception that the Rajapakse regime was winning the war against the LTTE and therefore should not be hampered or obstructed in any way.
Apart from this the Government has the additional advantage of a feeble opposition and weak leader of the opposition.
There have been however some including this columnist who have consistently pointed out that all was not going well with the government’s military project in the north.
While the security forces certainly had overwhelming military superiority over the LTTE the beleagured tigers were not going to cave in meekly it was pointed out.
The Wanni was the last stronghold or rear base of the LTTE and it would not retreat or withdraw as it did in the East .
Besides the LTTE was not a spent force . The tigers may be down but were certainly not out.
There had been several occasions in the past where the tigers had displayed amazing military resilience and snatched victory from the jaws of defeat.
However these dissenting views were lost on a government whose vision and mission revolved around theobjective of military victory over the LTTE.
There was also a convergence between the Government and military hierarchy. Army commander Lt. Gen Sarath Fonseka is determined to finish the war before his term of office ends.
Fonseka has gone on record that he would not leave war as a legacy for his successors.
It is against this backdrop that recent military manouevers in the North have to be looked at.
The army has five divisions on the northern and southern ends of tiger controlled territory in the North. The 55 and 53 divisions are in the peninsula while the 58, 57 and 59 divisions are in Mannar, Vavuniya and Manal aaru/Weli – Oya regions.
There has been intermittent fighting on all these fronts for many, many months. The tigers have been fighting a defensive war with dogged determination.
Another display of the LTTE’s military resilience was seen on Wednesday April 23rd in the northern theatre of war along the axis of Kilaly – Muhamaalai – Nagar Kovil..
On the day before (april 22nd) main battle tanks (MBT) and armoured personnel carriers (APC) of the army’s mechanized infantry division (53 – 4)advanced towards the South and south – east in a fan -like formation between Kilaly and Muhamaalai.
The MID commanded by Col. Ralph Nugera was formally raised in February last year.
The LTTE has its own anti tank and armoured unit named after Victor the former tiger commander for Mannar.
The LTTE has reportedly dug deep and long and wide trenches to combat and contain the mechanized infantry division.
There was however no deep advancement into tiger territory by the MID.
Tiger artillery fired back at the advancing armoured vehicles.
A Chinese built APC was hit by a RPG – 7 fired at close range by members of the Victor unit. The APC was put out of action.
Thereafter the MID withdrew.
There was a temporary lull which however did not last long.
A major military push commenced.
The military commander for Jaffna Maj – Gen Chandrasiri stationed himself at the 55 division headquarters in Kodikaamam to co-ordinate and direct the military operation.
Unconfirmed reports state that Army chief Lt. Gen Sarath Fonseka was in Palaly to oversee the operation.
Both the 53 and 55 divisions were involved in the military push.
According to circles close to the Defence ministry the entire operation had been set in motion at very short notice.
There had not been much inter – service co-ordination and the Navy and Air Force were very much in the dark about the operation during its initial phases..
A major factor in the military decision to launch a quick but intensive operation was the “intelligence” received through intercepts of LTTE radio messages.
The gist of those intercepts indicated that the LTTE was in a difficult situation at the Kilaly – Muhamaalai – Nagar Kovil frontline and was hard – pressed to retain its positions.
Thus it was decided that a sudden, swift strike could make LTTE defences crumble and that the armed forces could make that long anticipated break – through.
These plans however went awry and subsequent developments turned sour for the armed forces.The LTTE displayed a ferocious resilience that belied the intelligence assessment of the tigers being vulnerable at the Muhamaalai front.
It is now suspected that the LTTE had “conned” the security establishment into thinking that they were weak and ill – prepared at the frontline.
The “intercepts” were of messages deliberately sent out to hoodwink the armed forces.They were apparently hoaxes to lure the armed forces into attacking.
Even as fighting progressed the armed forces found themselves subjected to more deceptive guile by the LTTE.
In fairness to the security forces it must be said that the entire operation was well – planned and had on paper bright prospects of success. It was the implementation that went wrong.
Kilaly, Muhamaalai and Nagar Kovil are in the western, central and eastern areas of the lower part of Jaffna peninsula. This is the axis, demarcating areas of control between the security forces and tigers.
The respective forward defence lines as well as the common “no man’s land” zone are situated along this axis
It was past midnight around 2. 30 am that the military operation commenced. Since it was in the wee hours of the morning the date technically was Wednesday April 23rd.
It was initially a stealth operation.
The 53 division commanded by Brig. Samantha Sooriyabandara was to break out in two formations from Kilaly and South Muhamaalai and proceed South of the A – 9 or Jaffna – Kandy road.
The 55 division commanded by Brig.Kamal Gunaratne was to break out from Nagar Kovil on the East and proceed north of the A – 9 highway.
The 55 division was set a comparatively formidable task as it had to move through the marshy land called “Kandal” in proximity to inlets of the Jaffna lagoon.
Both divisions were to set out at 2. 30 am and proceed. After breaking through they were expected to move towards the centre and link up with each other.
Once the breakthrough and link -up was effected a seven km stretch was to be secured as phase one of the operation.
For reasons that are yet to be known the 53 division under Brig. Sooriyabandara was late and broke out only around 3. 30 am while the 55 division began proceeding at the stipulated time of 2. 30.
There seems to have been a break – down in communications.
The 55 division clashed with the LTTE in the” Kandal” marshy lands and invaded into LTTE territory. The forces advanced more than 500 – 600 metres into tiger territory and took over the LTTE’s first line of defence in that region.
While around six LTTE cadre were killed in a bunker most of the remaining tigers retreated from the first defence line.
By 5. 30 am the 55 division had accomplished its preliminary task and was preparing to take on the second line of defence.
Effective linking up between both divisions was delayed because of the 53 division delay.
When the 55 division tried to proceed further towards the 2nd line of defence the troops found themselves facing stiff resistance.
The Ponnammaan mines corps of the LTTE had set up its mines and booby traps in key locations. They began to take a toll.
There was also another nasty surprise.
Unknown to military intelligence the LTTE’s Kittu artillery unit and Kutty Sri mortar unit had set up an artillery pad at Soranpattru.
From this position the LTTE began firing with deadly accuracy on targets that were just a few hours before part of its first line of defence.
Several soldiers were killed in the bunkers and trenches along this line.
Unable to link up with the 53 division the 55 division men soldiers were deprived of support from the 53 – 4 mechanized infantry. There was also no air support.
It appeared that the tigers had enticed the 55 division into their territory by withdrawing rapidly from positions along the first line of defence. It was a trap set by the tigers .
While this was going on the 53 division with its bungled start was not faring well either. LTTE cadre resisted their advance fiercely.
The LTTE used mortars, mines and snipers in many places to cause damage to the soldiers.
While the LTTE relied more on mines, booby traps artillery and mortars against the 55 division there was a lot of intensive combat with the 53 division.
Support for the LTTE came from its tactical rear base set up between Pallai and the Puthukaadu junction.
This base codemamed Tango – one was the virtual headquarters with senior northern commander “Col” Theepan stationing himself here.
Fighters from the Charles Antony, Jeyanthan, Imran and Pandiyan infantry divisions, Sothiya womens brigade, Kittu, Victor, Kutty Sri, Ponnammaan units and snipers from the leopard commando “chiruthaigal” were moulded together into a viable defence .
“Col” Lawrence was commander of the tiger cadre engaging the 53 division. Lt. Col Muhunthan was in charge of the fighters resisting the 55 division.
Three senior tigers directing operations at the frontlines of Kilaly, Muhamaalai and the Kandal areas of Nagar Kovil were Kutti, Jerry and Kumanan respectively.
Since the operation was initially meant to be one of stealth the mechanized infantry had not proceeded at the front of advancing troops.
The MID came up at the rear at one stage and began firing. Subsequently it moved up front.
But the Victor unit engaged in counter strikes.
According to some reports two T – 55 tanks were destroyed. Four other Battle tanks were damaged.
As the morning sun got hotter and hotter it became clear that the surprise operation was no surprise to the tigers at all.The surprise if any was to the army and quite shocking at that!
From around 10 am the 55 and 53 began withdrawing. By 11. 30 am the soldiers had gone back to their earlier positions.
At about 12. 30 pm there was an air strike over Soranpattru where the tiger artillery pad was located.
There was also an intensive artillery barrage towards the Pallai area for nearly five hours from 11. 30 to 4. 30.
Multi – barrel rocket launcher fire was directed against the Tango – one base. One MBRL can fire 40 rounds at a time.
All comunication from Tango – one ceased at about 2. 30 pm.
It is unclear whether it was hit or whether the tigers adopted tactical silence.
According to circles close to the Defence ministry more than 5000 shells were fired by the security forces during all stages of the fighting.
Though both sides downplayed their casualty toll there is no doubt that the combined losses were heavy.
Emergency Casualty evacuation (Casevac) measures were adopted. The security forces airlifted casualties by helicopter from Nagar Kovil to Palaly.
Casualties were also transported by road from Mirusuvil to Palaly.
Six buses were commandeered for this purpose.
A special transit facility was set up in Palaly to accomodate the injured before being sent by air to Vavuniya, Anuradhapura and Colombo.
The LTTE also used its vehicles and also two buses to transport their dead and injured. All public transport along the A – 9 between Kilinochchi and Pallai and on the Paranthan – Mullaitheevu road was curtailed for six hours to facilitate LTTE casualty evacuation.
Apart from receiving treatment from the Thileepan medical unit many serious cases were admitted to the Kilinochchi and Mullaitheevu hospitals.
The LTTE announced initially that 16 of its cadre were killed. Later it revised it to 25. The figure for injuries was not released by the LTTE officially.
Informed Tamil sources revealed that 55 to 60 tigers were killed in the fighting. Of these only the names of the cadre with 18 months of experience would be eventually acknowledged.
Those with less than 18 months of experience are not regarded as full – fledged LTTE and will not be officially acknowledged.
The sources also said that around 80 LTTE cadre were injured. About 10 – 15 of these were serious cases.
The LTTE controlled radio “Tamil Eelam National radio” broadcasting from Kilinochchi stated that 178 soldiers were killed in the fighting. It said that 143 bodies were taken to Colombo in body bags by the authorities
These bodies were then embalmed and placed in coffins at three points and handed over to their families.
The three points were at Borella, Battaramulla and Madampe where 75, 38 and 30 bodies were respectively disposed of, the tiger radio alleged.
The LTTE radio also said that 35 bodies were recovered by the LTTE of which 28 bodies were handed over to the ICRC.
Thus the tiger radio claimed that a total of 178 were killed. The radio also claimed that more than 500 soldiers were injured. Of these 286 were undergoing intensive care. 20 of these were in critical condition. 51 had lost their legs or feet.
The LTTE military affairs spokesman Rasiah Ilanthiraiyan said that more than a 100 soldiers were killed and more than 400 were injured.
As far as the security forces were concerned the official version stated by the army’s media director Brig. Udaya Nanayakkara to the BBC was that 149 LTTE men were killed and 196 tigers injured.
The figures for the army according to Nanayakkara was 43 dead and 33 missing in action. 163 were injured.
Circles close to the Defence ministry told this column of casualty figures that contrasted with the official version.
Of the 53 division one officer and 24 soldiers were killed ; one officer and 35 men were reported missing in action. Five officers and 184 men were injured.
Of the 55 division 20 were dead .Six officers and 114 men were injured. There were no missing in action from the 55 division.
According to these sources 120 of the injured were P1 (serious) and P2 (less serious). 169 of the injured had been brought to Colombo.
This column also received some details of casualties from informed sources in Colombo. These sources indicated that 88 soldiers in all were killed and 39 missing in action. Around 475 soldiers were injured of whom 160 – 200 were in the categories of P! and P2.
According to information received by this column injured soldiers are being treated at Palaly, Vavuniya, Anuradhapura and Colombo.
In Colombo the casualties are admitted to the military hospital, eye hospital , the Sri Jayewardenapura hospital and the National hospital at Borella. 122 soldiers were warded at SriJayewardenapura and 38 at the national hospital.
According to an AFP report that quoted Army sources 165 soldiers were killed and 20 others were reported missing making up a total of 185.
These casualty figures were obtained on Friday morning. The figures are fluid and subject to change as more authoritative and authentic information comes to light.
LTTE has also provided details of the arms and ammunition seized:
* Forty-one T-56 Type 2 assault rifles,
* Three T-56 Type-1 assault rifles,
* Five Light Machine Guns (LMG),
* Two PKT Tank machine guns,
* Five Rocket Propelled Grenade Launchers (RPG),
* Three 40 mm Grenade Launchers,
* Seven anti-armour RPG shells,
* Twenty-one anti-personnel RPG shells,
* Twenty-six propellers for RPGs,
* 8500 inter-medium ammunition,
* 1500 chained ammo for machine guns,
* 104 magazines
* Twelve helmets
Meanwhile the LTTE returned twenty – eight bodies of soldiers to the International Red Cross at Kilinochchi. The bodies were displayed to the public at Kilinochchi in a violation of norms.
The handing over to the ICRC was done by Paavannan who interacts with NGO’s on behalf of the LTTE.
The Army too was making plans to hand over six bodies of the LTTE to the ICRC. These included three male and three female tiger cadre.
After it became obvious that the military push had ended in a debacle frantic efforts were on to engage in damage control. The most amusing aspect in this was the assertion that the LTTE had launched the attack and that the armed forces were merely defending their positions.
Apparently the armed forces were able to launch a full scale operation in the thick of night into tiger territory within minutes of being attacked by the LTTE.
It is indeed a pity that these propagandists do not realise how pathetic they appear to the discerning public. Surely the soldiers laying down their lives in the course of duty deserve better than these jokers and their jocular explanations.
Some changes in military command too are in the pipeline.Brig. Sooriyabandara commanding 53 division is to take up duties as defence attache in Washington as Brig. Athula Jayewardena the incumbent is due to retire.
Brig. Brig. Kamal Gunaratne who commands 55 now will take over 53 diision. Brig. Prasanna Silva of the special forces will be in charge of 55 division.
In a separate development the LTTE began withdrawing from Madhu and its environs.
Unconfirmed reports stated on Thursday April 24th that the armed forces were slowly encircling the Church environs and surrounding areas gradually. It remains to be seen what this portends for the future of Madhu and Madhu maadhaa.
The military push in the Muhamaalai region was but one more in a long list of similiar exercises.. It is perhaps the third biggest debacle in this series.
The first was Operation “agnikheela” on April 24th 2001; the second was on October 11th 2006; this is the third and also comparatively the lowest of all three in terms of casualties.
Still this is no consolation as the casualty toll for the armed forces is over 100 killed and over 400 injured.
Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayake added his own “two cents” to the annals of morbid humour when he compared the casualty toll to that of the Mullaitheevu debacle on July 18th 1996 where around 1200 soldiers were killed or reported missing.
According to the septugenarian PMm he is happy that the present figure is low when compared to that of Mullaitheevu.
The conflicting attempts by both sides to downplay their own casualty figures and gloatingly exaggerate figures of the other side seem comical but for the tragedy of the situation.
Be it the security forces or the LTTE the bulk of those being killed or injured are below thirty. Though they fight on opposing sides these youths (most of whom are from poor families) belong to this Country.
In different times they would have been the future of this land.
Sadly they are being mowed down in war and deprived of life even before they know what life is all about. Just as the light brigade rode into the valley of death because some had blundered these unfortunate youths go into battle, to do or die without reasoning why!
Let us not forget that the powerful leaders on both sides who send these sacrificial lambs into battle now were involved in a sordid underhand deal shortly before the Presidential elections of 2005.
When it suits them they share the spoils when it doesen’t the innocents are massacred on both sides.
LTTE circles are cock a hoop about having proved a point to the racist Rajapakse regime. But then it was the same LTTE which brought this government to power through its enforced boycott.
The failure of Jayasikurui and Agnikheela and the success of “Oyatha Alaigal” and the Katunayake attack etc demonstrated in the beginning of the new millennium that there was no military solution. This led to the ceasefire and peace talks of 2002.
Now the country seems to be undergoing a sense of deja vu. The fierce resistance put up by the LTTE on multiple fronts and the Muhamaalai debacle point once again to the simple truth that there can be no military solution.
[Bob Dylan's "The answer is blowing in the wind" - featuring slides from Sri Lanka]
The tigers have shown that the Rajapakse regime’s calculations of winning the war and destroying the LTTE are misplaced.
Will this lead to a re-assessment of the situation nationally and internationally?
Is the Government and its hawkish supporters ready to shelve war and go in for talks?
Even if this happens and peace talks materialise is the LTTE ready to engage genuinely in negotiations for a viable solution within a united but not necessarily unitary Sri Lanka?
If these developments do not happen is the Country destined to see the blood of its youth flow continuously on the sacrificial altar of war?
Who has the answers?
As Bob Dylan twanged his guitar and sang in his nasal tones many decades ago
“The answer my friend is blowing in the wind. The answer is blowing in the wind”
President Mahmud Ahmadinejad of Iran is to visit Sri Lanka for two days from April 28, 2008, in response to an invitation from President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who had visited Iran in November, 2007. His engagements will include the inauguration of the construction of the Iranian-funded (US $ 450 million) Uma Oya hydroelectricity project at Wellawaya in the Monaragala district. When completed, the project is expected to produce 100 megawatts of electricity. The visit is also expected to result in the finalisation of an agreement for Iranian financial and technical assistance for enabling the Sapugaskanda oil refinery to handle Iran?s light crude. This project is expected to result in a further Iranian investment of US $ one billion.
2. In this connection, quoting Sri Lankan media, the “Teheran Times” of April 20, 2008, reported as follows: “Iran will increase its investment in the expansion project of an oil refinery in Sri Lanka up to US$ one billion, Petroleum and Petroleum Resources Development Minister A.H.M. Fowzie said. According to the IRNA office in Tokyo, Fowzie in an interview with Kyodo on Wednesday said: “Iran’s President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has allocated this amount which would cover 70 per cent of the required investment for the refinery’s expansion, in the form of a 10 year loan, with a five year exemption period from payment of the loan’s instalments.” Fowzie added: “Iran had earlier too provided the oil we need free from interest for four months.” According to the report, Iran is the largest provider of crude oil to Sri Lanka. According to the Kyodo report, Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) Ashantha De Mel has said that the pilot study for increasing the production of Sri Lanka’s only refinery from 50,000 to 100,000 barrels per day has been completed by Iranian oil engineers. De Mel added: “Iran would make the major part of the required investment for expansion of this oil refinery (70 per cent) and the CPC would cover the rest (30 per cent).” Fowzie said the project would yield noticeable benefits for its investors. He said: “From the economic point of view my affiliated ministry too is interested in making investments there.” According to Kyodo, De Mel who visited Iran in early April 2008, expects the project’s executive phase to begin within the next three to four months. Oil experts predict that Sri Lanka’s oil refinery would increase its production after the Iranian oil engineers would end their work within the next two to three years.”
3. Iran has also agreed to provide low-interest credit to Sri Lanka to enable it to purchase military equipment from Pakistan and China and to train a small group of Sri Lankan Army and intelligence officers in Iran. A team of about 10 officers has already proceeded to Iran for training after a clandestine visit to Sri Lanka by Brigadier Gen. Qassem Suleimani, the Director-General of Iran?s Quds Force, or the Jerusalem Brigade, which is, inter alia, responsible for covert actions against Israel and for liaison with friendly foreign intelligence agencies. He is expected to come again as a member of the entourage of the Iranian President for further discussions on intelligence co-operation between the two countries.
4. According to reliable sources, Israel is reported to have expressed to Colombo its concern over the developing relations between Sri Lanka and Iran and warned that this could come in the way of supply and sale of Israeli military equipment to Sri Lanka in future. It has been reported by these sources that Sri Lanka has already shared with the Iranian intelligence copies of the instructions, training and maintenance manuals of the Israeli equipment purchased by it in the past and allowed some officers of the Quds Force to inspect the Israeli equipment. [saag]
(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com)
One more name was added last sunday to Sri Lanka’s growing list of Tamil Christian clergymen killed in the on going ethnic conflict.
The latest victim was the Catholic priest Rev.Fr Mariampillai Xavier Karunaratnam popularly known as “Kilifather” .He was killed in a claymore mine explosion on April 20th.
Fr. Karunaratnam had in recent times become well-known as a human rights activist. He was one of the founders of an organization known as the North-East secretariat on Human Rights (NESOHR) and was its chairperson at the time of his death.
The NESOHR has focussed on the human rights violations perpetrated on Tamil civilians by members of the armed forces, Police, para-military outfits and state sanctioned assassination squads.
The NESOHR also records incidents of artillery shelling and aerial bombardment by the security forces and documents the quantum of injuries,deaths, destruction and displacement caused.
While being the livewire of the NESOHR Fr. Karunaratnam had also been running a meditation and counselling center in the Vavunikulam area.
This center has been providing counselling and psychological care to numerous Tamil civilians affected by the war.
“Kilifather”as he is popularly known was attached to the “our Lady of Good Health ” (Aarokkiyamaathaa) Church at the agrarian village of Vavunikulam.
[Rev.Fr Mariampillai Xavier Karunaratnam]
On Sunday April 20th the 57 year old Catholic clergyman had gone to Maankulam to help conduct the morning mass. Thereafter he proceeded to Mallaavi to attend a special memorial meeting .
The meeting was to commemorate former Tamil National Alliance MP Kittinan Sivanesan on the 45th day after his death.Sivanesan was killed in a claymore mine explosion in the Mannankulam area .
The specialist assassination unit of the armed forces known as Long range reconnaissance patrol (LRRP) was responsible for Sivanesan’s killing.
Officially the army denied both the killing and existence of the LRRP then.
Now there has been another victim.
Fr. Karunaratnam ’s white double – cab had developed engine trouble and broken down at Vannivilaankulam. It was then tied to another vehicle with a thick rope and towed along.
Fr. Karunaratnam sat in the driving seat of the double cab with his hands on the steering vehicle to help keep the towed vehicle steady.
Another Catholic layman helper was also in the vehicle proceeding along the Mallaavi – Vavunikulam road. Apparently Fr. Karunaratnam was keen on returning to Vavunikulam for lunch.
The two vehicles were at a point near the “Kulanthai Yesu” (child Jesus) chapel at Ambaikulam when the claymore explosion occurred at about 12. 20 – 25 pm.
The incident happened between Vavunikulam and Vannivilaankulam at Ambaikulam.
It was the towed vehicle at the rear and not the towing vehicle at front that was the target. The assassins who triggered off the claymore were very clear in their objective.
Both the clergyman and layman in the white double – cab were injured. Both were taken to Kilinochchi hospital but Fr. Karunaratnam was pronounced dead upon admission.
The layman helper who sustained serious injuries is receiving intensive care at Kilinochchi.
The mortal remains of Fr. M. X. Karunaratnam were brought to the St. Theresa’s Church, Kilinochchi, Sunday Apr 20th, around 6:30 p.m. [Pic: TamilNet]
The remains of Fr. Karunaratnam were taken to St. Theresa’s Church in Kilinochchi. Thousands of people both Christian and Hindu paid their respects.
Posters and black flags have also come up in some parts of Army – controlled Jaffna in respect of “Kilifather” and also in protest over the assassination.
Mariampillai Xavier Karunaratnam was killed just eight days after his 57th birthday.He was born on April 12th 1951.
Kilifather hailed from Karaveddy in the Vadamaratchy region of Jaffna peninsula.
His parents were teachers. He was one of seven children (four boys and three girls). Their house was near Vickneshwara College.
One of his younger brothers Fr. Gnanaratnam is also a Catholic priest.
Karunaratnam’s pet name in childhood was “kili” or parrot.The name stuck to him as an adult too.
He obtained his primary and secondary education at Vickeshwara – Karaveddy, Sacred Heart – Nelliaddy and St. Patrick’s in Jaffna.
Karunaratnam entered priesthood later in life. He was a teacher and bank officer before that.
Xavier Karunaratnam was an ardent Tamil nationalist from his student days. He was involved with the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) youth wing “Ilaingar Peravai” and student wing “Maanavar Peravai”.
In the 1977 general elections Karunaratnam was actively involved with the TULF addressing many election meetings in the Udupiddy electorate.
His native place Karaveddy was in the Udupiddy electorate.
The 1977 elections was a watershed in Tamil politics as the TULF contested on a platform of secession and claimed that electoral success would be a mandate for Tamil Eelam.
The TULF won 18 of 19 Tamil electorates in the North-East.
The TULF victory in Udupiddy was historic.
It was the first time that a member of the so-called depressed castes contested and won a seat anywhere in the North-East. There had been Senators and appointed MP’s but no elected Parliamentarian until then.
S. Rasalingam a senior education dept official contested Udupiddy and won. People like Karunaratnam immeresd themselves in the campaign.
Karunaratnam was then teaching English at the Newton Tutorial College in Nelliaddy. He was a popular teacher and affectionately referred to as “Kilivaathi” then. “Vaathi” is short for “Vaathiyaar” meaning teacher.
After elections in 1977 some Tamil youths got employment in Bank of Ceylon and People’s Bank. Karunaratnam also became a clerk at Bank of Ceylon and later went up to officer grade as asst. manager.
He continued teaching while being a bank officer. He used to ride a C-90 motor cycle then.
Karunaratnam also maintained his interest in politics though he refrained from going public as he was now a bank employee.
The late-seventies and early-eighties of the 20th century was a time when Tamil youth supporters of the TULF were becoming increasingly estranged from the TULF because of its perceived reluctance to push ahead with the Tamil Eelam mandate.
There were many incidents of friction between TULF seniors and youths then.
In one instance in the late seventies a meeting was held at the premises of Velupillai timber depot in Saamiyanarasaddy in Karaveddy. Both Udupiddy MP Rasalingam and TULF president M. Sivasithamparam participated.
Sivasithamparam , a former MP of Udupiddy and was called the Udupiddy Singam” (lion) . He had given up the electorate for Rasalingam and contested Nallur in 1977 where Sivasithamparam won the largest majority in the Country.
There was a heated argument between radical youths and TULF elders. At one point the friction turned into fisticuffs. TULF activist Anandavinayagam alias “Vannai Aanandan” was singled out for attack by the youths.
It was Karunaratnam who saved Vannai Anandan. With the beleagured Vannai Anandam on the pillion Karunaratnam took a cross-country route across fields and bylanes to Sonappu from where Vannai Anandan was dispatched safely to Jaffna town.
“kilivaathi”’s exploit in saving Vannai was spoken about widely then.
Karunaratnam had a spiritual streak in him. He was always concerned about serving the people.
It was in the mid eighties that Xavier Karunaratnam began feeling that he was being “called” by God. He responded to the call and abandoned his banking career.
He was ordained as a priest at the age of 38 in 1989. Kilivaathi now became known as Kilifather.
Fr. Karunaratnam’s Tamil nationalism remained.
Despite donning the cassock the clergyman fervently believed that Tamil Eelam was the only solution for the salvation of the Tamil nation.
Many Tamil nationalists of his calibre who believe in Tamil Eelam then take the step of supporting an armed struggle to achieve it. The next step would be that of supporting the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
To those of this mindset and mood the tigers are the only ones continuing with the armed struggle to achieve Tamil Eelam.
This was Fr. Karunaratnam’s position also. His political belief was tempered by his priestly duties.
The LTTE ran a “de- facto” administration in Jaffna from 1990 to 1995-96. Many persons including some Catholic priests identified themselves openly with the tigers then.
Fr. Karunaratnam was one of these. In “kilifather”s case there was another reason for his closeness to the LTTE.
Since they were both from Karaveddy, the LTTE ideologue and political strategist Anton Stanislaus Balasingham was well – known to Karunaratnam. In fact some of Balasingham’s nephews were his close friends.
This Balasingham link enhanced his closeness to the LTTE further.
When the armed forces took Jaffna through “operation Riviresa” many people with perceived links to the LTTE were compelled to flee. This included some Catholic priests also.
While some went abroad others like “kilifather” re-located to the Wanni. He remained there till the 2002 ceasefire.
During his stay in the Wanni Fr. Karunaratnam remained close to the LTTE hierarchy through Balasingham.
Fr. Karunaratnam was made the head of the NGO consortium in the Wanni. He also functioned as a correspondent of the Catholic Church Radio service “Veritas” based in Manila.
After the ceasefire of 2002 Fr. Karunaratnam along with some others founded the NESOHR.
Among founding members were former TNA parliamentarians Joseph Pararajasingham. Chandranehru Ariaratnam, current MP Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam, Lawyer K. Sivapalan, Ceylon teachers union official K. Mahasivam,S. Atchuthan ms. Sri Arulananthan,and Dr’s N. Malathy, S.Sriskandarajah and . Sivapalan.
The NESOHR was associated with the LTTE peace secretariat in the beginning.
Fr. Karunaratnam returned to Jaffna in 2002 after the LTTE moved in under the guise of doing politics. He moved to Pallai with tiger political commissar for Jaffna Ilamparithy when suspected tiger supporters were becoming targets.
In 2006 he re-located to the Wanni again.
The NESOHR has in recent times compiled records about human rights violations and atrocities against Tamil civilians by the armed forces. It does not concern itself with human rights violations perpetrated by the LTTE.
Fr. Karunaratnam in his capacity as a human rights activist has travelled to Europe and North America. Apart from attending Human Rights Council meetings in Geneva he has engaged in full scale lobbying.
He has also met with many diplomats, human rights activists, NGO personnel and media representatives.
In spite of these efforts and documentation the credibility of NESOHR and Fr. Karunaratnam in Human Rights circles is quite low.
Since the NESOHR opts to see only one side of the situation it is not perceived as trustworthy or reliable.
There was a time when the NESOHR openly stated that they were willing to co-operate with reputed Human Rights Organizations. But few were willing to accept that invitation.
Diplomats, media representatives and HR organizations were in touch with Fr. Karunaratnam and the NESOHR to get information.
However this was only used as one of many avenues to procure information. Neither Fr. Karunaratnam nor the NESOHR were regarded as reliable. They could not be quoted or cited in any report.
This was due to their blatant partiality towards the LTTE.
Attempts by well-wishers to make Fr. Karunaratnam recognize this harsh reality were unsuccessful.
Nevertheless it must be emphasised that Fr. Karunaratnam and the NESOHR must be commended for chronicling the human rights violations perpetrated by the state and state agencies against innocent Tamil civilians. These are largely unreported in the mainstream media and by reputed Human rights organizations.
Given the fact that the tigers control large areas of the Wanni it would be impractical to expect an organization or individual inside to document violations by the LTTE .
In a sense “impartial” conduct by the NESOHR would have been impossible in a tiger controlled region. The LTTE is notorious for trying to make all Tamils follow their line and their line alone.
An organization like the LTTE and its brainwashed acolytes are incapable of understanding the need for a free, credible media or independent human rights orgabizations.
In Fr. Karunaratnam’s case he was a firm believer in the cause for Tamil Eelam and a loyal supporter of the LTTE. Thus he was emotionally and intellectually prepared to toe the LTTE line.
There are many instances of him attempting to whitewash the LTTE of its human rights violations and even go to unexpected lengths in covering up.
This columnist does not wish to speak ill of the departed and will stop at this juncture.
However it must be ackowledged that Fr. Karunaratnam was one of those trying to persuade the LTTE to refrain from human rights violations.
He played an important role in getting the LTTE to return some conscripts. The LTTE decision not to recruit those under 17 years was also influenced to some extent by Fr. Karunaratnam.
Whatever progress made by the LTTE in this respect is now undone. With the armed forces closing in the LTTE is now engaged in full scale conscription including minors.
[The final paying of homage events were held in Kilinochchi, on Apr 22]
People like Fr. Karunaratnam may have been troubled by these developments but it would be unreasonable to expect them to protest strongly.
In recent times the tiger and pro – tiger media gave him much exposure. Wittingly or unwittingly he was being made a propagandist.
His pro-tiger leanings is no excuse to target and kill him. Whatever his politics his inalienable right to have those political beliefs cannot be denied.
It is also a fact that he was a devout priest concerned about the tragic plight of his afflicted people.
[The remains were taken in procession accompanied by percussion bands of Kilinochchi schools-pic TamilNet]
Many catholic priests like Fr. Mary Bastian. Fr. Wenceslaus, Fr. Chandra Fernando and Fr. Packiyaranjith have been killed. Others like Fr. Herbiet, Fr. Selvarajah and Fr. Jim Brown have gone missing. Now another Catholic priest is murdered.
Like Fr. Karunaratnam being killed by a landmine Fr. Nicholaspillai Packiyaranjith was also a claymore victim last year. He was killed near Vellankulam junction in LTTE controlled Mannar region on Sep 26th last year.The LRRP also called deep penetration unit was blamed.
The circumstances of Fr. Karunaratnam’s killing demonstrates clearly that he was deliberately targeted.
There is also the fact that the attack occurred deep inside tiger territory.
The LTTE has accused the LRRP and has been predictably denied.
The fact that the LRRP could deliberately target someone deep inside LTTE territory does not augur well for the tigers.
Many LTTE civilian supporters inside the Wanni would be troubled and feel insecure .
Given the false propaganda done in the South by racist elements about all Tamil catholic priests being tiger agents several other priests may become victims.
With the armed forces planning to “invade” tiger areas of the Wanni soon the possibility of large scale human rights violations looms large.
Eliminating human rights activists like Fr. Karunaratnam may be seen as necessary to avoid or minimise those violations being highlighted worldwide.
Fr. Karunaratnam himself anticipated death at the hands of the LRRP after TNA parliamentarian Sivanesan was killed.
He told his sister living in Canada over the telephone that he would very likely meet with a similar fate.
The killing of “Kilifather” deserves widespread condemnation.It is an act of state terrorism!
Dr. Chanaka Amaratunga, the founder of the Liberal Party, turns 50 today, April 19th. In cricket, when a batsman crosses 50 he raises his bat to acknowledge the applause of the crowd. But Chanaka, a lifelong hater of cricket, was not a man who played to the gallery.In fact, a defiance of populism defined his career.
50 is generally considered the dividing line between youth and middle age. Oddly, Chanaka, who died in a car accident at the age of 38,was simultaneously a portly middle aged man and a callow youth. His precocious political consciousness and manner of speech belied his age. But, his gentle demeanor and childlike innocence led to his early death, with his reckless and drunken friend Ryan Holsinger behind the wheels.
Finest Intellectual
Chanaka was the finest intellectual in this country’s politics. In his shockingly brief career, he founded the Council for Liberal Democracy (CLD) and the Liberal Party. As a clear and eloquent speaker, Chanaka had the added gift of expression. The CLD, founded in 1981, worked against the referendum to extend the life of parliament for six years. Chanaka was then all of 24, the same age that another wasted youth James Dean, the screen idol, died. But unlike Dean, Chanaka could see through the machinations of the elderly. Having returned from Oxford, where he excelled as a debater at the Union, Chanaka had been identified by the then President Jayawardene for a UNP political career.
Chanaka’s defiance of the 1982 referendum was a matter of intense disappointment for Jayawardene. Chanaka and along with his close confidante and Oxford contemporary Dr. Rajiva Wijesinha campaigned bravely against the referendum. Wijesinha,an estranged nephew of Jayawardene’s confidante Esmond Wickremesinghe, was an even more defiant opponent of the UNP government, who wrote a seminal, underrated book titled JR Jayawardene and the Erosion of Democracy in 1996. Some years later, in November 1994, Jayawardene, then a frail and powerless man of 88, condemned the ‘perfidious’ behaviour of Wijesinha and Amaratunga to this writer.
Constitutional Reform
Constitutional reform was foremost on Chanaka’s agenda. As with the great 19th century liberal JS Mill, he believed firmly in the recognition of individual liberties and the dispersal of power. He was particularly critical of the executive presidential system, which he saw as a hand maiden of authoritarianism. Indeed, every one of the five executive presidents that the country has had since 1978 has been abusive of the norms of democracy.
The other focus of Chanaka’s constitutional reforms was the creation of a federal state. He was the only national politician to advocate federalism consistently, long before it became fashionable. Other causes include the need for a second chamber, proportional representation and the freedom of conscience of a member of parliament.All these measures were an integral part of the election manifestos that Chanaka helped draft for the presidential campaigns of Mrs. Bandaranaike in 1988 and Mr. Gamini Dissanayake in 1994. Sadly, none of his ideas seem likely to see the light of day. The endless conflict between the UNP and SLFP is a permanent veto on political refrom.
One of the defining acts of Chanaka’s career was his solitary opposition to the sixth amendment, that the UNP government enacted after the 1983 pogrom. The sixth amendment outlawed even the peaceful adocacy of separatism. It drove the TULF MPs out of parliament and removed all avenues of democratic opposition to the crude, majoritarian government of the time. Several of the expelled TULF MPs, were killed by the Tamil militants, whose homicidal rage exceeded that of the government. Chanaka was supremely principled in recognising the value of the freedom of speech, that the sixth amendment violated. He was also prophetic in his fears that the expulsion of the Tamil moderates, will be a death knell to democracy.
Legacy
No discussion on Chanaka will be complete without mentioning Mrs. Swarna Amaratunga, Chanaka’s mother. Mrs. Amaratunga is a remarkable and brave lady, who was widowed when her only child was a 14 year-old schoolboy. She was a towering figure in Chanaka’s career, who religiously attended every single public appearance that Chanaka made. She continued to pay a leading role in the Liberal party and in the Chanaka Amaratunga Foundation.
Chanaka left an awesome legacy of publications, but none will be as valued as Ideas for Constitutional Reform. This is a fine collection of essays by Chanaka and other leading politicians and thinkers. But, Chanaka’s liberal legacy has not been well-served by his colleagues in the Liberal Party. Many of them became besotted by power after Chanaka’s passing. One of them was so entranced by power in Chanaka’s lifetime, that he betrayed him. But, Chanaka was always fond of his friends, and it would be a pity to denigrate them. Instead, we should recall the lines from an Ideal Husband, a play that Chanaka acted in 1976:
“Power is nothing it itself, it is power to do good that is fine-that, and that only”.
50 is generally considered the dividing line between youth and middle age. Oddly, Chanaka, who died in a car accident at the age of 38,was simultaneously a portly middle aged man and a callow youth. His precocious political consciousness and manner of speech belied his age. But, his gentle demeanor and childlike innocence led to his early death, with his reckless and drunken friend Ryan Holsinger behind the wheels.