Archive for November, 2005
Ranil Wickremasinghe is an honourable politician. People with principled politics are a rare breed in Sri Lanka fast becoming extinct. Such politicians usually say what they mean and mean what they say. They do not for example put down certain things in black and white in their manifesto and then try to win support from interest groups saying “Dont worry about those”.
Such men do not cling to the trappings of office at whatever cost. Politics is very often a vocation and not a profession for them.Their political masters are the people who voted them in. If the people disapprove of them – rightly or wrongly – they simply detach themselves off from pursuing politics actively thereafter.
This is not a case of making a virtue out of necessity. There are many who facing rejection at the polls revise position in an opportunistic manner to prolong their politics. There are however a few who prefer to opt out of politics rather than stay on till they are finally asked to go in the name of God.
Despite the derisive criticism of his detractors to the contrary , Ranil Wickremasinghe too is a man who will not cling on to power or political positions stubbornly. When the UNP was defeated in 1994 Ranil was the incumbent premier. He moved out swiftly from Temple Trees and accepted defeat with grace.
Today he is a defeated Presidential candidate again. He lost in 1999 too. Apart from 2001 Dec the other Parliamentary elections faced under his leadership were all unsuccessful for the UNP. Even Provincial and Local Authority polls were not huge successes.In spite of these electoral reversals there was no demand from within the party seeking his removal. For one thing there was really no alternative and also the party subscribed wholly to his policies.
Ranil was unlucky. In 1999 the LTTE screwed his chances by the suicide attack on Chandrika Kumaratunga who won on the sympathy vote. This time the tigers destroyed his chances through the enforced boycott in the Tamil dominated regions. In spite of this the Mahinda Rajapakse majority was only 186, 000 plus. Mahinda got 50. 3 % to Ranil’s 48. 4%.
This time some sections in the party may think Ranil has to go. He himself may be advised to do so by some.. It is felt that the UNP lost influence among the Sinhala people due to Ranil’s enlightened approach towards the Tigers. But the LTTE has stabbed Ranil in the back by its enforced boycott. Had the Tamils been allowed to vote freely Ranil would have been the victor with a 200 – 300, 000 majority.
Given this resentment over the LTTE betrayal there is an opinion within the rank and file that the UNP modify its policies and change its functional style to suit majoritarian tendencies. Unless Ranil is willing to change himself accordingly he is likely to be viewed as an impediment. Powerful calls asking him to quit may arise in the future. Ranil realises this and may want to bow out gracefully.
Instead of waiting for someone else to make the demand Ranil may voluntarily and sincerely offer to step down. He is expected to do so at the forthcoming party working committee and Parliamentary Committee meetings. There will no doubt be an outcry that he should not go. But Ranil is not likely to heed that. He may relinquish office as both Party leader and Leader of Opposition. Already his friend and trusted deputy Malik Samarawickrema has quit party chairpersonship.Ranil may still opt to remain as MP till the next election. If there is no early sign of that he may think of resigning that too.
Already the minority communities are upset over this proposed change of leadership. With all his drawbacks the minorities have come to trust Ranil. This includes the greater part of the Sri Lankan Tamils too who voted for him wherever they were not restricted. In the Presidential stakes all eleven districts won by Ranil had substantial concentrations of the ethnic and religious minorities. So great is the minority discomfiture over Ranil’s impending departure that a strong request is being made for him to remain as leader of the United National Front at least.
When Sir John Kotalawela was defeated in 1956 he remained as a “Parliamentarian in absentia” till 1960 and then quit politics. He remained aloof from the party and did not involve himself in any way. When Dudley Senanayake resigned due to health reasons and the Hartal fall out in 1953 he quit politics for a while. He then returned to politics in 1957 and led the UNP to victory twice. After the 1970 defeat Dudley let JR Jayewardene become opposition leader while retaining party leadership. In another recent example Chandrika Kumaratunga went into self – exile in 1988 after her husband Vijayas murder but returned in the nineties to resume politcs and achieve remarkable success.
What Ranil will do remains unclear for now? Will he continue politics in a secondary capacity or maintain a detached interest or quit outright remains to be seen. Let it not be forgotten that Ranil Wickremasinghe is not a spent force. He is still a political force to be reckoned with. His electoral defeat was not a total washout. It was a narrow defeat. Also it was not a defeat of his political strategy too.
Weerawansa may be crowing that the poll has proved that the minority votes are not needed for victory. There are many takers for this claim. In fact the UNP may allow itself be stampeded into such a mindset.
What the likes of Weerawansa forget is that had the principal minority in the Country been allowed to vote freely and fairly the result would have been different. In that sense Mahinda’s victory was in a sense due to the LTTE. The Sinhala extremists like the JVP and JHU have together with the LTTE Tamil extremists succeeded in making Mahinda win. What this election has proved is that when a Sinhala candidate pandering to extremist views is challenged by a Sinhala moderate the minority communities must stand by the latter unitedly and vote in large numbers.
The LTTE betrayal must surely rankle in Ranil’s mind. It was he who de- proscribed them and signed a ceasefire proffering many advantages and legitimacy. If the ceasefire had not strengthened the tigers in Government controlled areas like Jaffna the LTTE may not have succeeded in its boycott to this extent. Yet the tigers condemned Ranil and got him defeated. What may be more hurting is the news trickling down about an alleged SP Thamilselvan – Tiran Alles “deal” that caused the LTTE to enforce a boycott to let Mahinda win.
However much the LTTE betrayal rankles the uppermost concern for Ranil must be the rejection by the majority of Sinhala voters. An unscientific estimate states that Mahinda got 61% of the Sinhala Buddhist vote.Despite this his small majority was due to the minority vote going in large numbers to Ranil. But for Ranil the fact that he failed to get the majority votes must be painful. Ranil was deprived of those votes mainly due to the unfair and unfounded charge that he had made a sordid deal with the LTTE to sell out the Sinhalese and divide Sri Lanka. He was portrayed as a traitor and called a latter day Don Juan Dharmapala.
Apart from this emotional aspect there is a pragmatic one too. Even if the minority votes help someone to win such victory alone is not enough to achieve a solution to the ethnic problem. For a lasting settlement the majority of the majority community must support it too. This was denied Ranil. Against such a backdrop Ranil may very well feel that he has been rejected by the Sinhala – Buddhist majority for the wrong reason. This heartburn may compel him to drop out of politics altogether. Sir John Kotalawela too had that frame of mind.
It was the ceasefire brought about by Ranil that helped the Country to get out from economic doldrums. During his short tenure as “effective” Prime Minister from 2001 Dec – 2003 Nov the long neglected North and East achieved a 12 % and 10 % percent economic growth respectively. The rest of the Country too grew. After his government was dismissed the economic situationhas deterorated under Premier Rajapakse.The GDP growth rate declined from 6.6% to 5.2%. The budget deficit went up from 7.3% to 8.2%. The trade deficit increased from $ 1.3 billion to $2.2 billion. The current account deficit increased from $ 71 million to $ 648 million.Foreign aid utilisation came down from 27% to 18% .
The crux of the matter was that Ranil’s economic and ethnic conflict resolution policies were the best possible for Sri Lanka under the present circumstances. A Country divided already in a “de – facto” manner would have been reunited “de- jure” through the exploration of a federal solution. Instead of welcoming the man with such policies he was condemned as a traitor. His real and perceived personality traits were harped upon as deficiencies. Wearing a shawl, grinning broadly and being easily accessible to the so called common man and not the ability of good governance was projected as being the qualifications necessary to be President. The man who will surely plunge this Country into ruin if he follows his “chinthana” has been preferred for his unprincipled populism as opposed to the man of real substance.
In such a situation one fully understands Ranil’s desire to step down. He does not want further embarassment from sections of the party clamouring for his removal in the future. After all people like Ranil do not need politics as a career to oil their palms or fatten their purses. He is perhaps one of the last in the dwindling tribe of gentleman politicians.
This column however wishes to make an appeal that Ranil Wickremasinghe should not quit politics. He must even review any decision he may have taken to step down from party and opposition leadership. His quitting now along with Kumaratunga also going will create a tremendous void in Sri Lankan politics. This will seriously undermine the rational element in Sinhala political leadership.The vacuum will be filled by the irrational element of Sinhala political leadership. The time has not come for Ranil to bid farewell.
The Mahinda victory is only pyrrhic. Instead of throwing in the towel like a gentleman Ranil should take firm hold of the party reins like a strret – fighter politico. After doing an intensive post – mortem on the elections Ranils should devise new strategies and tactics while retaining the core values of his political philosophy.
This column would urge the UNP to prevail upon Ranil to continue in office and continue to support him. The only change that Ranil must do is cultivate a people friendly image and appeal to the rural masses without compromising on principles.
This writer has no doubt that it will only be a matter of time before the Sinhala people realise their folly in rejecting him. There will be clamouring for him to return to leadership one day. The very same Kumaratunga who dismissed his government in 2004 on spurious charges faced up to her enormous blunder in 2005. Likewise the time is not far when the Sinhala electorate regrets its mistake in spurning dull yet solid gold for bright, worthless copper.
Until then let Ranil bide his time. He owes this to the Country, nation, party and above all himself. Being a Royalist Ranil may think of learning or departing. But Ramil must not depart because the voters havent learnt yet. They will learn. Until then do not depart but follow the Thomian motto of be thou forever.. “Esto Perpetua ” Ranil!
November 22nd, 2005
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Speculation is rife in Colombo political and diplomatic circles about a possible secret deal, prior to the Presidential poll of Nov 18th , between Mahinda Rajapakse and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam to have the new President elected through an enforced boycott in the Tamil majority regions of the North-East!
According to preliminary reports there is much speculation that an arrangement was ensured after a series of meetings held between LTTE political commissar Suppia Paramu Thamilselvan and a special representative of Mahinda Rajapakse.
The special envoy is believed to be none other than Tiran Alles the chief of the Katunayake International Airport in his capacity as chairman of the Airport and Aviation services Ltd.
Tiran Alles who was operations manager earlier became chairman after the resignation of Eastern Province Muslim Congress politician Hizbullah.
According to informed sources Tiran Alles is a blue-eyed boy of Aviation and Ports Minister Mangala Samaraweera who was campaign manager of Mahinda Rajapakse for the Presidential election.
He was reportedly commissioned by Samaraweera with the approval of Rajapakse to undertake a series of visits to Kilinochchi in the North and meet with the LTTE hierarchy particularly the political commissar Thamilselvan
It is said that Alles had established and cultivated contacts with LTTE leaders like Thamilselvan, Pulidevan, Nadesan, Para, Balakumaran and others during their several trips to and from Asian and European destinations through Katunayake for peace talks.
According to sources Tiran Alles was mandated with the task of ensuring a boycott by the Tamil people of the Presidential polls.
It was realised that given the pacts signed by Rajapakse with the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and Jathika Hela Urumaya and policies outlined in his election manifesto an open and straight forward deal with the LTTE was out of the question.
With the LTTE articulating a strong anti-Mahinda viewpoint for Tamil consumption any possible deal with him would have been detrimental to tiger interests.
Likewise the Rajapakse campaign too had a stridently anti-tiger line and charged Ranil Wickremasinghe of having entered into an “Ali – Koti “(Elephant-Tiger) deal to get the UNP candidate elected. INformation leaking out of a Mahinda-Tiger deal before elections would have been counterproductive.
The hush-hush talks therefore focussed on an indirect support being extended instead of open or direct support.
Since it was a foregone conclusion that the bulk of Tamil voters would be voting for Wickremasinghe in a free and fair poll the idea was to ensure a Tamil boycott of the election. This would have prevented Tamil votes being cast for Wickremasinghe. This in turn would help Rajapakse who was expected to get the majority of Sinhala votes.
It is believed that the LTTE formally launched an attack on Wickremasinghe to herald a boycott after an arrangement was made with Alles. The political offensive against Wickremasinghe was flagged off by senior leader KV Balakumaran in an interview to “Voice of Tigers” (Puligalin Kural) Radio on Nov 4th. Thereafter the boycott campaign gathered steam.
This in turn led to a national and international backlash against the LTTE. It was pointed out that a Tamil boycott would onlt help defeat the pro – peace, pro – devolution Wickremasinghe and ensure the victory of Rajapakse the hardliner on the ethnic question.
Much international pressure was exerted on the LTTE. Periyasamy Chandrasekeran of the Up Country Peoples Front went as a special emissary of Wickremasinghe to plead Ranil’s case with Thamilselvan. Wickremasinghe wanted the LTTE to refrain from enforcing a boycott and allowing the Tamil people freedom of choice to vote.
Thamilselvan then informed the UNP and international circles that the LTTE will not thrust a boycott down Tamil throats and the people would be free to vote for any candidate.
This was carried in the media of Nov 16th and the stock market picked up from the doldrums. Yet the LTTE went back on its assurance and stabbed Wickremasinghe in the back by enforcing a harsh boycott through violence and intimidation.
This resulted in a drop of Tamil votes particularly in Jaffna where only 1.5 % of Tamils voted. The shortfall of expected Tamil votes due to the tiger enforced boycott led to Wickremasinghe’s defeat by 186,000 votes. The UNP condemns the tiger act as a betrayal.
While analysts and political observers were trying to fathom the reasons behind the LTTE’s seemingly inexplicable conduct of defeating the pro-Federalism Ranil and getting the anti – Federalism Mahinda winning the Colombo grapevine began humming with the tale of a Mahinda-Puli deal
It is believed that Tiran Alles undertook an urgent mission to Kilinochchi after reports of a boycott relaxation and met with Thamilselvan. Alles had been able to “persuade” Thamilselvan into revising tiger stance again and enforcing the boycott.
Alles returned triumphantly to Colombo after ensuring an enforced Tamil boycott that shattered Ranil’s chances of victory.
Darisha Bastians writing in the “Daily Mirror” of Nov 22nd said that Rajapakse had hugged Alles openly and thanked him for making the victory possible. This is what Darisha wrote:
“Small wonder then that when Friday dawned and a Rajapakse victory was confirmed, the new president-elect violently hugged Aviation Authority Chairman Tiran Alles as he walked into Temple Trees and thanked him for making it all possible. Alles, whose support had been solicited by Minister Mangala Samaraweera had been the chief negotiator with the LTTE on the UPFA’s behalf. Alles, following a series of dialogues with the Kilinochchi leadership, finally ensured that the rebels called a boycott of last Thursday’s poll, effectively snatching certain victory from Wickremesinghe and handing it over to Rajapakse on a silver platter. ”
A website run by the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization also referred to a representative of Mahinda Rajapakse being present in Kilinochchi to pressurise the LTTE into enforcing a boycott. The website stated that Rajapakses special representative was Tiran Alles.
It is also noteworthy that a Sinhala newspaper in Colombo had carried a story some weeks ago about a possible deal in the making between the LTTE and a special emissary of Rajapakse.
Chandrasekeram a well – known LTTE sympathiser has been pissed off by the tiger betrayal and in a statement called upon the LTTE into reviewing its strategies.
Tiran Alles is the son of former DS Senanayake College principal Ralph I.T. Alles. The well – known educationist was not re-instated as Principal after he returned from a foreign trip. This was apparently done on a directive of Ranil Wickremasinghe who was Education minister then. Despite pressure on behalf of Alles by Ranasinghe Premadasa and Sirisena Cooray Wickremasinghe remained form and refused to relent. This action by Wickremasinghe many years ago has not endeared him to the Alles family.
Political and diplomatic circles in Colombo were alerted to the Alles connection in the LTTE boycott after reports of the warm embrace of Tiran by Mahinda and the profuse thanks extended to him began to circulate.
Strenuous attempts are being made by Diplomatic and media circles to find out more details about the suspected LTTE-Mahinda deal. What the terms are is not known yet .
A western diplomat speaking on condition of anonymity said that he suspected a financial arrangement was more likely as a political arrangement was virtually impossible under pevailing circumstances where both sides maintain mutual hostility openly. He also said that it was unknown at present as to whether LTTE supremo Velupillai Pirapakaran was aware of the deal or whether the high flying Thamilselvan had gone behind his leaders back.
A colombo newspaper editor said that efforts were being made to contact all parties concerned and find out the truth. “If our investigative sleuths uncover concrete evidence about a Mahinda-Tiger deal and its terms then the shit will hit the fan” he said.
“Both the Sinhala and Tamil people must know the truth behind this. Did the new President whose election campaign accused Ranil of having a deal with the LTTE enter into a secret deal himself with the tigers? Did the LTTE which provided various reasons for the boycott enter into a deal with Mahinda to ensure his victory through an enforced boycott? The people must know the truth” the editor
said.
November 20th, 2005
The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam made its presence felt in Sri Lanka’s fifth Presidential election by disenfranchising a large segment of the North – Eastern Tamil people.Despite dubious claims to being the sole representatives of the Tamil people the LTTE had to unleash a “terror” campaign against innocent civilians to enforce what it called a “purakkanippu” or boycott of the Presidential poll. Though the violent intimidation enabled the LTTE to prevent many Tamils from voting it was unable to ensure a total boycott in many places.
While posters and leaflets calling for a boycott were widely circulated a systematic campaign of violence and terror also commenced prior to the poll. A series of explosions took place. In Jaffna grenades were thrown at five EPDP party offices on the eve of polls. Grenades and bombs were also thrown at Police patrols, army sentry posts, vehicles etc. A youth was tortured and beaten to death publicly at the Hindu College grounds. In Batticaloa a sub – post mistress who allegedly refused to hand over polling cards was brutally hacked to death..A climate of terror prevailed.
This terror continued from the early hours of the morning on election day. Bombs were thrown at Govt offices, polling booths, security posts and vehicles. Tyres and palm fronds were set on fire at key junctions and roads. Roadblocks were set up.Youths roamed streets looking out for potential voters. The LTTE motor cycle squad patrolled roads. People on the roads were threatened. Many old people going out to vote were assaulted. Vehicles including buses were stoned or set on fire. Civilian voters and officials were injured in deliberate grenade attacks on polling stations. A few people returning after voting were set upon. One man had his inked finger cut off. The message was unmistakably clear – Dont vote.
The Sri Lanka Democracy Forum in a statement had a serious charge. It said ” LTTE cadres appointed by the New Left Front as polling agents (normally used in elections to challenge fraud and can only be appointed by a party with a candidate in the elections), were used by the LTTE to intimidate voters inside polling booths and to identify voters who could then be targeted for retribution”.This was a dangerous development indeed.
Buses had been arranged for voters from LTTE controlled areas to come to Govt controlled areas and vote in the cluster booths. With a tiger enforced boycot none dared to come.In this climate of fear Jaffna district only had 1. 5 % voting. Of these Kilinochchi division completely under tiger control had only one person voting.Officials and Journalists mobbed this solitary voter who claimed he had travelled by motor cycle, car and bus. It is however felt the man had been sent deliberately by the tigers to survey the situation. The only vote cast “from” Kilinochchi was for Wickremasinghe. Funnily enough the election staff finished counting this single ballot only at 9. 13 pm which means five hours to count one!
In Batticaloa armed LTTE sentinels guarded access roads, bridges and ferry points to prevent people from tiger controlled regions coming over and voting. Roadblocks were set up. Fires raged. A tiger cadre interviewed by a news agency said that the decision to boycott elections was made by the people themselves. “We had nothing to do with it” he said. Continuing further he said “But we will not allow them to vote”.
In some places people were “persusaded” to burn their voter cards in a bonfire. A few of these demonstrations took place in the presence of European election monitors. The EU monitors also withdrew from Chenkalladdy and Valaichenai due to the violent climate.Though voting percentages dropped slightly the situation in the East and Vavuniya – Mannar were not bad as in Jafna – Kilinochchi – Mullaitheevu.
The enforced boycott was ostensibly to demonstrate to the world at large that the Tamil people were disillusioned by Presidential candidates and had nothing to gain from a new President. The Tamils belonged to Tamil Eelam and were unconcerned about Sri Lanka was the message sought to be conveyed.. Though the decision to be neutral and boycott polls was supposedly a people based decision it was obvious that the LTTE directed events. It was also clear that the LTTE did not want one particular candidate to win. The reasons for this stance are rather interesting and warrant a close scrutiny.
The LTTE initially stated that it was neutral in the Presidential stakes and would play no role in it. It said that the Tamil people were free to exercise their franchise if they desired or refrain from voting. The Tamil people were politically mature and would act appropriately the LTTE said.
As time went on the LTTE detected a groundswell of support among Tamil people for United National Party Candidate Ranil Wickremasinghe. The LTTE then changed its stance slightly and began berating both Mahinda Rajapakse and Ranil Wickremasinghe.Both had failed the Tamil people and were unworthy of Tamil support they said.
In spite of all this the visible trend was a landslide of Tamil votes for Wickremasinghe. This spontaneous Tamil support was due to several reasons. Foremost among them was the hawkish policies of Rajapakse and his pacts with the hardline Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and Jathika hela Urumaya. The Tamil people abhorring a return to war felt quite rightly that a victory for Mahinda would hasten a resumption of armed hostilities.
There was also a feeling of gratitude for Wickremasinghe. It was he who de – proscribed the LTTE and entered into a ceasefire with the tigers. Besides Ranil advocated negotiations with the LTTE and was in favour of exploring a federal solution. His economic policies were also attractive.It was also realised that Wickremasinghe depicted as a traitor to the Sinhala people by his opponents for his dovish policies faced the risk of losing Sinhala votes on account of this.It was therefore necessary for Tamils to vote for Wickremasinghe to offset this it was felt.
The Presidential poll was of crucial importance to all minority communities. The hawkish Rajapakse and hardline cohorts posed a grave threat to their interests. The need of the hour was for the minorities to rally firmly behind the minority friendly candidate as a counterpoint to the extremist Sinhala – Buddhist juggernaut threatening to crush them underfoot.
The Muslim Congress, Ceylon workers Congress, Up Country Peoples Front, Western Province Peoples Front were all aligned with Wickremasinghe. Even the Catholic Bishops indicated indirect support.The Sri Lankan Tamils like the Muslims, Plantation Tamils and Catholics felt Wickremasinghe was the better of the two major candidates or from another perspective the lesser evil.
The LTTE however was unhappy about this natural proclivity on the part of Tamils in particular and the minorities in general to support Wickremasinghe. Viewing the situation only from its narrow, sectarian perspective the LTTE preferred a Wickremasinghe defeat and Rajapakse victory.
There were many reasons for this perplexing approach. The most important one was that a hardline Government in Colombo was seen as more conducive to an outbreak of war. It was felt that international opinion would be firmly opposed to such a regime. This in turn was expected to be beneficial to the LTTE.
On the other hand the LTTE was resentful and suspicious about Wickremasinghe. It was worried about the overwhelming Tamil support for him. It did not want a replay of the 1994 scenario where Chandrika Kumaratunga came to power with tremendous Tamil support. Also the tigers feared the international clout of Wickremasinghe. In the event of war the World at large will support Colombo. It was felt that an amenably flexible President would reduce valid reasons for resuming war.There has been simmering dissent in tiger circles for long that Wickremasinghe’s ceasefire was a calculated device to weaken and debilitate the LTTE in the long run.
It was to some extent where the perceived interests of the LTTE diverged from the real interests f the Tamil people. The ordinary people did not want war and so preferred the best possible candidate who would avoid war and talk peace and power sharing with the LTTE. Common sense decreed that Wickremasinghe was better in that respect. It did not matter whether Wickremasinghe would deliver or not. Given Rajapakse’s standpoint and allies Wickremasinghe was certainly the better of the two. Actually it was a case of Hobson’s choice.
The LTTE however had a different perspective. For the tigers Rajapakse was the better option than Wickremasinghe. The interests of the LTTE took precedence over that of the welfare of the Tamil people. Wickremasinghe was more dangerous in a war situation as opposed to Rajapakse.While the Sinhaa electorate thinks tht a Southern Veeraya like Rajapakse sent shivers down the tiger spine the reality was different. It was a victory for Ranil decried by his adversaries as a weak traitor who posed a threat in LTTE perception. Given a direct choice the tigers preferred Rajapakse as a “weak and ineffective” President.
This led to an ironic contradiction . The Tamil people wanted a President to talk peace with the tigers and prevent war while the tigers wanted a President who could disrupt peace and bring about war. In such a situation the franchise of the people became a casualty.This was the crux of the matter.
So the LTTE found that despite their covert signals the Tamil people were planning to support Wickremasinghe overwhelmingly. This then led to a situation where the tigers were forced to target Wickremasinghe more directly. Senior leader KV Balakumaran openly attacked Wickremasinghe and made it clear that he was the more “dangerous” of the two. Political Commissar SP Tamilselvan followed suit. The tiger and pro – tiger media launched an intensive offensive against Ranil.
A parallel exercise undertaken indirectly was an orchestrated campaign urging Tamils to desist from voting.Since the international community was observant the LTTE could not openly call for a boycott. So a number of front organizations notably student outfits took up the cry.
Still the detectable tendency as far as the people were concerned was to vote and vote for Ranil. This was due to a realisation based on common sense that Wickremasinghe had to be supported to prevent Sinhala – Buddhist hegemony and resultant war. Whatever the LTTE desire the ordinary Tamils grasped shrewdly that it was in their best interests to back Wickremasinghe. It was not as if Ranil was a positive choice. But compared to Rajapakse the people preferred him.
So the tigers had to raise the ante further. They were compelled to call a press conference after a joint meeting with their minions the Tamil National Alliance.It was announced there that the “People” had decided to boycott polls. The LTTE – TNA were simply expressing their wishes.But Sambandan gave the game away when he said that he hoped the people would accept their thinking. It was clear that the boycott was being imposed on the Tamil people.
Despite these moves the tigers had to officially maintain a position of “detachment”. The fiction that the people were going to boycott was publicised to a great extent. Yet it was necessary to pay lip service to the notion that the Tamil people were free to decide whether they wanted to vote or not. The people will choose wisely was hinted at heavily. Unfortunately for the LTTE the Tamil people were still of the opinion that they should vote in large numbers for Wickremasinghe.
With rival groups like the EPDP and Karuna faction urging a large voter turn out it was becoming a matter of prestige for the LTTE. The controversial comments made by Navin Dissanaike and Milinda Moragoda added further complications. It was now becoming necessary to enforce a boycott and deprive Wickremasinghe of victory. He had to be taught an unforgettable lesson was the tiger line of thinking.
It was now out in the open and the tiger hand behind the boycott call was becoming exposed. A call to declare election day a day of mourning and for people to stay indoors was made through a student front. Even public servants on election duty were asked to stay at home.
The pro – Mahinda elements had been accusing Ranil of a tie – up with the LTTE and charged that the tigers were going to delver the Tamil vote en bloc to Ranil. Now they changed track and began gloating that the tigers were now trying to sabotage Ranil. It was comical indeed to see people reverse their stances overnight and expose the venom they had against Ranil.
Well – wishers of Wickremasinghe and sections of the International community were aghast. Many lines of communication were opened with Kilinochchi. Several International community representatives and local politicians appealed to the LTTE. Representations were made to Anton Balasingham in London. Up Country Peoples Front leader Periyasamy Chandrasekeram went to Kilnochi. After meeting Thamilselvan he returned to Vavuniya and spoke on the telephone with Ranil. He then went to Kilinochchi again to meet the LTTE political commissar. Some TNA Parliamentarians also took up Ranil’s case.
As a result of these efforts the LTTE hierarchy in Kilinochchi gave an assurance that the tigers would not enforce a boycott. They would merely call for a boycott but not adopt any further action to actually instil a boycott. They would leave the matter entirely to the people. They would not stand in the way of voters wishing to exercise their franchise.
This was welcomed by the UNP. Wickremasinghe did not want any deal with the LTTE. All that he wanted was for the LTTE to efrain from enforcing a boycott and leave the choice in the hands of the Tamil people. The UNP was sure that the Tamil people would vote in large numbers for Ranil if the tigers did not impose a boycott.
So Colombo newspapers ran stories of a change of heart in the LTTE. The LTTE website “Tamilnet” wanted an interview with Wickremasinghe to clarify the position. He refused but gave an extensive interview to a Colombo newspaper and Television explaining his stance.Wickremasinghe took great pains to elaborate on his position on the Tamil question. This eased the minds of many who were troubled by the comments of Milinda and Navin. In the process Ranil may have alienated some Sinhala voters.
It was against this backdrop that the enforced boycott took place amid intimidatory violence and terror. The LTTE that had assured “non – interference” in the poll broke their promise. The LTTE launched a vicious campaign to prevent Tamils from voting thereby damaging Ranil’s chances of victory. As far as the Wickremasinghe camp was concerned the LTTE had betrayed them. Frantic attempts to communicate with Kilinochchi failed. The LTTE in one more instance of doublespeak maintained that they were not interfering while goons did their utmost to restrict voting. Thamilselvan glibly parroted the refrain that the people were boycotting on their own.
The LTTE claims the boycott to be a tremendous success. Superficial observations by some journalists support this premise. Some came out with the blatantly wrong comment that Tamils in Colombo had also heeded the tiger call and refrained from voting. The Tamilnet distorted and exaggerated this observation.The facts however are otherwise.
Polling divisions within the City and suburbs like Wattala and Dehiwela have large Tamil and Muslim concentrations. Wickremasinghe won from all these. His majority in Colombo West, Central, North and East were high. If Tamils boycotted in large numbers these results would not have been possible.The margins would be lower.
The Up Country Tamil vote also was overwhelmingly for Wickremasinghe. This was seen in polling divisions with substantial Tamils in Kandy,Nuwara Eliya, Matale and Badulla districts. It was the Tamil majority Nuwara Eliya – Maskeliya polling division that gave Wickremasinghe his biggest majority.
Even in the East the electoral divisions of Kalkuah, Batticaloa and Paddiruppu voted for Wickremasinghe. Though the LTTE prevented voters in the hinterland west of Batticaloa lagoon from voting Tamils in the littoral east of the lagoon voted in large numbers. The LTTE tries to make out that votes for Wickremasinghe were from the Muslims. This is incorrect. Paddiruppu for instance is 99% Tamil. Kalkudah is 65% Tamil. Batticaloa is 75% Tamil. The votes this time were more than in 1999 Presidential election.This was the case in Tamil majority Trincomalee electoral division.
While Tamils who voted in the East were supportive of Wickremasinghe it was the Muslim vote that got divided to a certain extent. While the SLMC succeeded in delivering the majority Muslim vote to Wickremasinghe people like Athaullah, Ferial Ashraff, Segu Issadeen, Anwer Ismail, Ameer ali and Najeeb Abdul Majeed etc used their personal influence to deliver some votes to Mahinda.
The Tamil voters in tiger controlled areas of Wanni were not allowed to vote by the tigers. This resulted in votes dropping significantly. Yet Tamils in Govt controlled Mannar and Vavuniya voted in large numbers. These areas were overwhelmingly supportive of Ranil.
Ironically for the LTTE the only Northern electoral division voting for Mahinda was Mullaitheevu the tiger citadel and heartland. While Tamils were prevented by the LTTE Sinhala settlers in Army controlled Weli – Oya were able to vote. Thus Mahinda got more votes than Ranil there.
It is widely rumoured that MP’s like Sivanathan Kishore, Selvam Adaikkalanathan, R Sambandan etc worked “clandestinely” to ensure Wickremasinghe got votes. In Batticaloa the Karuna factor also helped. While Karuna asked people to support Rajapakse he also wanted people to vote for anyone of their choice. This “mixed” signal strengthened the people’s resolve to vote.
It is therefore crystal clear that the LTTE enforced boycott was not a huge success. Votes dropped only in areas under LTTE control or where they retained great influence. Even there the tigers had to deploy systematic violence to prevent voting. In all other areas the Tamils voted in large numbers particularly in Batticaloa district, Trincomalee, Mannar, Vavuniya, Colombo and the Up Country.. The Tamils clearly voted for Wickremasinghe.It is indeed noteworthy that the eleven electoral districts won by Rajapakse were predominantly Sinhala while the eleven won by Wickremasinghe were districts where the minority communities were in a majority or at least a sizeable chunk.
The bulk of the security forces in the North – East and Sinhala government officials were supportive of Rajapakse. The boycott favourd Mahinda because the Tamils if allowed to vote would have opted for Ranil. There was a convergence of interests therefore between the LTTE and Rajapakse in implementing an effective boycott. The overall majority was 186, 000 plus.. If the Jaffna, Wanni and Eastern Tamils had voted in full strength there was every chance that Wickremasinghe would have got an extra 250 to 300, 000 votes. This would have clinched his victory. Ranil was cheated of success by the LTTE betrayal.
Though the tigers and their minions are waxing eloquent about their success and ability in determining the victor it is indeed a moot point as to the total political cost incurred. It may have been a different picture if the tigers ensured victory of a dovish candidate. Here the felines have helped defeat the “dove” and helped instal the “hawk” as president. Furthermore they have betrayed the man who de – proscribed them and signed a ceasefire pact. Bitter irony for Ranil is that it was the ceasefire which gave the LTTE much clout in Jaffna.
With the EU monitors present the LTTE blundered greatly in enforcing a boycott.In the first place the LTTE demonstrated that their writ does not extend to all sections of the Tamil people and that a boycott could succeed in the North only due to terror and violence.
Depriving Tamils of the franchise was certainly not a plus point for the LTTE. What is worse is that this disenfranchisement was made possible through a campaign of violence and terror. The LTTE had exposed their insincere commitment to a negotiated settlement by helping defeat Ranil and enabling Mahinda win.Under these circumstances the LTTE action can only bring negative repercussions. The temporary EU travel ban may become permanent. It is also possible that the EU could bring about a permanent ban on the LTTE. If that and a lot of other things happen this boycott can only be counterproductive.
The Tamils have for long lamented the disenfranchisement of Up Country Tamils by a Sinhala dominated Government in 1949. It is portrayed quite correctly as a grave violation of a fundamental right. Today the self – appoited sole representatives of the Tamil people have deprived a segment of the North – Eastern Tamils of their franchise rights. The tigers are likely to learn , in more ways than one, that this disenfranchisement was a colossal blunder.
What is important however is that the Tamil people be spared victimisation for no fault of theirs. It must be realised that the people if unfettered would have voted for Ranil. The Northern Postal votes and voting pattern in other areas indicate this. A serious development of this election is that Rajapakse has won the bulk of Sinhala vores while Wickremasinghe got most non – Sinhala votes. The new President must realise that he has no mandate from the minorities particularly the Tamils. Rajapakse must display considerable sagacity in coping with this situation.
November 20th, 2005
The presidential election campaign of Ranil Wickremasinghe has been dealt a terrific jolt by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam organization and its appendage the Tamil National Alliance.
In one decisive stroke the LTTE and TNA have dispelled the notion that they were extending tacit support to the United National Party candidate and Opposition Leader.
Earlier most analysts and media had been of the mindset that the tigers were backing Wickremasinghe. The mainspring of his rival Mahinda Rajapakse’s campaign had been on these lines.
There was a general impression gaining ground that Rajapakse would get more majority community votes and Wickremasinghe the bulk of minority community votes.
The UNP alliance with the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress and Ceylon Workers Congress ensured the majority of Muslim and Plantation Tamil votes. The LTTE and TNA were expected to deliver the Sri Lankan vote through covert and overt means respectively.
Now the LTTE – TNA says that the Tamils will be “neutral” in the election. There is no direct appeal to the Tamils asking them to vote against Wickremasinghe or vote for a candidate other than Ranil but a great emphasis is laid on the “useless” nature of the poll. There is no direct call for a Tamil boycott so far but indirectly it is being projected that Tamil voters would prefer to stay away.
A decision was reached after a three hour conclave at Kilinochchi between the LTTE and TNA. The TNA has no mind of its own but faithfully echoes the diktat laid down by its political master the LTTE. 21 of 22 TNA Parliamentarians attended the meeting presided over by Suppiah Paramu Thamilselvan the tiger political commissar. Only Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam away in USA was absent.
Addressing the media was senior Tamil leader and Trincomalee district MP Rajavarothayam Sambandan. Though present at the media meet Thamilselvan remained pointedly silent.
“Neither the TNA nor the LTTE will advise people not to vote. We will not be in their way, blocking them from exercising their democratic right. But all signs are, the decision not to show interest in the Presidential election is gathering momentum among the Tamils. That is what we could gather from our political experience and interaction with the people,” the veteran politician from Trincomalee observed.
“Tamil residents in NorthEast are fully aware of the conduct of the two major Sinhala parties. They have been through and suffered through periods under these parties’ governance. We know and understand Tamil peoples’ frame of mind. We have no doubt that they are in full agreement with our thinking,” Sampanthan told the media.
“We discussed in depth and exchanged our views on the situation related to the elections and what historical significance our participation in the elections is going to be for the future of our people.
“There was no doubt in any of the participants’ mind that the Presidential election will not produce any positive shift in the Southern Polity’s thinking and approach that will in anyway result in any progressive advance towards resolving the Tamil question.
“That is why we decided that it is a futile exercise to show any interest in the elecions,” Sampanthan told the media.
Later Thamilselvan spoke over the Tamil Eelam National Television where he reiterated the stance outlined by Sambandan. “Our people are well – experienced in politics and politically mature. The view gathering strength among them is that they should keep away from the poll. That is their decision. We will be supportive of them in this decision” said Thamilselvan.
Despite the assertions that the Tamil people have made their choice and that the LTTE – TNA are simply being supportive the reality is that the tigers want a boycott of the election. It is a decision imposed from above on the people and not one emanating upward from grassroot level.
” We know and understand Tamil peoples’ frame of mind. We have no doubt that they are in full agreement with our thinking,” was how LTTE mouthpiece “Tamilnet” reported Sambandan’s comment.. Saying the Tamil people were “in full agreement with our thinking” was a freudian slip made by him in this regard.
Though the LTTE and TNA say that they will not stand in the way of Tamils desiring to vote developments on ground indicate otherwise. Various front organizations of the LTTE have been issuing statements, distributing leaflets and putting up posters in Jaffna asking people to boycott the election. The LTTE also officially disowned a leaflet issued in its name calling for voting.
When postal voting commenced in Jaffna a tiger backed student organization began an active campaign urging a boycott. This resulted in only about 40% of those eligible voting from Jaffna. The tiger controlled Kilinochchi registered a zero count.
Earlier when the media queried about people voting from tiger controlled areas SP Thamilselvan replied that no special arrangements will be made to transport them to the cluster booths in Government controlled areas. He also said that no special concession would be given those going out to vote and that they would face normal security checks and searches. The menacing threat was clear. People venturing to vote will be “identified” and “sanctioned”.
The important question now is whether the LTTE will merely encourage a boycott indirectly or take direct measures to enforce a strict and widespread boycott of votes. If the tigers decide on flexing muscle to bring about a massive boycott then a string of related acts of omission and commission could be expected .
Even if the number of voters boycotting the poll as a result of direct and indirect LTTE pressure cannot be quantified one thing is clear. The loser in this is going to be Ranil Wickremasinghe. The votes that he would have obtained under normal circumstances will now decrease.
Few Tamil votes will go to Rajapakse but a boycott is certainly favourable to him. In the event that Rajapakse and Wickremasinghe are neck to neck on the basis of votes from the rest the Sri Lankan Tamil vote could have clinched victory for Wickremasinghe.
At the Kilinochchi the R. Sambandan did not refer disparagingly to Rajapakse or Wickremasinghe. He emphasised a general apathy on the part of Tamils as opposed to antipathy towards particular candidates.
Other tiger media in Sri Lanka and abroad have not been so discreet. They have begun over the past few days an intensive onslaught. The bulk of criticism is levelled not against Rajapakse the Sinhala “hawk” but against Wickremasinghe the perceived “dove”.
Mahinda Rajapakse and the SLFP – JVP – JHU alliance is depicted as the known devil. The Tamils know their stance and so know where they stand with Rajapakse. Ranil Wickremasinghe and his party are now painted not as the unknown angel but an unknown devil. Wickremasinghe;s stance is ambiguous and so more dangerous it is argued.
Rajapakse is the strident cobra but Wickremasinghe is a silent viper. One is the “seerikkadikkum Naham” (the naya that hisses and strikes). The other is the “seeraamal kadikkum pidaian” (the polonga that bites without hissing). The latter is deadlier than the former.
The immediate target of the proposed boycott therefore is Wickremasinghe. If the status quo is transformed as a consequence of the boycott he stands to lose greatly. The objective of the entire LTTE – TNA exercise seems to be exactly that. The greater the boycott the lesser Wickremasinghe’s chances of victory
The comments made by Ranil Wickremasinghe at Palaly, the purported speech made by Naveen Dissanayake at Ginigathena and the interview given by Milinda Moragoda to an English daily are now being used to justify the anti – Ranil boycott.
What is being glossed over in this is the frontal onslaught launched against Wickremasinghe by former Eelam Revolutionary Organization (EROS) leader Balakumaran now a trusted deputy of Pirapakaran.It was that “lecture” over “Voice of Tigers” radio that opened the floodgates of anti – Ranil sentiment.
Basically the LTTE is disillusioned and disappointed with Wickremasinghe. It must be understood that the manifesto and conduct of Wickremasinghe’s campaign was not enough for the LTTE to support it openly without losing credibility in the eyes of the Tamils. But if the TNA was allowed by the LTTE to negotiate with the UNP the situation may have been different.I
t is however a moot point whether the call for a boycott – direct or indirect – will help the LTTE in the long run. It is possible that a Wickremasinghe defeat made possible through a tiger boycott would strengthen the victor Rajapakse in an unimaginable manner.
The match however is not over for Wickremasinghe. The LTTE has not called for an open boycott. It is highly unlikely that such a boycott will be successful in the Norh – East. Apart from the Sinhala and Muslim voters even the Tamil voter cannot be controlled easily. If he or she felt it was necessary to vote then it would be difficult to impose restrictions without terror and violence. Doing so would undermine LTTE image further. This is why the LTTE is not calling for a public boycott. If voters keep away in large numbers it would claim success. But if people vote in large numbers it would say the decision was that of the people.
Let us also not forget that the people were getting ready to vote in large numbers when the LTTE made its intervention. This is a decision imposed from the top. As for the people there were many valid reasons to vote. This is no ordinary election. The Sinhala supremacist alliance of Rajapakse seeks to undermine the minorities and reverse the road to a solution. Whatever Wickremasinghe’s faults he will not espouse the policies outlined by Rajapakse. As the Catholic Bishops have appealed it is necessary for the people to vote and vote wisely.
As for the LTTE and TNA the attempt to encourage a Tamil boycott is one more exercise in political futilty. Once again the Tamils are to be driven into bleak wilderness. The Presidential election is one opprtunity for the minorities to exercise their clout. The Muslims and Plantation Tamils are grasping that eagerly but Sri Lankan Tamils are being asked to forgo that chance.It is imperative that the racial and religious minorities should stand together against the Sinhala – Buddhist juggernaut threatening to crush them. The LTTE – TNA call for a boycott is nothing but a betrayal in that context.
With only a few days to go for the election it is unclear about what lies ahead. Will the Tamils defy the LTTE and vote in large numbers? Will the LTTE realise its blunder and ease up on its stance? Will the UNP change tactics and pander to Sinhala hardline sentiments at this late stage? One does not know.
But what one knows is that a victory for Sinhala hawks due to a Tamil boycott is a tragic development indeed. Wickremasinghe has lost support among Sinhala voters due to his perceived sympathy for the tigers. Let it not be forgotten that it was he who de – proscribed the LTTE and signed a ceasefire agreement. For the Tamils to go against him at this late stage would amount to a betrayal. The only “sin” he has committed is taking the Tamils for granted. The LTTE does not hold a monopoly on political wisdom. The people defied the LTTE and stayed back in Jaffnad during Riviresa in 1995. That is how Jaffna remains a Tamil region still. If the people followed the LTTE blindly it would have been a disaster.
Likewise the situation requires a peoples initiative. The Tamils should vote to safeguard their interests. It is one thing for Rajapakse to win despite Tamils voting. But it is entirely another matter for him to win due to a Tamil boycott. Besides a boycott means the motley crew of Tamils supporting Mahinda can rig polls with ease. The Tamil people and all right thinking Sri Lankans must realise that despite Wickremasinghe’s shortcomings the chances of war under his presidency are less than that of Rajapakse. It is the Tamils who bear the brunt of war. Let them not be indirectly responsible for inviting war upon themselves through boycotting polls.
Even the LTTE must realise that a boycott is like cutting the nose off to spite the face. Also the LTTE case will be strengthened greatly if it supported voting at an election and the Sinhala hardliners won despite it. On the other hand a Rajapakse victory due to a tiger inspired boycott will not be helpful to the LTTE internationally. It will be seen as a tiger engineered victory to ensure outbreak of war. Such a perception will be harmful to the LTTE in the long run.
Hope springs eternal. Let us hope then that what has happened is only a tempest in a tea cup and all parties concerned act quickly to prevent more damage. Too much is at stake in this election. The forces of chauvinism have to be opposed not through bullet but by the ballot.The Tamil people should not relegate themselves or allow themselves to be relegated to the sidelines as spectators. They cannot remain isolated as the consequences of the election will definitely affect them too.
The Tigers, TNA and Tamils must realise that any realistic solution cannot be worked out by the “Sinhala” side alone. It requires the cooperation and participation of all particularly the LTTE. Likewise the Tamils cannot boycott a Presidential election and imagine themselves to be immune from the fall – out. Whatever the result its consequences will certainly affect them. It is better therefore to try and influence the verdict to some extent at least in a manner favourable to them. For this the Tamils must vote regardless of any call for a boycott.
November 14th, 2005
The attempt made by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam to enforce a Tamil boycott of the Presidential elections will affect Ranil Wickremasinghe as the bulk of Tamil votes was expected to be cast for him. The LTTE – TNA press conference in Kilinochchi has made it clear that the tigers are in favour of a boycott. Earlier there were confused signals to that effect. Now it is in the open.
A striking feature in the LTTE attempt to push for a boycott is its undisguised contempt for Ranil Wickremasinghe. There is subterranean anger rippling. Indeed the whole boycott exercise in the name of the people seems to be aimed at teaching Ranil a lesson he would never ever forget. It is almost like a lover’s quarrel because in popular perception there was a tacit alliance and understanding between Ranil and the tigers.
Why is the LTTE pissed off about Wickremasinghe? The opinion of the TNA does not matter. Described often as tiger nominated agents by Douglas Devananda the TNA is simply a mouthpiece for the voice of the master!But why are tigers hostile to Ranil?
The process of disillusionment with Wickremasinghe began from the time he was Prime Minister. The original understanding between the UNP and LTTE forged mainlt between ACS Hameed and Anton Balasingham envisaged an interim administration for the North – East under the LTTE. Hameed passed away but the UNP remained willing to set up an IA in principle.
The LTTE was not happy about the slow progress in setting up an Interim administration during Wickremasinghe’s tenure as premier. It however accepted the UNP position that it was difficult to proceed because Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga was Executive President and also due to lack of two – thirds majority to change entrenched restrictive clauses of the Constitution.
Kumaratunga’s dismissal of Wickremasinghe’s government and subsequent election strengthened the UNP view that she was the stumbling block.The LTTE concurred. Though the UPFA conducted a strong anti – tiger campaign Wickremasinghe was bold enough to include the setting up of an interim Administration in the party manifesto.The UNP lost but Kumaratunga was unable to govern due to the forces of racism she had unleashed.
When it became clear that Presidential election 2005 was on the cards the LTTE adopted a low – key approach to help Wickremasinghe. It avoided identifying with him in any way because it felt such a link would be detrimental to him among Sinhala voters. The tigers were somewhat nonchalant about the elections and said they did not care. This made the coast clear for Tamil voters to back the candidate of their choice.
The minorities particularly the Sri Lankan Tamils were happy about the ceasefire brought about jointly by Wickremasinghe. Rajapakse signed pacts with JVP and JHU and targeted the majority community votes at the expense of the minorities. He categorically ruled out the homeland, self – determination concepts and also the rejected P- TOMS. It was nothing but natural for the minority communities to back Ranil in such a situation. Besides there was always a tendency for Tamils to support the UNP in a situation where Tamil candidates were not contesting directly. This was more so among Colombo Tamils.
Against such a backdrop Tamil votes were expected in massive numbers for Wickremasinghe independent of LTTE – TNA manipulation.. It was assumed that the TNA directed by the LTTE will come out openly in support for Wickremasinghe about a week before the election. It was also suspected that the LTTE would swing into action a few days prior to the poll and influence Tamil voters in favour of Wickremasinghe.
Why did this not happen? It was mainly due to the LTTE perception that Ranil Wickremasinghe was not playing fair by them.Suspicion created during the 2001 – 2003 period was further reinforced through some actions.
Internationally Wickremasinghe and his deputies kept on cultivating the International community. This included visits to India and mention in sections of the Indian press that some understanding had been reached. An Indian connection real or imaginary makes the LTTE paranoid. The tigers were also harbouring a grudge about the Washington summit. It felt the UNP had set them up on that.
Wickremasinghe was also harping on Tokyo and Oslo summit declarations. This was his “clever” way of dealing with the South. The onus was put on the International community. But this had a counterproductive effect. The LTTE felt that Wickremasinghe was trying to trap them in protracted talks on exploring federalism by way of Oslo resolution and adhere to benchmarks of democracy, pluralism, human rights etc in terms of Tokyo. The LTTE kept away from Tokyo to avoid such impositions and took up the position that the Tokyo declaration did not bind them. But Wickremasinghe was saying the opposite.
Then there was the so called International safety net. It was felt that one reason for the failure of the peace process was excessive internationalisation by the UNP. Wickremasinghe was trying to convince Sinhala voters that concessions to the LTTE was not dangerous because the international factor was there to guarantee security,sovereignity , unity and territorial integrity of the Country. The tigers felt that this was anothr ruse to trap them and confine them to an unproductive, prolonged ceasefire.
The international factor was seen as something altering the balance of powerin favour of the State. The tigers were also miffed by the silence of wickremasinghe on the EU travel ban.Thus the LTTE was getting suspicious that a second round of talks with Wickremasinghe as President would mean indefinite confinement to negotiations.Talks on the ISGa and possibly fedralism would go on and on while the movement was progressively weakened with international help.
Domestically too Wickremasinghe was disappointing the tigers. His election manifesto excluded any reference to the Interim Administration or meaningful commitment to a federal solution. Concerned about Rajapakse’s appeal to the Sinhala constituency Wickremasinghe too was trying to pander to the same. While Mahinda was forthright about his stance Ranil was typically wishy – washy.
Wickremasinghe also signed a 67 point agreement with Rauf Hakeem. Some of those included third party status for Muslims in the peace talks and a separate N- E council for the Muslims on the principle of non – contiguous territory. This was anathema to the LTTE. Besides important decisions such as these could not be taken without consulting the other party to the peace process. This was seen as another trick to stultify the LTTE.
The UNP leader also spoke about striking a deal with bete noir Kumaratunga. A pan – Sinhala government was also talked about. The tigers could not stomach the notion of Wickremasinghe’s tete – a – tete with Kumaratunga after projecting her as the “enemy” so far to the LTTE. The LTTE antipathy towards her is very real.Also a re- alignment of Sinhala parties meant a “Sinhala Consensus”. Such consensus can only result in further dilution of any political settlement.
Notwithstanding all these “prickly issues” the LTTE may still have played ball with Ranil if the UNP was prepared to grant two things. One was the setting up of an Interim authority without too much haggling. The second was a thorouh disbanding of so called paramilitaries including the Karuna faction. It soon became apparent to the LTTE that these were impossible.
The ISGA would not have any meaningful powers desired by the LTTE. The Muslim card will be used to undermine it. The Supreme Court on P- TOMS demonstrated that even if granted an ISGA will not be allowed to function. As for the Karuna faction it had now become integral to the politico – military machinations by the state in the East. Wickremasinghe would not be allowed to concede on Karuna even if he wanted to.It was also felt by the LTTE that Wickremasinghe was not going to push anything decisively or firmly .
The tigers were also unhappy with the conduct of Wickremasinghe;s campaign. If Rajapakse was hard – selling the Sinhala line Wickremasinghe was soft – selling it. Ranil was not making strident anti – Tamil or anti – tiger remarks but he was not making any pro – Tamil statements either. If one is genuinely keen about some issues then one must have the courage of convicyion to articulate those the LTTE felt.
In an attempt to overtake Mahinda he was also pandering to Buddhist sentiments in a clumsy manner. Writing books on Buddhism on the eve of his campaign and promising the world’s tallest Buddhst monument etc were some of thewse. It was becoming increasingly clear to the LTTE that both Wickremasinghe and Rajapakse were two sides of the same coin. The LTTE felt that both were the same in substance and only the styles differed.This is incorrect but that was the tiger perception.
Wickremasinghe in LTTE perception was the dangerous of the two. Rajapakse was bluntly direct in his stance. The world at large knew he was a hardliner and that if elected war was on the cards. But Wickremasinghe’s image was that of a peace loving man ready to do business with the LTTE. If Wickremasinghe came to power and continued his “slipery” politics world opinion would be with him if war broke out. But with Rajapakse the LTTE had the moral high ground. If war erupted the international factor would back Wickremasinghe. The position was unclear with Rajapakse in the saddle.
The biggest problem for the LTTE was to avoid a repetition of the Kumaratunga phenomenon in the case of Wickremasinghe. In 1994 she had swept to power as an angel of peace with the overwhelming support of the Tamil people. It was an uphill task for the tigers to destroy that image. Now Wickremasinghe was fast acquiring a prince of peace image among the Tamil people. It was necessary to preempt that.From a tiger perspective the Tamil people had to be shaken free of such illusions.
Any hesitation by the LTTE was removed by Wickremasinghe himself when he went to Palaly on Nov 3rd. He confined himself to the security forces alone and did not meet the Tamil people. Even Rajapakse had a token meeting with a captive Tamil audience. Ranil did not. When asked about meeting Tamils he “arrogantly” said that he knew the Tamil people’s problems via telephone calls and leters etc. Furthermore he spoke about modernising the army. Ranil also boasted about 23 LTTE ships being destroyed during the ceasefire.
This was the proverbial last straw. On Nov 5th Balakumaran came over the air on “Voice of Tigers” and pitched in. The point he made was that Rajapakse and Wickremasinghe were the same as far as the Tamil issue was concerned. Wickremasinghe was more dangerous because he pretended to be a moderate. Some Tamil people too were confused. As such the people had to be informed about Ranil’s true colours. The presidential election was of no importance or relevance to the Tamil people in this situation.
The floodgates opened after Balakumar’s outburst. Wickremasinghe is criticised as unreliable, crafty and duplicitous. The comments of Dissanaike and Moragoda about Karuna, ceasefire, loss of LTTE ships, trapping the LTTE, international community etc are helping LTTE propagandists to justify their position. It must be remembered that Dissanaikes speech made on Nov 3rd was reported only on the 7th. Moragodas interview appeared on the 9th. But Balakumar’s comment made on the 5th was circulated all over the “Tamil world” on Nov 6th. So comments by the UNP stalwarts are strengthening the LTTE argument now but the cause for tiger resentment of Wickremasinghe was earlier and different.
One thing however is that the claims purportedly made by Moragoda and Dissanayake cannot be new to the LTTE. If there is merit or validity in those arguments then the LTTE must surely have known it long ago. The tigers are not kittens who opened their eyes only after these revelations. The tiger mouthpiece “Tamilnet” however is going to town with its angled accounts of those comments
Basically the LTTE is disillusioned and disappointed with Wickremasinghe. It must be understood that the manifesto and conduct of Wickremasinghe’s campaign was not enough for the LTTE to support it openly without losing credibility in the eyes of the Tamils. But if the TNA was allowed by the LTTE to negotiate with the UNP the situation may have been different.The Tamil case has suffered through default. It also appears that Wickremasinghe blundered by taking the Tamil votes for granted.
It is however a moot point whether the call for a boycott – direct or indirect – will help the LTTE in the long run. It is possible that a Wickremasinghe defeat made possible through a tiger boycott would strengthen the victor Rajapakse in an unimaginable manner. It is one thing for war to erupt due to a Rajapakse victory despite the Tamils voting for Wickremasinghe. It is totally different if Rajapakse wins because of a tiger – inspired Tamil boycott. The LTTE should give much thought to this .
- DBSJ
November 13th, 2005
“Yarlppanakudanadu ” or Jaffna Peninsula became the cynosure of the on going presidential election campaign when both Ranil Wickremasinghe and Mahinda Rajapakse paid brief visits on successive days last week. The Leader of the Opposition was in Jaffna on Nov 3rd and the Prime Minister on the 4th.
Wickremasinghe;s comparatively shorter northern stay was restricted to the Palaly – Kankesanthurai military , naval and air force complex only . He interacted mainly with the security personnel and did not meet Tamil civilians or their habitat.Rajapakse on the other hand addressed both the security forces as well as a Tamil civilian gathering in separate meetings during his stay.
Wickremasinghe being in Jaffna first on Thursday with Rajapakse following on Friday created the impression that the Prime Minister undertook the visit hurriedly because the Opposition leader stolen a march over him.. Though the perception was that Rajapakse was reacting to Wickremasinghe the reality was different.
The Rajapakse visit to Jaffna had been planned at least ten days before. Mahinda’s current “demala malli” Douglas Devananda who at one time claimed to be on “machang” level with Ranil was instrumental in this. It was kept secret for security and political reasons.
According to informed sources ” Siri Kotha” circles had got wind of the proposed visit and arranged a “whistle – stop” tour hurriedly. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga now in the twilight of her Presidency was more than generous to her childhood chum and made it possible for Wickremasinghe to visit Palaly who beat Rajapakse by a day.
The short notice as well as security considerations prevented Wickremasinghe from venturing out of the massive Palaly centered security zone comprising the greater part of the Valigamam North AGA division. It was not possible to meet the Tamil people or civilan officials.
This did not deter Wickremasinghe because his priority was different. The UNP leader has established his credentials among the minority communities of the country. It is almost a foregone conclusion that he would get the bulk of the minority community votes cast in this election. Ranils problem is with the majority community.
Along with the ultra – Sinhala line of Rajapakse’s JVP and JHU allies the general thrust of his campaign has been an attempt to depict Wickremasinghe as being soft on the tigers. Wickremasinghe was ready to sell out the Country, its armed forces and the Sinhala people while “patriotic” Rajapakse was going to safeguard all those is the familiar refrain of the anti -Ranil campaign.
Against this backdrop Wickremasinghe is now compelled to conduct his campaign to dispel such accusations and clear misgivings in the Sinhala majority voter. The visit to Palaly was an ideal opportunity to demonstrate Wickremasinghe’ s concern for the armed forces. It was not very necessary for him to meet Tamil civilans on this trip. His target was the armed forces.
The Palaly visit and inter- action with the armed forces also provided a chance for Ranil to woo the votes of the security forces in Jaffna. The more important objective however was the conveying of a powerful signal to the Sinhala voters in general and the security forces in particular that Wickremasinghe cared about the Country and the armed forces.It was also a chance to explain his stance to the armed forces. This then was the underlying purpose of the trip.
To his credit Wickremasinghe did not play to the “Sinhala “gallery. He applied logic, reason and a sense of humour in responding to the questions of the armed forces. Apart from stating his position on the peace process, negotiations and other matters Ranil also pointed out the virtues of the ceasefire. He referred to a tiger complaint that they had lost 26 ships during this period thereby showing that the ceasefire had affected the LTTE too.
Talking to a soldier who fractured his leg playing volleyball Ranil said that getting injured while playing was better than getting wounded in fighting. When one soldier complained that they could only travel about in convoys now Wickremasinghe pointed out that prior to the ceasefire it was not possible to travel safely in convoys even.When a journalist introduced his classmate now an Air Force officer to Ranil the UNP leader asked the journo why he had not joined the air force. To this the quick response was “then I couldn’t have interviewed you”.
In trying to dispel the bad image of himself projected by his opponents Wickremasinghe took along a media contingent of about 25 to 30 persons. The importance and impact of the visit therefore was not confined to Jaffna but made visibly clear to the whole country. The security forces at Palaly were the immediate target but Ranil’s target audience was the entire Sinhala constituency.
Mahinda Rajapakse had a different objective. His image has been firmly established as a Sinhala hawk and hardliner thanks to the pacts he signed with the JVP – JHU and his manifesto “Mahinda Chintanaya”. In the process he has alienated himself considerably from the minorities. Just as Ranil needs to attract more Sinhala votes, Mahinda needs more minority votes to ensure victory. In a tight race every vote counts.
Rajapakse unlike Wickremasinghe had dual purposes somewhat contradictory of each other.. One was to address the security forces and reassert his patriotic image thus off- setting any gain made by Wickremasinghe. The second was to demonstrate to the minorities in general and Tamils in particular that he cared for them too and that he was not a Sinhala hardliner. Mahinda did not bring any perceived hardliners or JVP – JHU baggage with him.
Instead Rajapakse relied greatly on Devananda and his Eelam Peoples Democratic Party to deliver the goods. Douglas accompanied Mahinda from Colombo prompting the latter to quip, ” It is dangerous to travel to Jaffna with Douglas. But it is more dangerous to travel to Jaffna without him”. Douglas who claims to have nine lives like a cat broke out in a wide grin that could have shamed even a Cheshire feline.
Mahinda’s desire to meet with the Tamil people had a problem – Security. Since Mahinda and Douglas could not go to the people the people had to be brought to them. This was made possible by the EPDP. It is a fact of political life in Sri Lanka that most crowds are brought to venues through pre – arranged transport and other incentives. Most crowds are “contrived” and not spontaneous.
The EPDP however takes the cake or “palahaaram” in the method adopted to bring a crowd numbering about 600 for Mahinda. Letters , e – mails and telephone calls had been sent to thre categories of Jaffna people in the days preceding the visit. People working in a volunteer capacity in schools and other state institutions were told that their jobs were going to be made permanent; “Samurdhi ” job applicants were told they were getting jobs; members of temple development societies were told financial grants for temples were going to be given. They were all asked to assemble on Nov 4th at the former Sridhar theatre now housing the EPDP Jaffna base – headquarters.
When hundreds of people from the three categories went to Sridhar theatre in the morning they were told that a conference was going to be held at Thellippalai. Thereafter they were searched and bundled into buses and taken in four convoys along Kankesanthurai road to Union College in the security zone. They were disembarked, searched again and taken in buses again to Nadeswara College in Kankesanthurai. Both Colleges being in the security zone are dysfunctional in the original buildings with students attending classes in other places.
Once again the people were made to move to four different locations within Nadeswara premises for security reasons. Finally Douglas Devananda appeared and told them the premier was to address them and asked them to cheer. So when Rajapakse made an entrance and spoke they cheered. If there was a captive audience at its best or worst this was it. After being forced to brave the rains and listen to the torrential oratory of Rajapakse the people were put into buses and brought through another circuitous route via Manipay road to Jaffna.
Mahinda Rajapakse made two different speeches to the different audiences. At Palaly addressing a “Sinhala” security forces audience he spoke like the typical Sinhala veeraya of the ruhunu. He echoed in a moderate way the sentiments of the JVP and JHU. In Kankesanthurai addressing a Tamil gathering he spoke less stridently. He spoke about peace, unity, friendhip, amity etc. He never spoke of war or the hard line principles enunciated in his JVP – JHU pacts or his “vision”. At the same time he also did not promise the moon insincerely to the Tamils.But his address to the Tamils at Nadeswara was given wide publicity to project an impression that Rajapakse was a moderate, minority friendly candidate reaching out to Tamils.
Thus both Rajapakse and Wickremasinghe used their Jaffna trips to explain their positions and convey strong signals. Their target audiences were physically in Jaffna but both candidates did not confine their message to those limited targets. Instead a wider message was conveyed to the voters at large.
In that context both candidates did not miss the ritualistic exercise of paying pooja at a Hindu temple. Only this time it was not the Nallur Kandaswamy temple due to security reasons. Both went on different days to another famous Murugan temple at Maaviddapuram. Some readers may recall the fierce clashes in the sixties concerning the issue of temple entry for the so called oppressed castes at the Maaviddapuram Kandaswamy temple. It has an ancient past and is inter – twined with the legend of Princess Maaruthapravahavalli who shed her horse face here (Maa =horse; vidda =shed; puram=place).
Today this temple is within the extended security zone. The ceasefire has enabled poojas to be held more often during daytime. A limited number of devotees are also allowed to come to the temple daily. The temple however has lost all its grandeur and glory. The village of Maaviddapuram lies deserted. Its people are scattered all over Sri Lanka and the world.
The tragedy of Maaviddapuram is very personal to me because my wife is from this place. She along with members of her family, relatives , neighbours and other villagers are dispersed in North America, Australia, New Zealand, Europe, India and other areas of Sri Lanka. The people of Maviddapuram were deprived of their village in 1990. They have not been able to go back. My wife’s house near the temple does not exist. Like many other houses it was demolished by the armed forces.
Apart from Maaviddapuram many other villages and towns in the Valigamam North sector were de – populated in 1990 for the expansion of the Palaly – Kankesanthurai base complex and security zone. Some more places suffered a similiar fate in 1995 – 96 when the Palaly – KKS security zone was extended further. This security zone along with other security zones in the peninsula take up approximately 19% of the land area and 42% of the coastline. People have been deprived of their houses, fields, groves, schools, roads and places of worship. My wife and her kinsfolk like most Tamils accept the current situation stoically but I can sense their deep sense of hurt , pain and grief.
It is to such a temple in this security zone that Rajapakse and Wickremasinghe went to pay pooja. The presiding deity Kandaswamy or Lord Muruga has been kept under the control of the Sri Lankan armed forces for fifteen years now. It is to such a “captive” deity that the Prime Minister and Opposition Leader paid homage and perhaps asked for the boon of victory. I am sure the divine Maviddapuram Kandaswamy must surely have smiled beatifically at this height of absurd hypocrisy where two contenders for the post of supreme commander of the armed forces controlling his abode worship at his presence.
The ceasefire agreement signed by Wickremasinghe stipulates that the security forces dismantle security zones on a staggered basis. For various reasons it has not been done. Now Rajapakse talks of revising the ceasefire but no mention is made of doing way with the security zones. The question of this mass displacement is seen only from a security perspective. The underlying human tragedy of the people deprived of their homesteads is not recognized.
Mahinda Rajapakse speaking in different vein to the different audiences made two interesting observations. Talking to the soldiers he said ” Though I am Prime Minister I am unable to visit some places in my own Country. True! But then the people of Valigamam North AGA division are unable to return to their homes because of the security zone. How bitterly ironic that Rajapakse should stand inside the security zone depriving thousands of their homes and moan about his inability to visit certain places.
The other point was at Nadeswara. There he spoke of the atrocities committed against the Tamil people during the 1977 – 94 UNP regime. True again! But much blood has flown after that under the KUmaratunga regime of which Rajapakse was cabinet minister. Navaly, Nagarkovil, Maniyam Thottam etc . The horrors of war under UNP are matched by the horrors of war under the SLFP – PA too.
Mahinda also made an observation about the Jaffna Library being burnt in 1981. He referred to a poem by the Tamil poet Cheran regarding that incident about Lord Buddha being murdered. It was good of Mahinda to have referred to that poem but he has been briefed wrongly. It was not Cheran who wrote that one but the scholar – literateur MA Nuhman who was then lecturing at the Jaffna University. Titled “Putharin Padukolai” (Murder of Buddha) it speaks of how Lord Buddha was shot dead at the Jaffna Library and how his body was cremated in a bonfire of books including the “Sihalokavadasutta”.
That aside a poem by Cheran that Mahinda could have perhaps referred to at KKS in the security zone was the one about loss of a village. It is an “Oppari” like poem lamenting the loss of home and homeland . It begins “Oorana Oorilanthom, Ottaippanai Thoppilanthom” ( We lost our village of villages and the solitary palmyra grove…) The poet blended lines from a folk song with his own lines.
The people of the security zone areas have been deprived of their abodes and groves and temples for fifteen years. The Kandaswamy deity of Maaviddapuram would want his devotees to return and worship him with all freedom and religious fervour. He himself would like to abide freely instead of being restricted to a security zone. Instead of that the ” Kandaswamy Kadavul” is treated to an absurd drama of epic proportions when two presidential aspirants compete to seek blessings from a God held in captivity within the security zone by successive governments of which they were part of.
November 9th, 2005
The Colombo Crimes Division (CCD) informed the Colombo Chief Magistrate and Additional District Judge Sarojini Kusala Weerawardena on Monday Oct 24th that they have detained Charles Selvakumar Gnanakone an Australian passport holder for questioning in connection with the assassination of Former Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar.
Responding to a request made by the CCD Judge Weerawardena extended the detention period of Gnanakone for a further 90 days. He was taken into custody on Oct 10th.
According to some media reports Gnanakones lawyer Ananda Wijesekera had no objections to his clients passport being impounded and had told the judge that he would get it surrendered to court as early as possible.
Unusual circumstances
Gnanakone’s arrest on October 10 took place under unusual circumstances. Apparently the army received a mysterious tip-off that some Tigers were hiding at No. 36, Nikape Road, Dehiwela. It is not clear as to what offence the allegedly hiding Tigers had committed.
Acting under powers bestowed by emergency regulations a special anti terrorism unit of the armed forces effected a search and found no Tigers in the house. But Gnanakone was there. The house belonged to Australian nationals of Caucasian stock connected to a NGO doing work in Hambantota.
The army then took Gnanakone into custody and handed him over to the Dehiwala Police, which then sent him over to the CID, which in turn transferred him over to the CCD.
The arrest by the army took place between 1:30 to 2 a.m. Gnanakone was expected to present himself in court on Monday with his lawyer. Police had earlier requested court that Gnanakone’s Australian passport be impounded to prevent him leaving the country. According to the CCD, Gnanakone’s presence in Sri Lanka was required for the ongoing probe into Kadirgamar’s assassination.
Gnanakone along with his lawyer was to present himself voluntarily in court on October 10 and inform the judge that he would be available for questioning at all times. The army special unit acting on the alleged tip-off had preempted this and arrested him beforehand.
Interestingly enough the CCD officer in court on October 10 was unaware of Gnanakone being taken into custody in the night. The CCD later told court that a report on the full status of the investigation into Gnanakone would be submitted to court on the following date.
The CCD however was not ready with the report on October 24 and requested further time from court. This led to Judge Weerawardena extending Gnanakone’s detention period for a further 90 days. The CCD assured court that a full report would be prepared by that time after further investigation.
‘Trial by media’
‘Captain’ Charles, an Australian citizen of Sri Lankan Tamil origin, has been the focus of much media attention from the time of Kadirgamar’s death. This focus to some extent amounted to what one may call a ‘trial by media.’ This process itself was/is of two parts, the pre and post arrest periods.
The pre-arrest period saw reports about Gnanakone’s alleged involvement with the Tigers and the role played in the Kadirgamar killing. During the post-arrest period media reports continue in the same vein.
Furthermore ’stories’ about Gnanakone’s alleged frauds in Australia are being given much publicity. Even if true as alleged one does not know of what relevance these stories are to Gnanakone’s detention on suspicion relating to the Kadirgamar murder.
Prior to his arrest, sections of the media reported that Gnanakone had befriended Kadirgamar with mala fide intentions. He had frequently visited Kadirgamar and apparently informed the Minister that he faced no threat from the LTTE as long as he was Foreign Minister and the cease fire prevailed.
According to these reports Kadirgamar had been lulled into a false sense of security by these assurances and had relaxed his guard. Therefore Kadirgamar had become easy prey for the two-legged felines. One report even alleged that Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe had introduced Gnanakone to Kadirgamar.
Allegations
These allegations are being exploited by many of those campaigning for Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse, notably Sripathi Sooriyaarachchi. The purpose seems to be a crude attempt to paint Wickremesinghe as an accomplice of Gnanakone, the ‘Tamil Tiger’ in the Kadirgamar assassination, and derive political mileage at the hustings.
This is not the first time Wickremesinghe was ‘linked’ to Gnanakone by his political rivals and sections of the media. It was alleged some years ago that Wickremesinghe had visited Gnanakone in Singapore and had breakfast with him.
An alleged UNP-LTTE deal was cemented there, it was said. The Tigers had given large sums of money to Wickremesinghe, it was alleged. Ranil was also charged of doing a deal to divide the country.
Despite this barrage of accusations Wickremesinghe was never questioned by the authorities. Gnanakone was an old acquaintance of Wickrem-esinghe. The fact that they met each other was not denied. But Wickremesinghe emphatically denied the Tiger conspiracy charges.
It was this ‘dirty’ campaign linking him to the LTTE via Gnanakone that led
Wickremesinghe to quit the constitutional reform discussions the party was engaged in at that time. Wickremesinghe has also reacted strongly to current accusations by interested parties like the Patriotic National Movement and obtained a media apology and retraction.
It appears that the Gnanakone family in general and Charles in particular are being targetted in the media due to the Wickremesinghe relationship and alleged Tiger connections.
Targets
In August 2000, Sharmalee Fernando, Charles’s brother Donald’s Sinhala wife, was arrested by the Colpetty police after a midnight search of her father’s house. She was released as a case of ‘mistaken identity.’
There were sporadic yet frequent reports in the media about the Gnanakones and the LTTE and Wickremesinghe.
This targetting received a fresh lease after Kadirgamar’s death. Emergency regulations were promulgated. Both Charles and Donald were then staying at the family residence on Hampden Lane, Wellawatte. Security personnel entered the premises and conducted a midnight raid. Charles was ‘interviewed’ for two hours.
His 89-year-old father and teenage nieces were terrified. Michelle Gnanakone, a 17-year- old US citizen, wrote to the US Ambassador and complained about the experience. It was raised in parliament. The explanation proffered was that it was a routine search in the aftermath of the Kadirgamar killing. It was pointed out however that five Tamil houses in the neighbourhood were not searched.
Though sections of the media allege that Charles Gnanakone befriended Kadirgamar recently as an agent of the LTTE to provide a false sense of security, the facts of the matter seem otherwise.
Apparently the Kadirgamar and Gnanakone families were known to each other for decades. Lakshman’s elder brother Sam Kadirgamar QC had attended to some legal matters concerning the Gnanakones. Another brother, Rajan Kadirgamar, the former navy chief, had worked in the firm owned by the Gnanakones prior to his becoming Shipping Corporation chairman in 1977.
Close interaction
Charles Gnanakone, a diabetic patient, had been a frequent visitor as a family friend to the Kadirgamar home. One reason for Gnanakone’s close interaction with Kadirgamar was due to both working together on a project to prevent the Anti Conversion Bill being presented in parliament.
He, like Kadirgamar, was a Protestant Christian. The proposed anti conversion legislation was essentially targetted against the Christian Church in its various forms.
Also it is an insult to the intelligence of the brilliant former Foreign Minister that he would let assurances from a person allegedly connected to the LTTE lull him into a false sense of security.
It is also noteworthy that Charles Gnanakone had made no attempt to flee Colombo despite the various media reports about his alleged role in the Kadirgamar killing or his alleged LTTE connections.
Since he was in possession of his passport prior to his arrest Gnanakone could have hopped an easy flight at least to Singapore in order to avoid arrest.
If he had close LTTE connections as alleged in the media, he could have gone to the LTTE controlled Wanni for safety. Instead he stayed put in Colombo and was about to present himself in court when he was arrested.
Another feature of the media campaign was confusion of identity. It was reported in the media that Gnanakone had been present at a demonstration opposite the Indian High Commission in Colombo to protest against the Sethusamudram canal project. A photograph was also published.
It was however a colossal mistake as the Gnanakone in the picture was not Charles but his US based brother Donald. Jayantha Donald Gnanakone was the man who participated in the demonstration as he was involved with the Manitham organisation that opposes Sethusamudram as a possible environmental hazard.
While media attention continues to be directed against Charles and some other Tamils arrested in connection with the Kadirgamar killing, sufficient attention has not been paid to the security lapses that led to the Foreign Minister’s death.
Security lapses
Only The Sunday Leader in an earlier article pinpointed the various shortcomings in the security for Kadirgamar. Though retired Col. Sarath Jayewardena was in verall charge of security arrangements, there have been no reports in the media about any explanation being called for regarding the security lapses.
Jayewardena is the husband of Suganthie Kadir-gamar’s sister. He is also the brother of Defence Secretary Gen. Asoka Jayewardena.
A consular official of the Australian High Commission is looking after Charles Gnanakone’s interests, it is learnt.
According to knowledgeable sources the publicity surrounding Gnanakone has political undercurrents. The issue is likely to be kept alive until the presidential election is over.
There is no doubt that if an impartial investigation is conducted, truth will prevail. In the meantime it is to be hoped that justice will ultimately triumph in the case of Gnanakone’s arrest and detention.
November 9th, 2005
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
“Yarlppanakudanadu ” or Jaffna Peninsula became the cynosure of the on going presidential election campaign when both Ranil Wickremasinghe and Mahinda Rajapakse paid brief visits on successive days last week. The Leader of the Opposition was in Jaffna on Nov 3rd and the Prime Minister on the 4th.
Wickremasinghe;s comparatively shorter northern stay was restricted to the Palaly – Kankesanthurai military , naval and air force complex only . He interacted mainly with the security personnel and did not meet Tamil civilians or their habitat.Rajapakse on the other hand addressed both the security forces as well as a Tamil civilian gathering in separate meetings during his stay.
Wickremasinghe being in Jaffna first on Thursday with Rajapakse following on Friday created the impression that the Prime Minister undertook the visit hurriedly because the Opposition leader stolen a march over him.. Though the perception was that Rajapakse was reacting to Wickremasinghe the reality was different.
The Rajapakse visit to Jaffna had been planned at least ten days before. Mahinda’s current “demala malli” Douglas Devananda who at one time claimed to be on “machang” level with Ranil was instrumental in this. It was kept secret for security and political reasons.
According to informed sources ” Siri Kotha” circles had got wind of the proposed visit and arranged a “whistle – stop” tour hurriedly. Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga now in the twilight of her Presidency was more than generous to her childhood chum and made it possible for Wickremasinghe to visit Palaly who beat Rajapakse by a day.
The short notice as well as security considerations prevented Wickremasinghe from venturing out of the massive Palaly centered security zone comprising the greater part of the Valigamam North AGA division. It was not possible to meet the Tamil people or civilan officials.
This did not deter Wickremasinghe because his priority was different. The UNP leader has established his credentials among the minority communities of the country. It is almost a foregone conclusion that he would get the bulk of the minority community votes cast in this election. Ranils problem is with the majority community.
Along with the ultra – Sinhala line of Rajapakse’s JVP and JHU allies the general thrust of his campaign has been an attempt to depict Wickremasinghe as being soft on the tigers. Wickremasinghe was ready to sell out the Country, its armed forces and the Sinhala people while “patriotic” Rajapakse was going to safeguard all those is the familiar refrain of the anti -Ranil campaign.
Against this backdrop Wickremasinghe is now compelled to conduct his campaign to dispel such accusations and clear misgivings in the Sinhala majority voter. The visit to Palaly was an ideal opportunity to demonstrate Wickremasinghe’ s concern for the armed forces. It was not very necessary for him to meet Tamil civilans on this trip. His target was the armed forces.
The Palaly visit and inter- action with the armed forces also provided a chance for Ranil to woo the votes of the security forces in Jaffna. The more important objective however was the conveying of a powerful signal to the Sinhala voters in general and the security forces in particular that Wickremasinghe cared about the Country and the armed forces.It was also a chance to explain his stance to the armed forces. This then was the underlying purpose of the trip.
To his credit Wickremasinghe did not play to the “Sinhala “gallery. He applied logic, reason and a sense of humour in responding to the questions of the armed forces. Apart from stating his position on the peace process, negotiations and other matters Ranil also pointed out the virtues of the ceasefire. He referred to a tiger complaint that they had lost 26 ships during this period thereby showing that the ceasefire had affected the LTTE too.
Talking to a soldier who fractured his leg playing volleyball Ranil said that getting injured while playing was better than getting wounded in fighting. When one soldier complained that they could only travel about in convoys now Wickremasinghe pointed out that prior to the ceasefire it was not possible to travel safely in convoys even.When a journalist introduced his classmate now an Air Force officer to Ranil the UNP leader asked the journo why he had not joined the air force. To this the quick response was “then I couldn’t have interviewed you”.
In trying to dispel the bad image of himself projected by his opponents Wickremasinghe took along a media contingent of about 25 to 30 persons. The importance and impact of the visit therefore was not confined to Jaffna but made visibly clear to the whole country. The security forces at Palaly were the immediate target but Ranil’s target audience was the entire Sinhala constituency.
Mahinda Rajapakse had a different objective. His image has been firmly established as a Sinhala hawk and hardliner thanks to the pacts he signed with the JVP – JHU and his manifesto “Mahinda Chintanaya”. In the process he has alienated himself considerably from the minorities. Just as Ranil needs to attract more Sinhala votes, Mahinda needs more minority votes to ensure victory. In a tight race every vote counts.
Rajapakse unlike Wickremasinghe had dual purposes somewhat contradictory of each other.. One was to address the security forces and reassert his patriotic image thus off- setting any gain made by Wickremasinghe. The second was to demonstrate to the minorities in general and Tamils in particular that he cared for them too and that he was not a Sinhala hardliner. Mahinda did not bring any perceived hardliners or JVP – JHU baggage with him.
Instead Rajapakse relied greatly on Devananda and his Eelam Peoples Democratic Party to deliver the goods. Douglas accompanied Mahinda from Colombo prompting the latter to quip, ” It is dangerous to travel to Jaffna with Douglas. But it is more dangerous to travel to Jaffna without him”. Douglas who claims to have nine lives like a cat broke out in a wide grin that could have shamed even a Cheshire feline.
Mahinda’s desire to meet with the Tamil people had a problem – Security. Since Mahinda and Douglas could not go to the people the people had to be brought to them. This was made possible by the EPDP. It is a fact of political life in Sri Lanka that most crowds are brought to venues through pre – arranged transport and other incentives. Most crowds are “contrived” and not spontaneous.
The EPDP however takes the cake or “palahaaram” in the method adopted to bring a crowd numbering about 600 for Mahinda. Letters , e – mails and telephone calls had been sent to thre categories of Jaffna people in the days preceding the visit. People working in a volunteer capacity in schools and other state institutions were told that their jobs were going to be made permanent; “Samurdhi ” job applicants were told they were getting jobs; members of temple development societies were told financial grants for temples were going to be given. They were all asked to assemble on Nov 4th at the former Sridhar theatre now housing the EPDP Jaffna base – headquarters.
When hundreds of people from the three categories went to Sridhar theatre in the morning they were told that a conference was going to be held at Thellippalai. Thereafter they were searched and bundled into buses and taken in four convoys along Kankesanthurai road to Union College in the security zone. They were disembarked, searched again and taken in buses again to Nadeswara College in Kankesanthurai. Both Colleges being in the security zone are dysfunctional in the original buildings with students attending classes in other places.
Once again the people were made to move to four different locations within Nadeswara premises for security reasons. Finally Douglas Devananda appeared and told them the premier was to address them and asked them to cheer. So when Rajapakse made an entrance and spoke they cheered. If there was a captive audience at its best or worst this was it. After being forced to brave the rains and listen to the torrential oratory of Rajapakse the people were put into buses and brought through another circuitous route via Manipay road to Jaffna.
Mahinda Rajapakse made two different speeches to the different audiences. At Palaly addressing a “Sinhala” security forces audience he spoke like the typical Sinhala veeraya of the ruhunu. He echoed in a moderate way the sentiments of the JVP and JHU. In Kankesanthurai addressing a Tamil gathering he spoke less stridently. He spoke about peace, unity, friendhip, amity etc. He never spoke of war or the hard line principles enunciated in his JVP – JHU pacts or his “vision”. At the same time he also did not promise the moon insincerely to the Tamils.But his address to the Tamils at Nadeswara was given wide publicity to project an impression that Rajapakse was a moderate, minority friendly candidate reaching out to Tamils.
Thus both Rajapakse and Wickremasinghe used their Jaffna trips to explain their positions and convey strong signals. Their target audiences were physically in Jaffna but both candidates did not confine their message to those limited targets. Instead a wider message was conveyed to the voters at large.
In that context both candidates did not miss the ritualistic exercise of paying pooja at a Hindu temple. Only this time it was not the Nallur Kandaswamy temple due to security reasons. Both went on different days to another famous Murugan temple at Maaviddapuram. Some readers may recall the fierce clashes in the sixties concerning the issue of temple entry for the so called oppressed castes at the Maaviddapuram Kandaswamy temple. It has an ancient past and is inter – twined with the legend of Princess Maaruthapravahavalli who shed her horse face here (Maa =horse; vidda =shed; puram=place).
Today this temple is within the extended security zone. The ceasefire has enabled poojas to be held more often during daytime. A limited number of devotees are also allowed to come to the temple daily. The temple however has lost all its grandeur and glory. The village of Maaviddapuram lies deserted. Its people are scattered all over Sri Lanka and the world.
The tragedy of Maaviddapuram is very personal to me because my wife is from this place. She along with members of her family, relatives , neighbours and other villagers are dispersed in North America, Australia, New Zealand, Europe, India and other areas of Sri Lanka. The people of Maviddapuram were deprived of their village in 1990. They have not been able to go back. My wife’s house near the temple does not exist. Like many other houses it was demolished by the armed forces.
Apart from Maaviddapuram many other villages and towns in the Valigamam North sector were de – populated in 1990 for the expansion of the Palaly – Kankesanthurai base complex and security zone. Some more places suffered a similiar fate in 1995 – 96 when the Palaly – KKS security zone was extended further. This security zone along with other security zones in the peninsula take up approximately 19% of the land area and 42% of the coastline. People have been deprived of their houses, fields, groves, schools, roads and places of worship. My wife and her kinsfolk like most Tamils accept the current situation stoically but I can sense their deep sense of hurt , pain and grief.
It is to such a temple in this security zone that Rajapakse and Wickremasinghe went to pay pooja. The presiding deity Kandaswamy or Lord Muruga has been kept under the control of the Sri Lankan armed forces for fifteen years now. It is to such a “captive” deity that the Prime Minister and Opposition Leader paid homage and perhaps asked for the boon of victory. I am sure the divine Maviddapuram Kandaswamy must surely have smiled beatifically at this height of absurd hypocrisy where two contenders for the post of supreme commander of the armed forces controlling his abode worship at his presence.
The ceasefire agreement signed by Wickremasinghe stipulates that the security forces dismantle security zones on a staggered basis. For various reasons it has not been done. Now Rajapakse talks of revising the ceasefire but no mention is made of doing way with the security zones. The question of this mass displacement is seen only from a security perspective. The underlying human tragedy of the people deprived of their homesteads is not recognized.
Mahinda Rajapakse speaking in different vein to the different audiences made two interesting observations. Talking to the soldiers he said ” Though I am Prime Minister I am unable to visit some places in my own Country. True! But then the people of Valigamam North AGA division are unable to return to their homes because of the security zone. How bitterly ironic that Rajapakse should stand inside the security zone depriving thousands of their homes and moan about his inability to visit certain places.
The other point was at Nadeswara. There he spoke of the atrocities committed against the Tamil people during the 1977 – 94 UNP regime. True again! But much blood has flown after that under the KUmaratunga regime of which Rajapakse was cabinet minister. Navaly, Nagarkovil, Maniyam Thottam etc . The horrors of war under UNP are matched by the horrors of war under the SLFP – PA too.
Mahinda also made an observation about the Jaffna Library being burnt in 1981. He referred to a poem by the Tamil poet Cheran regarding that incident about Lord Buddha being murdered. It was good of Mahinda to have referred to that poem but he has been briefed wrongly. It was not Cheran who wrote that one but the scholar – literateur MA Nuhman who was then lecturing at the Jaffna University. Titled “Putharin Padukolai” (Murder of Buddha) it speaks of how Lord Buddha was shot dead at the Jaffna Library and how his body was cremated in a bonfire of books including the “Sihalokavadasutta”.
That aside a poem by Cheran that Mahinda could have perhaps referred to at KKS in the security zone was the one about loss of a village. It is an “Oppari” like poem lamenting the loss of home and homeland . It begins “Oorana Oorilanthom, Ottaippanai Thoppilanthom” ( We lost our village of villages and the solitary palmyra grove…) The poet blended lines from a folk song with his own lines.
The people of the security zone areas have been deprived of their abodes and groves and temples for fifteen years. The Kandaswamy deity of Maaviddapuram would want his devotees to return and worship him with all freedom and religious fervour. He himself would like to abide freely instead of being restricted to a security zone. Instead of that the ” Kandaswamy Kadavul” is treated to an absurd drama of epic proportions when two presidential aspirants compete to seek blessings from a God held in captivity within the security zone by successive governments of which they were part of.
November 9th, 2005
Each Presidential election in Sri Lanka has produced “also ran” candidates in addition to the two frontrunners. While the media spotlight is almost always on the two chief contenders at least a few of the others also attract some attention. These candidates fighting a lost battle provide spice, , sizzle, sparkle and colour to the campaign. They prevent monotony and add variety to what may have been drearily dull otherwise.
In 1982 we had “rathu sahodaraya” Wijeweera of the JVP along with “Northern colt” Kumar Ponnambalam of the Tamil Congress running the race with ” Roman” Junius and “Trojan” Hector. There was also the Trotskyite sideshow between “old” left warhorse Colvin and the “New” left mustang Vasudeva.
The 1988 elections had the irrepressible Ossie Abeygoonesekera challenging Ranasinghe Premadasa and Sirima Bandaranaike as the third alternative. In 1994 the Presidential stakes was reduced to a virtual one horse race after Gamini Dissanayake was assassinated . Luckily we had the buffoonery of “Serappu Soup” AJ Ranasinghe to provide comic relief .
The 1999 elections had the “too serious” Comrade Nandana Gunatilleke tilting quixotically at the Kumaratunga and Wickremasinghe windmills. With the LTTE attempt on Chandrikas life the campaign took a very nasty turn. Ultimately Kumaratunga lost an eye but won the election.
This election was to have had fourteen but ended up with thirteen candidates. As is typical of the fourth estate it has already decided that the winner is going to be either tweedledum Rajapakse or tweedledee Wickremasinghe. All others are by the wayside. That is all except one. Victor Hettigoda of Siddhalepa fame is universal choice of the media as “primus inter pares” of the eleven “also ran” s. The self- made business tycoon is tipped widely to be third in the race. The suspense is only about his vote quantum.
The personality , philosophy and political pronouncements of 68 year old Victor Hettigoda makes him an ideal dream come true for a media starved of light , colourful copy regarding the presidential hustings. Here is a man with an Ayurvedic physician background who produced an authentic, indigenous balm and marketed it successfully to build a business empire. Victor Hettigoda is identified with his “siddhalepa” balm bringing healthy relief to innumerable users.
Having helped reduce the ill – health suffered by the people of this Country to some extent the man is now turning to the political ill – health of the nation. Hettigoda aspires to the Presidency with a broad political vision of unity, harmony, peace and prosperity. He claims to have a remedy for the malady. Just as his balm cured aches and headaches on a personal level his political prescription will cure heartaches at the national level.
Projecting such an image attracts the media like thirsty animals to a waterhole. The fact that a native physician cum entrepreneur is contesting for President is good copy indeed. Referring to “Siddhalepa” and “Vedamahathaya” becomes inevitable and irresistible.Moreover the political prescriptions articulated by Hettigoda add further controversy. Mahinda’s “chinthana” or Ranil’s manifesto seem insipid compared to Vedamahathaya Victor’s “thailaya”.
Besides Hettigoda is the only contender in this race who has engaged in some out of the box thinking rather than plodding along beaten tracks. Instead of re- cycling old arrack in new bottles like most of the other candidates , Hettigoda has indulged in constructive, original thought about resolving the national question.Unlike Rajapakse or Wickremasinghe the man has been bold enought to state those views clearly.
This typical “Dakunu Palatha” frankness has upset conventions and conventional thinkers. Essentially Utopian , Hettigodas comments and proposals , prove unacceptable and indigestible to many.They seem whimsical and fanciful. To many they appear to be totally impractical and devoid of reality. But then, there is a problem in such perception too.
If it had been some ivory – tower academic or bleeding heart liberal who came up with Hettigoda’s vision and proposals such a person would have been dismissed easily as a denizen of cuckooland. A cabinet of thirty with representatives of all parties including Pirapa and Karunas nominees? pissu! Meeting the tigers directly without any foreign third parties? paithiyam! Hettigoda would be pilloried as a living example of idealism gone awry.
Hettigoda however defies such a description. The “ruhunuputhra” born in Kanake, Matara is a Sinhala / Sri Lankan success story in the hard world of commercial realism. The man worked hard travelling – very often on foot- across the length and breadth of the Country selling his balm, soap and mosquito coils. Today it is a flourishing multi – crore enterprise exporting to 19 countries.
Besides the Ayurvedic products he has also established ayurvedic hospitals cum health resort – hotels. There is the modern hospital in Anuradhapura and compost factory collecting elephant dung in Talawa. This is no failed dreamer with head in the clouds. This is a practical man who succeeded in the business world through his hard – headed acumen and ability. Look at his campaign! No money guzzling mass meeting thamashas. It is economically conducted on a spartan budget.
If Hettigoda is a realist with feet firmly implanted on ground then why on earth is he contesting an election he definitely will not win ? Enter the art of cynical appraisal! Our society in the words of Oscar Wilde knows ” the price of everything and the value of nothing”. So people measure Hettigoda against this yardstick. Being a shrewd businessman he must be having an ulterior profit – oriented motive is the suspicion.
The election campaign has given Hettigoda a lot of worldwide publicity. This publicity is worth much more than the money he is likely to spend on the campaign. This then is the motive says one school of thought. Another school of thought feels that he is propped up to eat into the votes of Rajapakse. Victor like Mahinda is from the South. He is a living embodiment of the values upheld by the JVP and JHU. Hettigoda is a successful symbol of a Sinhala local making it big through hard work. Also he is a deeply religious Buddhist with a knowledge of the true tenets of his religion unlike many of the politicised saffron brigade.
Such a man then is likely to wean away Sinhala – Buddhist and Southern votes from Rajapakse. This helps Wickremasinghe. Also Hettigoda’s tolerant and inclusive approach towards the LTTE helps to reduce the hawkishness of the JVP – JHU combine. It is easy to undermine Wickremasinghe as an agent of Western imperialism and instrument of tiger designs. But it is not so easy to tarnish Hettigoda with the same brush as his Sinhala – Buddhist credentials are better than most crimson comrades or saffron clad politicos.
In such a situation Hettigoda is seen as helping Wickremasinghe. It is made out that some family members wishing to curry favour with Wickremasinghe in the future have put him up to this. Then there is a third viewpoint that Hettigoda is being idiosyncratic. Senility is creeping in. The family is turning a blind eye to the whole escapade as a harmless pastime of a man who proved his worth as a self – made success.
Few would accept the man’s own claim that he is contesting to help the country recover from its economic decline and ethnic crisis. He would retire after a specific period during which the Country would recover. Of course the claim is illustrative of the man’s vanity. Yet it is based on an underlying spirit of idealistic zeal. That however is not accepted by society at large. This is the age of cynicism.
Whatever the reason for Hettigoda’s foray into electoral politics the Vedamahathaya and his Eksath Lanka Podujana party have certainly made a big splash. Sadly there is a tendency particularly on the part of the English media to focus on his extra- ordinary attributes and unusual announcements . Shadow is substituted for substance.There is a subtle and then again a not so subtle attempt to depict the man as a joker and make a laughing stock out of him.
His out of the box ideas of resolving the ethnic problem , eliminating party politics and establishing good governance etc add grist to this belittling mill. Then there are other acts like providing journalists attending his press conference with foil wrapped roast chicken instead of the usual stuff. There is also his pledge about providing a cow to each household. If Ranil promises milk and Mahinda money to buy milk Victor now promises a cow to be milked at home.
Tempting as it is to treat this man promising a cow as a “madcow” let us note that Hettigoda is saying what economic experts have been saying all along. Be producers instead of being consumers only for that is the key to economic emancipation. If you provide fish to a hungry man you satisfy his immediate need. But if you teach him how to fish and provide a net or rod you have set him up for life. Likewise Hettigoda wants households to have fresh milk daily instead of buying bottled or packeted milk with handouts to purchase them.
The idea of a cow in each house is not impractical either if we remind ourselves of what another practical go – getter achieved in the plantations some years ago. When Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman became Rural Industrial Development minister under JR Jayewardene in 1978 two of the departments under him were the National Milk Board and National Livestock Development Board. Using these boards and the conducive plantation environment to his advantage Thondaman set about providing households with a cow each. He was ridiculed by the upper classes and his opponents as “Maattu Manthiri” (Bovine Minister). Yet he improved the household economy of plantation workers immensely through that measure.
In the case of Hettigoda it would be myopic to decry his cow proposal as a ” cow jumping over the moon “idea. It is not as if the “Kurunduwatte/ Karuvakkaadu ” mansions or “Hettiawatte/ chettithottam ” tenement garden dwellings are going to get cows. But it is certainly feasible in the rural and plantation areas. It is nothing but natural for a self – made man like Hettigoda to advocate milk production on a cottage scale instead of letting people line up as consumers for ones daily milk from Ranil on a dole provided by Mahinda.
Victor Hettigoda is to some extent the Ross Perot of Sri Lanka. The Texan billionaire was the third candidate polling 19% and 8% in the US Presidential elections of 1992 and 1996. Hettigoda like Perot is a self made success. He would not be getting the percentage of votes obtained by Perot but like the American Hettigoda too brings methodology acquired in the sphere of commerce to the political sphere.
What endears Victor Hettigoda to this writer even more than his homespun economic wisdom is the approach and attitude towards resolving the ethnic crisis and achieving true national unity. Before referring further to Hettigoda in glowing , positive terms let me make it clear that I do not know the man personally. I have read and heard about him but never met him in person.The only Hettigoda I know is Winnie Hettigoda the artist who worked on “Divaiana” when I was on “The Island”. Also I must say that I have used “Siddhalepa” and preferred it to Vicks or tiger balm when I was living in Sri Lanka.
My respect and regard for Hettigoda stems mainly due to the policies and proposals envisaged by him to resolve the national question. It is his viewpoint articulated to the media as part of the on going Presidential election campaign that strikes a responsive chord in me. These are not gems of erudite and sophisticated knowledge but nuggets of solid wisdom steeped in practical pragmatism. Compared to the “katey pittu” or “vaayiley Puttu” wishy – washy standpoints of Mahinda and Ranil on the same theme Victor’ s position has more authenticity. His is a blend of ” heart and head”. Above all is his mouth or tongue. His forthrightness in articulating his thoughts boldly without hemming and hawing is admirable.
It is true that Hettigoda can speak out like this due to two reasons. One is his past, unfettered of direct involvement in politics. So he does not have any baggage that inhibits or circumscribes him. The other is his future. Bitter though it may be the truth is that he is not going to win. It is doubtful whether he would even retain his deposit. It would be a miracle if he his vote tally reachers six figures. Knowing that responsibility of office will not burden him Hettigoda is able to think freely and speak what he feels and thinks .. Without any prospect of power or responsibility the present is all that he has. So he sings freely like a “malkoha” or “poonkuyil”..
Yet in this uninhibited , unfettered state of blessedness the man does not fire off inanities but makes many points that would bring a blush to the cheeks of majoritarian moderates and a rush of blood to the hearts of extremists. If Sinhala politicians masquerading as leaders and statespersons had thought and acted on these lines decades ago much of the destruction and bloodshed that plagued this blessed Island could have been averted. It is a sad case of the too little too late syndrome . What is sad even now is that none of the main candidates speak like Hettigoda.
Though he has been giving interviews and holding press conferences the best interview so far is what appeared in the “Asian Tribune” Website. The AT bureau chief in Germany – Lalith Ganhewa – elicited a bonanza of responsive insight from Hettigoda through his penetrative questions. The interview is long but what impressed me most was the tolerant understanding and inclusive approach displayed by Hettigoda towards the ethnic problem in his replies. Instead of my selecting some points I would like to reproduce the reaction of an expatriate Sinhala Gentleman Shyamon Jayasinghe to the Hettigoda interview. The following are excerpts from what Jayasinghe wrote in the “Lankaweb” website.
*The governments which came in to power until now, abandoned North and North-East gradually and behaved as if these parts did not belong to Sri Lanka.
*The basic roots of this war has been prejudice such as “Tamils are better”, “Tamils can learn better”, “They have better jobs”, we Singhalese don’t have anything etc. So I am telling this without fear. It is a known fact that such narrow opinions were planted in the minds of the innocent people to gain political advantage
*If we stamp LTTE as terrorists, then I am asking how the JVP can join a government to rule this country. Were they not a terrorist’s organisation one time? They too killed people and ordered to carry the corpses below the knee; they too shot fathers in front of their children etc
*So if they were given a chance to join a democratic process, then why are we not willing to do it with the LTTE? Why can’t we treat these children with true dignity, honestly and correctly and give them the trust to join the democratic path. If we do it, they will abandon war and contribute their wisdom to re-build this country.
*Political leaders in the past have tried to fool them for their own advantages and destroyed trust between these two communities to the utmost.
*I request the decision-makers of the international community to join me to bring these children back to the right path. Not to support egoistic party politicians views and push them to be terrorists further. Support me to take away the disappointment and unrest of these children. Let’s bring a new fresh vision for this whole issue.
*The leaders of this great nation (India) are minorities. The President is a Moslem; the prime minister is a Sikh where the majority are Hindus. India has swept away hatred among the ethnic groups. India has put a stop to jealousy and prejudice. India has produced leaders with great wisdom and courage, setting examples to the whole world how democracy can function.
*Its leader Prabhakaran has war knowledge of 20 years and a well disciplined brilliant leader. Reality has proved this to the world.
*we have not given any place to Tamil language in our schools. We don’t have Tamil teachers. So how are we to do it?
*For the past 75 years the leaders of the two major parties were educated in English, therefore they thought in English, spoke in English and tried to rule in English. That was a major set back for a nation where only about 10% masters this English language. That is where the crisis lies.Say clearly it is only a handful who speaks English, rule this nation of Sinhalese, Tamils, and Muslims.
*Federalism is nothing new to us, we had federalism in this country, long before western countries.They dont have to teach us but they can help us to modify it according to our needs. But we decide
These are but a few selected quotes from Jayasinghes observations commending Hettigoda.. The interview encapsuling the Vedamahathayas political wisdom is worth reading. It is a moot point as to whether some of these are attainable or implementable. This is not due to a deficiency in Hettigodas thinking but more because of entrenched attitudes on either side of the ethnic divide. What is important is however the healing touch extended by Hettigoda and the thought process behind these proposals.
The admission that the Sinhala ruling class is primarily responsible for the current mess and the imperative need for that class to make amends by reaching out to the Tamil people in a spirit of inclusion and accommodation is the underlying thread of the interview. The continuous reference to the LTTE as Children (or lamai) is indicative of basic compassion. It is understanding and compassion not antagonism and confrontation that is needed today.
The only major Sinhala politician who has spoken out like this in recent times was Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. But then she unleashed a brutal war for peace. Fortunately for Hettigoda he will not be placed in the unenviable position of unleashing a war because he will not win the election. His signal contribution to this campaign however is the bold articulation of self – evident home truths. Most people would not speak out. Hettigoda is like the boy who shouted that the emperor had no clothes.
Hettigoda’ s views are not given much prominence in the English and Sinhala media. He is portrayed as an eccentric idealist at best and a publicity seeking buffoon at worst. The Tamil media publicises the criticism of Sinhala politicians but do not encourage ethnic rapprochement. Meeting Pirapakaran is dismissed as out of the question. It is too late to think on the lines espoused by Hettigoda it is pointed out.
In this political environment the defeat of Hettigoda is a foregone conclusion. Apart from personal considerations people disillusioned with the two main candidates may vote for him. As for the minorities many may have voted for him in a different situation. The present time where the fundamental rights of self – determination and homeland are being challenged requires all minorities to vote firmly and clearly.Every vote counts and none can be “wasted” on a non – winner. Yet there may be some who do not want to vote at all because of perceived futility in the entire exercise. Such people could vote for the Vedamahathaya instead of keeping away from the polling booth.
Regardless of defeat or victory , Victor Hettigoda has succeeded in impacting on the routine electoral discourse. What is important is for him to continue with his vision and mission after the elections too. Instead of retiring from politics Hettigoda should keep himself active pushing for greater inter – ethnic amity and dialogue. His out of the box ideas and unorthodox approach should permeate the body politic. Whether it is Rajapakse or Wickremasinghe either one could be influenced to some extent by Hettigoda.
Let me conclude by saying to Victor Hettigoda – ” Bohoma Isthuthi” and “Mikka Nandri” for saying all that you are saying openly and fearlessly.You may not be the winner but your viewpoint is not a lost cause. Please keep on speaking out even after the election. If I had a vote in the Presidential election my vote it would certainly have been yours.”.
November 6th, 2005
Porayathu Leela known to millions of rasikas as P. Leela passed away around midnight on Sunday October 30th in Chennai. The 71 year old South Indian songbird was lying in a hospital bed of Sri Ramachandra Medical Centre for nearly a month . She had fallen in the bathroom at her house in Nandambakkam Defence colony , shared for decades , with her sister and family. Diagnosis after admission revealed a blood clot in her brain.Surgery was performed. Complications set in when she got pneumonia.Being an asthma patient her condition deteriorated. She was in a coma at the time of death and so passed away peacefully and painlessly.
The present generation of Thamizh filmsong fans may have never heard her or heard of her. She was the uncrowned queen of song in the realm of Thamizh films during the fifties. P. Leela has sung about 5000 film songs in languages such as Thamizh, Malayalam, Telungu , Kannadam and even Sinhala.. Her Thamizh renditions may number around thousand. She was a household name in the fifties and early sixties.
My mother was her ardent fan. Her favourite Thamizh filmsong “jodi” was the Ghantasala – Leela duo. She would often say that both voices were made for each other. When I was growing up on a diet of films and filmsongs singers like Ghantasala, Leela, AM Rajah, Jikki, Chidambaram Jeyaraman, ML Vasanthakumari, Tiruchi Loganathan etc were on the decline in Thamizh films. This was not due to any shortcoming on their part. In fact they were at their peak then. Unfortunately they were not given opportunities to sing in Thamizh movies.
This was due to four reasons. One was that film music composers and film directors began avoiding them for various reasons. Another was that the old custom of having a variety of singers render playback was giving way to a practice of having two or three only per film. Thirdly the number of songs in a film too was being progressively reduced .Finally leading actors and actresses began insisting that only TM Soundararajan and P. Susheela should sing for them.
As a result singers like Leela got few chances in Thamizh after the early sixties. So the new Thamizh films that I saw in those years did not have her songs. But there was always Radio Ceylon. Also I became a film afficianado and sought out old Thamizh movies. Leela was featured in many of those.
Though my childhood and early teens was the era of TMS, Susheela, PB Sreenivas,Seergali Govindarajan, S. Janaki and LR Eeswari etc it was etched in my consciousness that Leela was the best of them all.. This was due to a rather funny reason. The early sixties saw the Leela stores cum press owner Sinnathurai bringing out an illustrated Leela calendar in Ceylon as Sri Lanka was known then..Radio advertisements were used greatly to market the new product. They used the similarity of the Leela name for that.
Most ads would have a line from a popular song by Leela like “Engume Aanandham” or “Konchum Salangai Oli Kettu”. Thereafter a voice would say that just like Leela’s songs the Leela calendar too was the best or that like a song by Leela the namesake calendar too gave pleasure. This made an indelible impression that Leela was the best singer at that impressionable age. Of course in later years one listened to more and more old songs and realised that all those nightingales of yesteryear were unique in their own way.
As for Leela her voice and singing style to me is inimitable. It was a sweet amalgam of at least five of her contemporaries. ML Vasanthakumari, Jikki, (Radha) Jeyalakshmi, TS Bhagavathy and AP Komala. It was like a veritable “Panchamirtham”. Her resonant voice rang out loud and clear in a solo, duet or chorus singing(Koshti Ganam)
Former filmstar and present Tamil Nadu chief minister Jayalalitha Jayaram summed Leela up aptly in her condolence message.Jayalalitha described Leela as “one of the greatest vocal musicians of India, who made a name for herself by singing exquisite songs in her mellifluous voice in Malayalam, Tamil and Telugu both for the film industry, as well as in Carnatic music.”
The Chief minister who sang herself in some films was a Leela fan. Jayalalitha was CM when Leela got the Tamil Nadu Government’s “Kalaimaamani” award in 1992. When Leela went on stage Jayalalitha observed “Ithu eppavo ungalukku kuduthirukkanum. Enga Amma unga rasikai. Naanum unga rasikai”. (This award should have been given you a long time ago. My mother (actress Sandhya) was your fan. I am also your fan) It speaks volumes about the pitiable plight of Tamil Nadu awards that Leela was bestowed “Kalaimaamani” only in 1992 whereas many lightweights were honoured years before.
Porayathu Leela was born in Chithoor near Palghat, Kerala in 1934.. Her early years were in Kochi where her father Kunchan Menon was a school master. He was devoted to Carnatic music even encouraging Leela’s mother Meenakshi Kutti to learn Carnatic after marriage. The father recognized the musical ability and voice range of his daughter at a very early age. He arranged for music lessons with Mani Bhagavathar the uncle of Carnatic vidwan TV Gopalakrishnan and later Vadakkancheri Rama Bhagavathar . Leela as a child was made to practice alone between 4 – 6 am daily.
Chennai or Madras was the South Indian capital during the Madras Presidency days of the British Raj. It was the cultural Mecca for those of Dravidian heritage. Rama Bhagavathar moved to Madras. Realising his daughters potential needed a change of place, Kunchan Menon resigned his job in 1944 and migrated to Madras. Leela continued her music tutelage under Rama Bhagavathar along with Pathamadai Krishna Aiyar and Maruthuvakkudi Rajagopal Aiyer in Madras. The father and daughter were also present for all kacheris by the masters like Ariyakkudi, Semmangudi, GNB, MS, DK Pattammal etc.
Leela made her mark when she came first at the “Ragam – Thalam – Pallavi” competition organized by the Madras Viswath Sabha in 1944.The judges were GN Balasubramaniam and Palghat Mani Aiyer. This gave her a break when the Andhra Mahila Samithi arranged for regular performances. She began making a name as an up and coming carnatic musician. Neither the father nor daughter ever wanted to sing in films. Their focus was the stage.
The forties however saw a new phenomenon known as playback singing in Indian cinema. Instead of actors singing their songs they were merely lip – synching the words on screen. Regular singers were singing the songs. The final sound track was made after combining both through re – recording. Many professional singers were earning money and fame by singing in films.
The music composer Pathmanabha Shastri heard Leela sing and was impressed. An offer was made. Menon and Leela were reluctant first. They were sceptical about the new medium. Finally they agreed. Leela made her entry into playback singing for cinema in 1948. It was the Thamizh film “Kankanam” starring KR Ramasamy and Menaka. Leela sat on the floor and sang into the mike. Four of her songs were recorded for the film. She never looked back after that.
1949 was the turning point year in her career. She sang in “Pilhanan” for which Padmanabha composed music. She also began music lessons under musical prodigy CR Subbaraman who was also scoring music for films. CRS gave chances to his pupil. Leela sang first for CRS in the Kannada film “Bhaktha Kabeer” in 1949. CRS also gave opportunities to Leela in the Thamizh movies “Mohini” and “Velaikkari”. “Aahaa Ivar Yaaradi” sung for “Mohini” with KV Janaki and “Oridanthanile” for “Velaikkari” were hits. Both were featured on dances by the Travancore sisters Lalitha and Padmini. A singing star was born.
1949 proved to be a milestone for Leela’s playback singing career in Telugu Cinema also.Her debut in Telugu was in `Mana Desam’ The second film Mirzapuram Raja’s `Keelu Gurram’ was a super hit and then came the movie which catapulted her to fame, K. V. Reddi’s `Gunasundari Katha,’ in which Leela sang all the songs for the heroine Sriranjani Junior in the company of Ghantashala who composed the music and also sang a few of the songs. Most of the songs rendered by Leela in this film and the Tamil remake “Gunasundhari” (1955) became hits and are remembered to this day. In the 1950s Leela began to sing in all South Indian films.
It was also Subbaraman who enabled Leela to impress connoisseur and commoner alike with a classic number. It was for the film “Manamagal” and again a duet for a dance by Lalitha and Padmini. CRS wanted Leela to sing with the legendary ML Vasanthakumari.. Leela was nervous to sing along but was persuaded by her mentor. It was the ragamalika “Ellam Inba Mayam”.MLV and Leela moved effortlessly from raga to raga off – screen even as Lalitha and Padmini danced in rhythmic movement on – screen. Leela held her own with MLV and established her name as a singer par excellence of classical melody. Incidently MLV and Leela were the only two singers of that generation with formal training in carnatic music.
As far as Thamizh was concerned Leela’s voice harmonised perfectly with Ghantasala’s bass voice as well as AM Raja’s tenor. She also sang with TMS, Seergali, Chidambaram, Tiruchi and VS Sundaram. The film and music critic Ranga Rao observed that Ghantasala always held a torch out for her. The duo hit it off perfectly in films like “Bhathala Bhairavi” “Maya bhajaar” and “Prema Pasam” with evergreen numbers like ” Amaithi Illathen Maname” , “Ennathan un Premaiyo” , “Kathale Deiveega”, “Neethanaa Ennai”, “Aahaa Inba Nilavinile” and “Veesum Thendralile” etc.
Among her many duets with AM Raja were ” Vaarayo Vennilaave ” in ” Missiamma”, “odameethirunthe” in “Assai Magan” and “Naan seitha Poojapalam” in “Gunasundari”. Some of her memorable numbers with Soundararajan were “Mugathinil Mugam Parkalam ” (Thangappadumai), ” Nenjil kudiyirukkum” (Irumbuthirai), “Thendral urangidakkoodumadi” (Sangili Thevan), “Thalaiyam Poomudichu” (Bhagapirivinai) , “Sundari Soundari” (Thookku thookki), “Igalogame” (Thangamalai Rahasyam) “Poovindri Manamethu” )Thangappathumai) and “Nilave Nee Intha ” (Pattinathar).
Seergali and Leela also hit it off well with items like “ellaiyillatha Inbathile” (Chakkaravarthi Thirumagal) , “Kuttrala Aruviyile” (Nallavan Valvan) and “Kalathai Matrinan” (Manithan Maravillai). It was also with Seergali that Leela sang in a Thamizh film after a gap of many years. It was “Engirundho Vanthal” in 1970 where a skit on Sakunthalai was performed on screen. The song by Seergali and Leela begins as “Kalithasa Maha Kavi Kaviyam, Kanni Sakunthalai Endroru Oviyam”. It was poignantly appropriate that Leela voiced for Sakunthala. Like Dushyanthan in Kalidas’s epic forgetting Sakunthalai the Tamil film world too had forgotten Leela.
Then there are her innumerable film solos. The one that I like most is the song “Then Suvai Mevum Senthamil Geetham” in “Dr. Savithri. The musical score is by maestro G. Ramanathan who usually gave ample scope to Leela in the movies he worked in. The song is based on eastern and western classical. Leela sings in sopranic tones to piano accompaniment. The piano interludes are variations of a Beethoven symphony. Leela begins with an “Aaahaara bhirugha” of incredible sweetness and follows up with similiar interspersals. The words too extol the virtues of music and song. “Aanandha Geetham ” (A song of happiness) is an “Amudha Saagaram (Ocean of Ambrosia ) How true! The song is almost like a mission statement signed by Leela.
Among other popular and well – appreciated solos are “Kathiruppan Kamalakkannan” in “Uthama Puthiran” where Leela sings a ragamalika set by Ramanathan for a Bharatham sequence by Padmini and her younger sibling Ragini. Leela moves from one raga to another smoothly. So remarkable is the singing that many mistake the singer for MLV. Another of Leelas clasical gems is “Neeye Kathi Eeswari”set to Sarukesi raga in “Annayin Aanai”. The composer is SM Subbaia Naidu who also appreciated Leela’s work greatly.
It was Subbia who composed music for “Konchum Salangai” for which Leela sings the theme song “konchum Salangai Oli Kettu, Nenjil Ponguthamma Puthiya Paattu”. The hit song of the film however was “Singara Velane Deva”. It was this song – accompanied by Karukurichi Arunasalams nathaswaram – that launched S. Janaki’s career. What is interesting is that Subbiah Naidu wanted Leela to sing it initially.
Leela however declined saying she could not do full justice to the song and recommended the relatively unknown Janaki as most suitable to sing it. A rare act of frankness and magnanimity!. When Janaki performed in Toronto last month she recollected this incident and expressed her gratitude to” Leelaamma.”
A Leela solo lingering in memory is the lilting “Kaanagame Engal Thayagame” in “Merriland” Subramaniam’s “Yaanai Valartha Vaanambadi”. It was a story about a feminine “tarzan” reared by animals in the forest. The song was played on the not so well – known Kumari as she rode on the back of an elephant.
Another Leela solo etched in memory is the song in “Kappalottiya Thamizhan” about Indian freedom fighter V. O. Chithamparapillai. The title role is played by Sivaji Ganesan. He is on his deathbed and wants wife Kumari Rukmani (Mother of Lakshmi and grandmother of Aishwarya) to sing Subramania Bharats immortal “Endru Thaniyum Engal Suthanthira Thagam?” (When will our thirst for freedom be quenched?). Leela sings it just as an old woman about to lose her husband would have sung it by his death bed. At the same time her song expresses the yearning for freedom in the dying man.The full import of the song’s meaning and emotion comes out clearly.
There are other notable songs like “Engume Aanantham”, “Kannaalan Varuvara”, “Paartheera Ivar sarasam”, “bhagyavathi Naan” “Nithirai Illaiady” etc . In my opinion the finest four of her best solos were in “Missiamma” , “Vanchikottai Vaaliban and “Thangappathumai”. Missiamma starred Gemini Ganesh and real life wife Savithri. The two remarkable Leela solos were “Mayame Naan Ariven” and “Enaiyalum Mary Matha”. The latter an appeal to the Virgin Mary was sung on an emotional high though Leela is a hindu. It is on par with the Jikki – Periyanayaki number on Mary in” Gnanasoundari” – “Arul Tharum Theva Mathave”.
The solo from “Vanchikottai Valiban “is “Vennilave thanmathiye ennudane Va Va”. It is a soothing melody set on screen for Padmini in a nocturnal boat scene. The melody is evocative of the gentle breeze, moonlight glow, ripples in the water and above all the slow , rhythmic movement of the boat. It transports one to an ethereal atmosphere.
The fourth solo is the tragic number “sollamma Vai thiranthu” in “Thangappathumai”. It is played out on Padmini on screen. The music is by Viswanathan – Ramamoorthy. Leela has gone on record saying that it was the most difficult song she has ever sung for Thamizh films. The recording took place from 9am to 9 pm at a 12 hour stretch. Since it was full of pathos Leela was emotionally high – strung. Viswanathan was not easily satisfied and made Leela labour ceaselessly. At the end of it all Leela wept uncontrollably. Leela’s singing plus Padminis acting made the song sequence a great success.
Leela has also sung several duets with singers of her own sex. The songstress combinations have been successes very often. It was the “inbamayam” duet with MLV in “Manamagal” that made Leela’s name. There have been other duets with others too like “vetkamaga irukkuthadi” – Soolamangalam Rajalakshmi in “Paar Magakey Paar” and “Vaaliya Needooli” – (Radha) Jayalakshmi in “Arivaali”. Both were bharatanatyam numbers. Leela however clicked marvellously with Jikki and P. Susheela.
The crowning achievement with Jikki was in “Vanchikottai Vaaliban” by Gemini Studios. Music was by C. Ramachandra of “Anarkali” fame. Two great danseuse actresses Padmini and Vyjayanthimala were the heroines vying for hero Gemini Ganesans affection. There is this magnificient dance competition between both in the presence of the hero and villain Veerappa. Jikki sings for Vyjayanthi and Leela for Padmini in the classic number “Kannum Kannum Kalanthu”. The song written by Kothamangalam Subbu is a verbal duel. The words, melody, dancing and singing prove to be an excellent combination. At one point Veerappa exclaims “Sabash! Sariyana Potti” (wow! Great competition). It was not only apt for the on screen dancing but also applicable for the off – screen singing by Jikki and Leela.
Leela’s much praised duet with Susheela was in “Lavakusha” starring NT Rama Rao and Anjali Devi. The duet was a marathon 12 minute number “Jegam Pugalum Punniya Kathai Ramanin Kasthaiye, Athai Sevi kulira Padiduvom Kelungal Ithaiye”. The words of Maruthakasi encapsule the story of Ramayana in that song. The music is by Ghantasala. Leela and Susheela sing it in Telungu also in the Telugu version of the film.. Sri Sathya Sai Baba was greatly enamoured of that song. He referred to Leela and Susheela as Lava and Kusha because it was Lava and Kusa who sing it on screen.
Leela has sung for many actresses like Padmini, Savithri, Jamuna, Anjali Devi, TR Rajakumari, Rajasulosana, Vijayakumari and even Saroja Devi. It is felt that her voice suited Padmini and Savithri best. She has also sung for composers like CR Subbaraman, Ghantasala, KV Mahadevan, SM Subbiah Naidu, Rajeswara Rao, C, Ramachandra , G. Ramanathan and Viswanathan -Ramamoorthy. Almost every composer elicited the best from her though CRS, Ghantasala, KVM and G Ramanathan excelled in utilising her talent. Leela was a simple and humble person without any airs or tantrums. She cooperated with all her music diectors and co – singers well.
In spite of her ability and popularity Leela was unassuming. She also had strong principles. Once she lost a great opportunity to sing with MK Thiyagaraja Bhagavathar for one of his films because she had a prior commitment for a Kacheri. She refused to cancel it in order to sing with Bhagavather. Incidently Leela is one of the few songstresses to sing with music composer KV Mahadevan. It happened accidently because the male playback singer did not turn up and KVM had to finish the recording on that day itself. The film was “Mathanamohini”. The KVM – Leela song “Kannalanai” was a hit.
Leela was a singer who could sing almost any type of song at any pace. Classical, semi. classical, light and folk songs were all her forte. Devotional, dancing, gypsy, folk, romantic songs were all part of her repertoire. She could grasp the melody easily and sing with all intonations. She kept the “shruthi” low and sang out lustily giving full range to her mellifluous voice.
It is indeed a pity that a songstress of Leela’s calibre was slowly sent into oblivion by Tamil cinema. After “Engiruntho Vandhal” in 1970 there was a long lull till Ilaiyarajah got her to sing in “Katpoora Mullai” in 1984. It was for a classical song by Sri Vidya on screen. The actress was the daughter of ML Vasanthakumari with whom Leela has sung together in many films.Leela was not one to canvass for songs and allowed herself to fade away gracefully.
Though Thamizh cinema spurned her Leela was not a spent force. Thelungu and Malayalam cinema embraced her. She was not top of the pops but retained a respected place till her sixties. The Malayalam classic “Chemmeen” for which Saleel Chaudhary composed music has Leela singing for Sheela. She also composed music for the Telungu film” Chinnari Papulu”.
Apart from Thamizh cinema even the orthodox music societies of Tamil Nadu ignored Leela. She was a formally trained carnatic singer but the “Sabhas” of Chennai did not give her many assignments treating her as a second class playback singer. Kerala and Andhra gave her many stage programs. She was however given continuous prominence by Malayalam radio and television .
Her marriage to a lawyer was a failure. She lived with her sister and family in a Chennai suburb. Her solace in life was her sangeetham and bhakthi. Leela turned more and more to devotional songs in later years. Her songs on her family deity Kuruvayoorappan and others on Mookambiga and the recital of Narayaneeyam were well received. The LP records and audio cassettes on Kuruvayoor and Narayaneeyam recitals were best sellers for decades.The devotional hymn, Vakacharthu as recited by Leela, is played every morning in Kuruvayur temple, coinciding with the Nirmalya darshan at dawn.
The Thamizh tinsel world and snobbish sabhas may have rejected Leela but thousands of her fans never forgot her. Whenever a program featuring her was staged in Tamil Nadu or abroad many flocked to see and hear her. Unfortunately such occasions were few.
Technology however enables her fans to listen again and again to the melodious voice at a mere click. Her memory will remain evergreen for ever and ever . The name P. Leela can never be erased from the sphere of Thamizh film songs. “Then Suvai Mevum Senthamizh Geetham Endrum Eluvathu Leelavin Kuralale”.
Songs by P.Leela
November 5th, 2005
