Archive for December, 2005
Tamils living in the electoral divisions of Colombo West and East were given a terrible shock on the night of Saturday, December 17 when a massive security operation was launched against them.
Over 600 police and security force personnel were deployed in an operation code named ‘Operation Strangers Night’ in the areas of Wellawatte, Bambalapitiya, Havelock Town, Pamankade, Kirulapone and Narahenpita. Once again Tamils in Colombo were brutally reminded that they were all suspicious aliens in the eyes of the state simply because of their ethnicity.
A news report in the Daily Mirror of December 19 stated as follows:
“More than 100 suspicious people were taken into custody following a massive cordon and search operation code-named ‘Strangers Night’ in Wellawatta, Narahenpita, Kirulapone and Bambalapitiya police areas, police said yesterday.
“Colombo DIG Pujitha Jayasundera said the surprise house-to-house operation was carried out jointly by the police, army, navy and the air force to track down illegal activities and suspected terrorist members in the area.
“He said during the operation which started at 11 p.m. on Saturday and ended at 5 a.m. yesterday, 107 people were taken in on suspicion while five of them had been detained.
“‘We used Tamil speaking officers to explain to the people about the search and also used women police officers to check women,’” he said adding that the people had cooperated well.”
Different impression
The complacent, self-serving remarks of Pujitha Jayasundera along with other media reports may help to convey the impression that the police and security forces had conducted a proper law enforcement operation and netted many terrorist suspects. Some may even believe that the people (all Tamils) were all happy and appreciative about the operation in this cheerful season of peace and goodwill.
This writer however got a different impression when talking to some people at the receiving end of ‘Strangers Night.’ The callous conduct of the law enforcing authorities seemed to have caused much resentment and added further to the sense of alienation felt by many Tamils.
The operation had commenced at 11 p.m. on December 17. Hundreds of police and security personnel descended on the areas coming under ‘Operation Strangers Night.’ It was a massive cordon and search operation. The targetted ‘strangers’ were all Tamils.
The security personnel set up temporary search stations and road blocks at key junctions . All vehicles and pedestrians were stopped. While ‘non-Tamils’ were let off immediately, people of Tamil ethnicity were subjected to intensive searches and grilling. Young Tamils were given very harsh treatment.
Apart from vehicles and pedestrians, many houses, apartments, boarding houses, shops and businesses were also surrounded and searched.
Many people were fast asleep when the guardians of law and order woke them up. Once again non-Tamil residences and places were not bothered as much as Tamils were.
The operation went on till 6 a.m. on Sunday. According to the ‘official’ version 107 “suspects” were taken to police stations and questioned further. Of these five people were kept for further investigations while the others were released after completion of security procedures.
The Colombo Tamil grapevine however has it that some youths had been taken elsewhere by ‘commandos’ and remain unaccounted in the official records.
Not ‘strangers’
Most of those taken in as suspects were not ‘strangers’ in Colombo. They had very legitimate reasons to be in Colombo. Many had been living here for years. At least 97% had their national identity cards and office identity cards.
Despite this they were treated as suspicious strangers. Nothing suspicious was seized from them. Many of those detained were returning home from work.
The arrested persons were taken first to the police stations in their neighbourhoods. They were packed into police cells. Though kept for many hours they were not given food or water. They were not allowed to contact friends or relatives or lawyers. The police also failed to inform family members of the whereabouts of these detainees.
The arrested persons were transported by night from police cells to the field force headquarters near Police Park. They were taken to an upper floor where officials interrogated them. After information so obtained was recorded they were fingerprinted and photographed like common criminals. Video filming individually was also done.
Once again they were brought back to the police stations from where they were taken and locked up in cells again. Nothing happened till 10:30 a.m. on Sunday. It was from that time onwards that lawyers started calling over at the cop shops. Complaints were also made to the IGP Chandra Fernando. The process of release started and by 2 p.m. most people were enjoying their birthright of freedom.
Most people who underwent this experience were bitter. “We were treated like criminals and terrorists simply because we were Tamils,” said one. “They were insensitive and inhumane. Even water was not given,” complained another. It was suspected by some that a political vendetta was underway.
“We Tamils voted in large numbers for Ranil Wickremesinghe in Colombo. Now we are being victimised for that,” they said. Another opined that “the corrupt elements were getting ready like in the past to make money.”
Overall experience
There is a Tamil proverb, oru paanai sottrukku oru soru padham, which means that a morsel of rice will indicate the quality of the whole pot of cooked rice. Likewise the plight of three Tamil media personnel will help illustrate the overall experience of Tamils on the ‘Strangers Night’ of Saturday.
Three employees of the Colombo based Tamil daily Thinakkural were returning home in the office vehicle on Saturday night when they were stopped at 11:30 p.m. by the police and military personnel at Kirulapone.
They were P. Parthiban of the editorial department and C. Gokularaj and K. Sarweswaran of the computer department. Parthiban is also a lawyer. After preliminary questioning the three Tamil media persons were ‘arrested’ while the non-Tamil driver was allowed to go.
Despite the detailed explanation proffered that they were newspaper employees returning home after work they found themselves being taken to the police station. The three persons had their national identity cards, media accreditation cards of the Information Department and office identity cards but these were of no avail in the face of this massive security juggernaut. The security personnel simply refused to pay any attention to the explanations.
The trio along with 30 other arrested Tamils were locked up in the police cells. When the journalist tried to contact people over his cellular phone the police prevented it and confiscated the phone. They were not allowed to contact anyone. Police also failed to inform family members of their situation.
Thinakkural employees arrested
Upon hearing of the situation another employee from Thinakkural came to the police station and tried to explain matters. He too was ignored and ordered to vacate the premises at once.
When the officer in charge returned to office after the long Saturday night operation at 6 a.m. The trio tried to talk to him. He too refused to listen saying he had to sleep and left.
Meanwhile they had been taken at about 1 a.m. to Thimbirigasaya for further interrogation and recording of particulars. The media people like all other arrested Tamils were photographed, videoed and fingerprinted. They were then brought back to the police station.
Since they were employees of Thinakkural the institution was able to exert some influence. Parliamentarians Mano Ganesan, Joseph Pararajasingham, Nadaraja Raviraj, ex-MP Appathurai Vinayagamoorthy and Western Province People’s Front Vice President Nalliah Kumarakuruparan began moving in on the matter. IGP Chandra Fernando, DIG Pujitha Jayasundera and Media Minister Anura Priyadarshana Yapa were informed.
Condemned
Raviraj and Vinayagamoorthy personally went to the police station in the morning. The cops on duty said that nothing could be done until the OIC returned. Finally the OIC came at 10:45 a.m.
Thereafter the Thinakkural trio was released after documentation were signed by Raviraj and Vinayagamoorthy. Media Minister Yapa has called for a detailed complaint by the paper to be taken up with the defence authorities. This is what happened to the Tamil media persons.
The Free Media Movement (FMM) has condemned the incident and called for an investigation. Other protests too have been raised over what happened to the trio. Pro-Tiger media is highlighting the incident as another example of the “Sinhala” state’s suppression of Tamil media freedom.
Harping on the incident as being directed against the Tamil media is like missing the forest for the trees. Parthiban, Gokularaj and Sarweswaran were all media persons but they were not arrested because of that.
They were detained because they were young Tamil males. The harassment they underwent was in their personal capacity as Tamils and not their professional capacity as media persons.
Emphasising the media angle alone would divert focus away from the primary contradiction. What is of importance is to note that despite their media influence these Tamils could not prevent harassment. In spite of parliamentarians intervening their release could not be obtained. They, like all the other Tamil victims of this exercise, had to undergo unwarranted humiliation and harassment due to their ethnicity.
The lesson from ‘Strangers Night’ is that once again the state is getting ready for a massive onslaught against the fundamental rights of the Tamils in Colombo.
Being detained on suspicion for a specific offence is one thing but to be arrested merely on suspicion for no offence than being Tamils is entirely different.
The manner in which these Tamils were locked up, interrogated, photographed and fingerprinted is indicative of what lies in store for the Tamils in Colombo in a future scenario where war erupts and the LTTE gets proscribed. Even more frightening is the talk about youths being taken away to an undisclosed location.
Harrasment of Tamils
Tamils in Colombo have been having a taste in small doses of what awaits them in the aftermath of the Kadirgamar assassination. The security personnel who failed miserably in protecting the former Foreign Minister also failed to secure the area for hours after the killing.
Thereafter helicopters with search lights hovered in the skies of Colombo scouring the streets and lanes in Tamil residential areas as if the killers were hiding behind bushes or walls. This was followed by searches of Tamil houses and detention of Tamil people.
The most notable of them being the arrest of Charles Gnanakone. He was crucified in a trial by media. It was this column alone which stated that Gnanakone appeared innocent and that justice should triumph.
After 55 days of incarceration Charles is now a free man cleared by the Attorney General’s Department and court.
But other arrested persons continue to languish in custody. Meanwhile the vermin who feast on human tragedies are at work.
Corruption is prevalent. A northern businessman dealing in motor spare parts was arrested, questioned and released.
The release was procured through the payment of Rs. 7.5 million to a Tamil paramilitary organisation working as ‘informants’ to preserve the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country.
The money so obtained was according to informed sources divided among security authorities and Tamil paramilitary.
One point that has emerged very clearly after the Kadirgamar assassination is that the security authorities are utterly incapable of coping with a Tiger threat in an intelligent manner.
The stock response seems to be simple harassment of the Tamil people. There is very little intelligence about actual LTTE movement. So Tamils are to be harassed at random.
Adding further incentive to this modus operandi is the lure of filthy lucre. The Tamil paramilitaries will squeeze money out of arrested persons and share it with the security people.
Another factor troubling many peace loving Tamils in Colombo is the return of H.M.G.B. Kotakadeniya. Retired Deputy Inspector General of Police, Kotakadeniya is an honest man. He is however a hawkish guy. It may be recalled that his approach towards terrorism was to initiate arrests of Tamils in large numbers.
Terrible situation
So terrible was the situation that Soumiyamoorthy Thondaman and some TULF leaders pressured Chandrika Kumaratunga to transfer him out.
Kotakadeniya was also denied the IGP post which was rightfully his. He then retired and teamed up with the arch-reactionary, Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinist Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU). Such a man has been made Defence Ministry advisor with special powers by the man of the masses.
The ‘Strangers Night’ operation has demonstrated what the future is going to be for Tamils in Colombo under the authority of Kotakadeniya.
There is no denying that the LTTE poses a security threat in Colombo and elsewhere. This does not mean that Tamils living in Colombo should be harassed in the name of security.
Operation ‘Strangers Night’ has not yielded anything tangible from a security perspective. All it has achieved is the sending of shock waves to the Tamil community.
The Tamil sense of alienation increases and resentment builds up. It is this mindset which may ultimately be conducive to a climate where security is under threat. Operations like ‘Strangers Night’ can only help develop this mindset among aggrieved Tamils victims of the state in Colombo.
December 22nd, 2005
A raging winter of discontent has begun setting in for many leaders of political parties representing the Up – Country Tamils of Indian origin in the aftermath of the Presidential elections.What is ironic about this situation is that despite the plantation Tamil politicians being very successful in delivering the bulk of their vote banks to the candidate of their choice they are facing a gloomy situation. Backing the wrong horse in the Presidential stakes has made them extremely vulnerable to the vicissitudes of political change in a drastic manner.
The Tamils of Indian origin were stripped of their citizenship and disenfranchised in Independent Ceylon in 1948 and 1949 respectively. The uncertainty of statelessness was removed over the years through the Sirima – Shastri pact of 1964 and the Indira – Sirima agreement of 1975. Further laws were enacted in 1986 and 1988 during the JR Jayewardene – Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman regime to grant citizenship to those not covered under these accords.
The cumulative effect of this citizenship cum enfranchisement process has been the gradual empowerment of the plantation proletariat. The up – country Tamil voting bloc has in recent times been playing a very effective role in making and unmaking Presidents and Governments.Veteran Politician Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman pioneered a new concept of aligning and re- aligning with the chief political parties to maximise representation for his party in Parliament, Provincial Councils and local authorities. This enhanced representation was used to obtain ministerial portfolios and other positions from different governments.
This strategy in later years served as a model for MHM Ashraff and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. Rauf Hakeem dutifully followed in the same path. In recent times other political formations representing the Up Country Tamils and Muslims have also emulated this practice.If Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman developed his “fluid” political approach into a “fine art” his successors and other emulators have not been so clever or smart.
The hasty and greedy manner of cobbling together alliances in exchange for positions and perks of power made it obvious that these moves were not in the interests of the people as professed. The unethical mode of shifting support in favour of the victor smacked of sheer opportunism.The pithy Sinhala observation “Vaasi Pethata Hoiya!” summed up the political conduct of many Up Country Tamil politicians.
The premier political organization of Up Country Tamils is the Ceylon Workers Congress. The CWC has often claimed that no President has been elected without their support. Likewise the SLMC has boasted that no President has been elected without their support since 1988. Both of these statements were true until 2005.
Due to a variety of reasons the CWC and SLMC backed Ranil Wickremasinghe this time. So too did other Up Country Tamil parties . The bulk of Up Country Tamil voters in Nuwara – eliya, Badulla, Matale, Kandy, Kegalle, Ratnapura, Kalutara, Colombo and Gampaha voted for Wickremasinghe. But it was Rajapakse who won due to Sinhala – Buddhist support, elimination of voters through procedural flaws and the LTTE enforced boycott of the North – East.
This situation has placed many Up Country Tamil politicians in a difficult situation. For several years these “leaders” have been used to the plums of office and perks of power. While the wretched of the up – country earth remained pathetically poor these so called “thalaivers” improved their situation through this access to power. Corruption was rampant. Still they remained the shepherds of the up – country flock. It has come to a state where many leaders without positions of power feel like fish out of water.
Many of these politicians are skilled atheletes in political jumping.” Long Jump, High Jump, Hop Step and Jump” – they are masters of all. So once again the leaders were ready to change allegiances “in the interests of their people”. Feelers were sent to the new President and middlemen began liaising. But unfortunately for the would be jumpers Mahinda Rajapakse was not willing to take the ” sunken ship fleeing rats ” on board. Adding to their woes is Rajapakse’s determination to charter a new course in Up Country politics.
The first to make overtures to Mahinda was Up Country Peoples Front leader Periyasamy Chandrasekeran. The UPF leader had for long hitched his wagon to the LTTE lone star.It was he who undertook a mission to Kilinochchi seeking a lifting of the tiger enforced boycott. Suppia Paramu Thamilselvan gave him glib assurances but in typical LTTE fashion went back on his word. Chandrasekeran felt betrayed after it became clear that the tiger enforced boycott led to Ranil’s defeat.
A disgruntled Chandrasekeran issued a statement calling upon the LTTE to do some “self – criticism” and began cosying up to Rajapakse. Alas! Mahinda was not ready to embrace this tiger fellow traveller. He was told that he was simply not welcome to join government ranks. Of course he was most welcome to extend support from opposition ranks if he so wished. But no positions or perks!
The CWC also sent out feelers but was rebuffed. Then Arumugan Thondaman met his “amba yaluwa” Mangala Samarawera in India and extended his hand of friendship. Arumugan was ready to sign a letter of unconditional support to Rajapakse. But when Mangala conveyed this message to Mahinda the answer once again was a firm negative with an attached proviso. Unlike the UPF the CWC was welcome to cross over to the treasury benches if it so desired to “serve their people”. But none of them would get a portfolio or ant other position. Not even a coroporation director post.
The position of Western Province Peoples Front leader Mano Ganesan is unclear. He came out with a harsh statement condemning Chandrasekeran and Malik Samarawickrema for the tiger boycott fiasco. Mano accused both of having mishandled the matter and tried to absolve the LTTE of any blame. He also criticised Milinda Moragoda and Navin Dissanayake. Ganesan is now beginning to distance himself from the UNP. It is not difficult to gauge what his future moves are going to be.
Arumugan Thondaman and Periyasamy Chandrasekeran are like cats on a hot tin roof. What makes their predicament worse is the problems they are likely to face in the future due to Rajapakse’s approach.Mahinda tried hard to form alliances with the CWC and SLMC prior to the elections. The minority parties refused. But now the tables are turned and Mahinda does not want the minority parties.Hell hath no fury as a Mahinda scorned! While ignoring the CWC and UPF the new President is promoting those up country Tamil leaders who supported him in the hustings.
Two Central Province councillors from the UPF broke ranks and canvassed for Mahinda in the elections. They formed the Workers Liberation front in association with another CWC rebel Central Province Councillor Govindaraj. Arulsamy the UPF “renegade” has been made Provincial minister.
Likewise former CWC parliamentarians like Sathasivam along with ex – MP from the UPF Kanakaraj also supported Mahinda. They formed the Ceylon Workers Democratic Front. It was expected that Sathasivam would l be made a national list MP but that did not happen. Speculation is rife that he and some others will be given prominent posts in the new Plantation development authority that Rajapakse proposes to create.
Already people needing help and favours are flocking to the Up Country leaders who supported Rajapakse. Their stock rises while the CWC and UPF stock diminishes. This is the law of opportunist politics. So the CWC and UPF are desperate to gain proximity to power so that they can check and counter the growing influence of their erstwhile comrades. These former colleagues are seen as” traitors” by the hierarchies.. The so called traitors are seen as more dangerous than enemies. So desperation increases to gain power.
Apart from the denial of carrots the stick too is being used. An investigation has been launched into an incident where equipment worth multi – millions were allegedly stored in the Nuwara – Elita Youth Centre. The centre was run by the Pradeshita Sabha. The building belongs to CWC MP Puthirasigamany. The equipment was allocated out of estate infrastructure ministry funds when Thondaman was in charge.
Arumugan’s house at Kotagala too has been searched. Puthirasigamani has been quizzed. Arumugans troubles are compounded further by the downsizing of his security to five personnel only.There are other instances of alleged corruption too that could be delved into. In the case of Chandrasekeran there are allegations of income earned through “improper” channels that could be investigated.
Defections and splits too are being encouraged. MP’s are being asked to shift allegiance regardless of their leaders. In the case of the CWC national list MP’s MS Sellasamy, . Puthirasigamani, Badulla dist MP Vadivel Suresh and Nuwara – Eliya dist MP Jegatheeswaran are apparently ready to jump. At least two deputy minsterships are being dangled. Suresh fuelled further speculation by meeting Mahinda in private and congratulating him. The “Thinakkural” of Dec 12th reported that Suresh has been suspended from the CWC pending inner – party disciplinary inquiry. There are reports about overtures being made to UPF national list MP Radhakrishnan also.
Mahinda Rajapakse has also allocated 2 billion rupees for estate infrastructure development. He plans to set up a specific authority and channnel funds for the purpose. Mahinda also wants to keep it under his direct supervision. It is a moot point as to whether Rajapakse will obtain the funds for this or whether they will be given adequately to Tamil plantation worker needs. But if it is really implemented it could certainly make a difference in the life of the humble worker. This in turn could have far reaching political results.
Moves are also being initiated to set up a new Plantation workers union under the auspices of the United Peoples Freedom Alliance. Jeyaraj Fernandopulle is supposedly the livewire of this move. Also Mervyn Silva the deputy minister for employee relations has a scheme of forming worker welfare committees in each estate. It may be recalled that all plantation worker unions demonstrated against Mervyn Silvas outburst against Indian Tamils. Rajapakse in his capacity then as Prime Minister accepted the petition, promised immediate action and provided milk to the demonstrators. Now Mervyn still remains deputy minister while the demonstrators are out in the cold.
It can be seen therefore that Rajapakse seems determined for now to handle the Up Country Tamils in his own way instead of tying himself up with the usual “brokers”.How far he will succeed remains to be seen. For one thing the chauvinist elements within his camp will put a spanner in the worls. Also new alignments with Plantation Tamil parties may become necessary in Parliamentary polls.
The present situation however is one where Mahinda seems firm in puting plantation politicos in their place. This also strikes a positive chord in voters of whom many are disgusted with the opportunistic politics of these minority politicos. The denial of carrots and wielding of stick increases the desperation of these plantation politicians. Some are threatening to align themselves with the LTTE and TNA if they are not taken in by the government. This seems highly unlikely and only a hollow threat.
The current reality is increasing resentment within party folds.The winter of discontent is setting in. If possible these parties would like to join the government en masse. If that is not possible then individuals will start crossing. “Jumping” could become the favourite pastime of plantation Tamil politicos.
December 15th, 2005
A raging winter of discontent has begun setting in for many leaders of political parties representing the Up – Country Tamils of Indian origin in the aftermath of the Presidential elections.What is ironic about this situation is that despite the plantation Tamil politicians being very successful in delivering the bulk of their vote banks to the candidate of their choice they are facing a gloomy situation. Backing the wrong horse in the Presidential stakes has made them extremely vulnerable to the vicissitudes of political change in a drastic manner.
The Tamils of Indian origin were stripped of their citizenship and disenfranchised in Independent Ceylon in 1948 and 1949 respectively. The uncertainty of statelessness was removed over the years through the Sirima – Shastri pact of 1964 and the Indira – Sirima agreement of 1975. Further laws were enacted in 1986 and 1988 during the JR Jayewardene – Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman regime to grant citizenship to those not covered under these accords.
The cumulative effect of this citizenship cum enfranchisement process has been the gradual empowerment of the plantation proletariat. The up – country Tamil voting bloc has in recent times been playing a very effective role in making and unmaking Presidents and Governments.Veteran Politician Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman pioneered a new concept of aligning and re- aligning with the chief political parties to maximise representation for his party in Parliament, Provincial Councils and local authorities. This enhanced representation was used to obtain ministerial portfolios and other positions from different governments.
This strategy in later years served as a model for MHM Ashraff and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. Rauf Hakeem dutifully followed in the same path. In recent times other political formations representing the Up Country Tamils and Muslims have also emulated this practice.If Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman developed his “fluid” political approach into a “fine art” his successors and other emulators have not been so clever or smart.
The hasty and greedy manner of cobbling together alliances in exchange for positions and perks of power made it obvious that these moves were not in the interests of the people as professed. The unethical mode of shifting support in favour of the victor smacked of sheer opportunism.The pithy Sinhala observation “Vaasi Pethata Hoiya!” summed up the political conduct of many Up Country Tamil politicians.
The premier political organization of Up Country Tamils is the Ceylon Workers Congress. The CWC has often claimed that no President has been elected without their support. Likewise the SLMC has boasted that no President has been elected without their support since 1988. Both of these statements were true until 2005.
Due to a variety of reasons the CWC and SLMC backed Ranil Wickremasinghe this time. So too did other Up Country Tamil parties . The bulk of Up Country Tamil voters in Nuwara – eliya, Badulla, Matale, Kandy, Kegalle, Ratnapura, Kalutara, Colombo and Gampaha voted for Wickremasinghe. But it was Rajapakse who won due to Sinhala – Buddhist support, elimination of voters through procedural flaws and the LTTE enforced boycott of the North – East.
This situation has placed many Up Country Tamil politicians in a difficult situation. For several years these “leaders” have been used to the plums of office and perks of power. While the wretched of the up – country earth remained pathetically poor these so called “thalaivers” improved their situation through this access to power. Corruption was rampant. Still they remained the shepherds of the up – country flock. It has come to a state where many leaders without positions of power feel like fish out of water.
Many of these politicians are skilled atheletes in political jumping.” Long Jump, High Jump, Hop Step and Jump” – they are masters of all. So once again the leaders were ready to change allegiances “in the interests of their people”. Feelers were sent to the new President and middlemen began liaising. But unfortunately for the would be jumpers Mahinda Rajapakse was not willing to take the ” sunken ship fleeing rats ” on board. Adding to their woes is Rajapakse’s determination to charter a new course in Up Country politics.
The first to make overtures to Mahinda was Up Country Peoples Front leader Periyasamy Chandrasekeran. The UPF leader had for long hitched his wagon to the LTTE lone star.It was he who undertook a mission to Kilinochchi seeking a lifting of the tiger enforced boycott. Suppia Paramu Thamilselvan gave him glib assurances but in typical LTTE fashion went back on his word. Chandrasekeran felt betrayed after it became clear that the tiger enforced boycott led to Ranil’s defeat.
A disgruntled Chandrasekeran issued a statement calling upon the LTTE to do some “self – criticism” and began cosying up to Rajapakse. Alas! Mahinda was not ready to embrace this tiger fellow traveller. He was told that he was simply not welcome to join government ranks. Of course he was most welcome to extend support from opposition ranks if he so wished. But no positions or perks!
The CWC also sent out feelers but was rebuffed. Then Arumugan Thondaman met his “amba yaluwa” Mangala Samarawera in India and extended his hand of friendship. Arumugan was ready to sign a letter of unconditional support to Rajapakse. But when Mangala conveyed this message to Mahinda the answer once again was a firm negative with an attached proviso. Unlike the UPF the CWC was welcome to cross over to the treasury benches if it so desired to “serve their people”. But none of them would get a portfolio or ant other position. Not even a coroporation director post.
The position of Western Province Peoples Front leader Mano Ganesan is unclear. He came out with a harsh statement condemning Chandrasekeran and Malik Samarawickrema for the tiger boycott fiasco. Mano accused both of having mishandled the matter and tried to absolve the LTTE of any blame. He also criticised Milinda Moragoda and Navin Dissanayake. Ganesan is now beginning to distance himself from the UNP. It is not difficult to gauge what his future moves are going to be.
Arumugan Thondaman and Periyasamy Chandrasekeran are like cats on a hot tin roof. What makes their predicament worse is the problems they are likely to face in the future due to Rajapakse’s approach.Mahinda tried hard to form alliances with the CWC and SLMC prior to the elections. The minority parties refused. But now the tables are turned and Mahinda does not want the minority parties.Hell hath no fury as a Mahinda scorned! While ignoring the CWC and UPF the new President is promoting those up country Tamil leaders who supported him in the hustings.
Two Central Province councillors from the UPF broke ranks and canvassed for Mahinda in the elections. They formed the Workers Liberation front in association with another CWC rebel Central Province Councillor Govindaraj. Arulsamy the UPF “renegade” has been made Provincial minister.
Likewise former CWC parliamentarians like Sathasivam along with ex – MP from the UPF Kanakaraj also supported Mahinda. They formed the Ceylon Workers Democratic Front. It was expected that Sathasivam would l be made a national list MP but that did not happen. Speculation is rife that he and some others will be given prominent posts in the new Plantation development authority that Rajapakse proposes to create.
Already people needing help and favours are flocking to the Up Country leaders who supported Rajapakse. Their stock rises while the CWC and UPF stock diminishes. This is the law of opportunist politics. So the CWC and UPF are desperate to gain proximity to power so that they can check and counter the growing influence of their erstwhile comrades. These former colleagues are seen as” traitors” by the hierarchies.. The so called traitors are seen as more dangerous than enemies. So desperation increases to gain power.
Apart from the denial of carrots the stick too is being used. An investigation has been launched into an incident where equipment worth multi – millions were allegedly stored in the Nuwara – Elita Youth Centre. The centre was run by the Pradeshita Sabha. The building belongs to CWC MP Puthirasigamany. The equipment was allocated out of estate infrastructure ministry funds when Thondaman was in charge.
Arumugan’s house at Kotagala too has been searched. Puthirasigamani has been quizzed. Arumugans troubles are compounded further by the downsizing of his security to five personnel only.There are other instances of alleged corruption too that could be delved into. In the case of Chandrasekeran there are allegations of income earned through “improper” channels that could be investigated.
Defections and splits too are being encouraged. MP’s are being asked to shift allegiance regardless of their leaders. In the case of the CWC national list MP’s MS Sellasamy, . Puthirasigamani, Badulla dist MP Vadivel Suresh and Nuwara – Eliya dist MP Jegatheeswaran are apparently ready to jump. At least two deputy minsterships are being dangled. Suresh fuelled further speculation by meeting Mahinda in private and congratulating him. The “Thinakkural” of Dec 12th reported that Suresh has been suspended from the CWC pending inner – party disciplinary inquiry. There are reports about overtures being made to UPF national list MP Radhakrishnan also.
Mahinda Rajapakse has also allocated 2 billion rupees for estate infrastructure development. He plans to set up a specific authority and channnel funds for the purpose. Mahinda also wants to keep it under his direct supervision. It is a moot point as to whether Rajapakse will obtain the funds for this or whether they will be given adequately to Tamil plantation worker needs. But if it is really implemented it could certainly make a difference in the life of the humble worker. This in turn could have far reaching political results.
Moves are also being initiated to set up a new Plantation workers union under the auspices of the United Peoples Freedom Alliance. Jeyaraj Fernandopulle is supposedly the livewire of this move. Also Mervyn Silva the deputy minister for employee relations has a scheme of forming worker welfare committees in each estate. It may be recalled that all plantation worker unions demonstrated against Mervyn Silvas outburst against Indian Tamils. Rajapakse in his capacity then as Prime Minister accepted the petition, promised immediate action and provided milk to the demonstrators. Now Mervyn still remains deputy minister while the demonstrators are out in the cold.
It can be seen therefore that Rajapakse seems determined for now to handle the Up Country Tamils in his own way instead of tying himself up with the usual “brokers”.How far he will succeed remains to be seen. For one thing the chauvinist elements within his camp will put a spanner in the worls. Also new alignments with Plantation Tamil parties may become necessary in Parliamentary polls.
The present situation however is one where Mahinda seems firm in puting plantation politicos in their place. This also strikes a positive chord in voters of whom many are disgusted with the opportunistic politics of these minority politicos. The denial of carrots and wielding of stick increases the desperation of these plantation politicians. Some are threatening to align themselves with the LTTE and TNA if they are not taken in by the government. This seems highly unlikely and only a hollow threat.
The current reality is increasing resentment within party folds.The winter of discontent is setting in. If possible these parties would like to join the government en masse. If that is not possible then individuals will start crossing. “Jumping” could become the favourite pastime of plantation Tamil politicos.
December 14th, 2005
Yarlpanam or Jaffna, the land of Palmyra trees got a taste last week of what seemed to be the beginning of a Palestine – style “Intifada”. Jaffna students and youths were engaged in demonstrations with the demand ” Iranuvame Velieru! Illaiyel Veliettuvom” (Army Quit or we will make you Quit). The phenomenon of young’uns braving the overwhelming might of what is perceived as an army of occupation and urging it to withdraw was reminiscent to a great extent of the Intifada movements in Israel occupied Palestine.
The central focus of media attention during the past days has been the spate of attacks on soldiers of the Sri Lankan army in the Jaffna peninsula. Seventeen soldiers were killed and twenty – seven injured in eighteen attacks over a four day period. Most of the attacks consisted of handbombs and grenades being thrown and gunfire being directed at targets plus a combination of both in some instances. The targets were army sentry posts, mini – camps and mobile patrols. Seven and eight soldiers were killed in two claymore mine ambushes of two army patrols at Kondavil and Irupalai. One soldier was killed in a grenade cum gunfire attack at Neervely and another in a similar one at Nunavil.
Parallel to these developments was the staging of student protests. This particular round began at Point Pedro with students of Hartley College and Methodist Girls High school demonstrating against the construction of a new bund across Hartley College grounds, the erection of further barbed wire barricades and setting up of sentry posts within the school zone. Soon there were clashes with students and student “activists” throwing stones, bottles etc at the armed forces who retaliated with assaults, tear gas attacks and firing in the air.At least fifty tear gas cannisters were recovered in Point Pedro.
The student demonstrations and related violence then spread to other parts of the Vadamaratchy region like Puloly, Manthigai, Nelliaddy, Thunnalai, etc. Students agitated in front of army camps and set up road blocks. Tires were burnt at key junctions.The armed forces reacted with tear gassing and assaults as students boldly demonstrated in front of camps demanding closure. Stones, bottles and improvised molotov cocktails were thrown. Students covered with wet gunny sacks withstood the severe tear gassing.
Thereafter the protests pervaded Jaffna town with students demonstrating there too. Jaffna Hindu College students protesting in solidarity with their Hartley counterparts were brutally assaulted by soldiers of the army camp in Kaladdy junction. Soon demonstrations were held demanding the closure of Kaladdy junction camp and withdrawal of troops. The response once again was the use of force to “pacify” the demonstrators.A Jaffna Hindu College student was injured in the firing.
The Sri Lanka Moniotoring Mission seemed totally powerless to stop this unrest and violence. Two attempts to resolve the dispute through negotiations were made where the truce monitors arranged for meetings between army officials and student representatives in Point Pedro and Jaffna. Both ended in failure with the rival protagonists sticking firmly to their positions.
The attacks on security personnel in Jaffna by tiger and pro – tiger elements such as the “makkal Padai” or “peoples force” had resulted in a predictable response by the government. Additional troops were concentrated in Jaffna. These troops in a state of heightened insecurity or aggression or both were venting their feelings on the Jaffna civilians. People were being assaulted by sticks, clubs, belts and rifle butts. Many of these attacks were on youths and students. This fuelled the rising tide of resentment.
The highwatermark was the attacks by soldiers on undergraduates of the Jaffna University at Thirunelvely and Technical College at Kokkuvil. The undergraduates union too began a boycott of lectures.Their demand was that the camps in the vicinity of the University and Technical College be shut down and personnel withdrawn.
With student protests escalating and spreading most schools in Jaffna became deserted.Students sitting for exams in progress were decreasing in numbers. There was also increasing pressure on teachers unions to come out in support of the students. The various student organizations were formed into an organization called the “Yarl Mavadda Thamil Manavar Ondriam” (Jaffna district Tamil students Consortium).
This consortium heavily influenced by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam began coordinating and directing activity. The well – known LTTE front called the “Sarvathesa Thamil Maanavar Koottamaippu” or “International Tamil student Federation” provided moral, political and logistical support to the student union. The federation is controlled by tiger activist and Tamil National Alliance MP Selvakumar Gajendran alias “kuthirai” Gajendran.
The spreading student protests have not come out with a comprehensive and explicit demand calling for the complete withdrawal of the army from Jaffna so far. While a general demand calling for army withdrawal was made the specific demands were all localised like those related to Hartley College, Kaladdy junction, University vicinity camps etc. There are signs however that these protests could expand into an all embracing total withdrawal demand of soldiers from Jaffna.The current ” Army Quit or we will make you Quit” slogan is now directed against specific army camps but in the future it could be against the total military presence.
The students could also get better organized and come under a tightly centralised authority in the future. On Thursday the students burnt effigies of the new army commander Sarath Fonseka. An ultimatum until 6.00 pm on Thursday was also issued to vacate the Hartley, Kaladdy junction and Thirunelvely camps.
Since the army is staying put only the coming days will indicate the future course of current student agitation. An ominous sign is the threat implied in many student statements that the protests could resort to armed force if the current demonstrations do not get a positive response. The armed violence of the peoples force could combine with the powerful energy of the student activists and with LTTE backing erupt into a full scale uprising on the lines of the Palestinian Intifada.
Already one can see many familiarities between the Intifadas of Palestine and the protests in Palmyra land. The direct confrontation between students and youths on one side and the armed forces on the other is a stark reminder of Intifada type clashes. There is also the ambushes and attacks on soldiers. Besides the underlying motivation of the Jaffna protests is based on the premise as in the case of the Palestinian Intifada that the armed forces are an army of occupation who must be driven out.
“Intifada” or “intefada” in Arabic means “to shake off”. In the present context it has become an Arabic language term for “uprising”.These uprisings have in recent times become a very significant aspect of Israeli – Palestinian relationships.The first Intifada began in 1987 as a spontaneous uprising but soon a manipulative Palestine Liberation Organization took control of it with the more “extremist” Hamas competing. It was however less violent in comparison with the second Intifada. The first Intifada was a pressure device exerted by the PLO and culminated in 1993 with the Oslo accords.
The second intifada known as the “al – aqsa Intifada” began in 2000 and by some accounts continues even today. The second Palestinian Intifada was extremely violent. Instigated and supported by the Hamas and extreme elements within the PLO the second Intifada proved to be an indirect challenge to the mainstream PLO. If the PLO remote – controlled the first one from Tunisia the hierarchy was right there in Palestine for the second one. Fuelled by the failure of the Oslo accord and the advent of Ariel Sharon the fierce uprising contributed greatly to the downsizing of the Yassir Arafat image.
Even though the two “intifada” campaigns aimed at ending the Israeli military occupation came into popular usage in recent times within the Palestinian context the term has often been recurring in Arab political discourse. As far back as in 1952 when the people of Baghdad engaged a series of wide – spread protests against the then Iraqui regime it was referred to as the “intifada”. After the recent USA – led invasion of Iraq in 2003 the uprising launched against it by militant Shia cleric Muqtada al – Sadr was called the Iraq Intifada.
The wave of demonstrations and riots in May this year in the Morocco – occupied Western Sahara was also named ” El – Aiyun Intifada “or “Independence Intifada” by the Sahrawi people. Even the 1999 Western Sahara uprising was called the Smara Intifada and the 1970 movement against Spanish occupation was known as the “zemla Intifada”.
The media in Lebanon too refers to developments in the aftermath of the Rafiq Hariri assassination as “intifada of Independence”.It is also called the “Cedar Revolution” by some. Right – wing commentators have also called the recent civil unrest in France as the “French Intifada” or “Paris Intifada” or “European Intifada”.
It can be seen therefore that the term “intifada” has different meanings to different perspectives. To many it denotes a struggle against military occupation and the yoke of tyranny. It conjures visions of a latter day David versus Goliath type confrontation where the armed might of a state or an occupying power is challenged by an inferior force making up through force of will for what it lacks in arms and numbers. To others particularly those Western nations subscribing to the clash of cvilisations theory the term Intifada denotes a rebellion, anarchy, violence and de- stabilisation. The challenge posed to the status quo is seen as something illegal with ethno – religious fundamentalist underpinnings.
The Jaffna agitation may or may not escalate into an Intifada type uprising in the future. Whatever it may be the Jaffna uprising is not likely to be called Intifada because Tamil political discourse has its own terminology and history. The past few years has seen many processions and mass meetings called “pongu Thamil Eluchi” or “Rising Thamizh upsurge”. The original “pongu Thamizh” was organized by Jaffna university students against the army presence in the North. There was covert tiger backing. Thereafter with the ceasefire coming into force these “pongu Thamil Eluchi” rallies were conducted in many parts of the North – East and also in International cities with a substantial Tamil diaspora.
Unfortunately the earlier spirit of revolutionary resistance soon gave way to a shameful display of sycophancy and adulation. The meetings became ceremonies of mass veneration for LTTE chief Velupillai Pirapakaran. Only his so called virtues and attrbutes were praised and extolled. Crowds carried his picture and the tiger flag. The overall heroism of the Tamil people defying overwhelming odds was ignored.The nadirof these demonstrations was the sight of Tamil Parliamentarians carrying pictures of Pirapakaran publicly like Hindu devotees carrying “kavadi”.
Despite the distortion the “pongu Thamil Eluchi” term continues to strike a responsive chord in the Tamil psyche. Few nationalist Tamils can forget the immortal lines of Tamil revolutionary poet Bharathidasan “Pongu Thamilarukku Innal Vilaithal Sankaram Nijamendru Sange Mulangu” ( Blow O Conch that destruction is certain for those doing harm to uprising Tamils) The Pongu Thamil term itself derived popular acceptance from these lines. So the Jaffna uprising or upsurge will be rooted in its own cultural specificity and not borrow Arabic terminology.
Besides the nature of Tamil political struggle has had a history of student involvement for decades. The non – violent struggle of the Federal Party for equal rights had solid student support. This was manifested openly during the mass Satyagraha campaign of 1961 when the government administration was paralysed for weeks. Student power made its impact in the seventies when media wise standardization was introduced. The student demonstrations leading to the rise of student and youth organizations resulted finally in the rise of armed Tamil militancy.
At least two organizations the Eelam Revolutionary Organization (EROS) and the Eelam Peoples Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) had student movements as their primary base. These were the Eelam Revolutionary Organization of Students and the General Union of Eelam Students respectively.Student or youth power therefore is not something new in the Tamil political struggle.
The important question however is whether the current student uprising will gather further momentum or gradually fizzle out. It cannot be forgotten that there were earlier demonstrations too a few years ago over Hartley College which subsided soon. An important countervailing factor that may prevent a massive student uprising is the education oriented Jaffna social fabric.
Parents, teachers, community elders and above all peer pressure among students may act to check and curb the tendency to launch a long, violent agitation. In Palestine mainstream schooling reached a standstill. Jaffna Tamil culture laying great emphasis on education may not allow its student population to turn into protesters that easily.Let us not forget that students active in the protests are about 450 to 500 and not in their thousands.
There is also the LTTE. Just as the PLO was masterminding the first Intifada at one stage from Tunisia the LTTE hierarchy in the Wanni is remote – controlling developments in Jaffna. The student agitation like the attacks on the armed forces are all part of a grand design. It is well – known that the master puppeteer is pulling the strings from Kilinochchi while student leader puppets dance to the rhythms of confrontation in Jaffna.
It remains to be seen whether sufficient international pressure may result in the LTTE calling off the student protests. It also depends on what the LTTE goal is. Are the demonstrations a firerunner of an all encompassing uprising in the future or do they serve only a limited purpose for now?
It was Ariel Sharon’s much publicised visit to the Israeli settlements that triggered off the Second Intifada. Ironically the hawkish Sharon dismantled the settlements and is now cooing like a dove. By accident or design the Jaffna demonstrations coincided with the appointment of Sarath Fonseka as army commander. It was Fonseka who single handedly prevented the gradual withdrawal of troops from the Jaffna schools. The undue haste displayed by Mahinda Rajapakse in pushing Shantha Kottegoda out and bringing in this “battlehawk” may have been in tiger perception like the waving of a red flag to a bull.Fonsekas effigy was burnt by demonstrating students.
The advent of the General Certificate of Education (Ordinary Level) examination has dampened the protests. The Student consortium has declared a moratorium on the protests fron Dec 9th because of the exams. They are likely to be resumed after the exams are over on Dec 23td. It may also be postponed further till Christmas and New Year days are past. The interregnum gives the Mahinda Rajapakse regime a respite. If the new President reads the writing on the wall clearly then he must initiate some positive response to the situation.
Otherwise the respite could also provide an opportunity to the demonstrators to plan and coordinate further protests effectively. The resumption could see the protests being intensified on a widespread basis. if the Rajapakse response can only be the deployment of additional soldiers and use of military force to quell the demonstrators the situation could be further aggravated. “Apey” Mahinda nowadays is on the fast track towards “pragmatic realism” going back on many electoral pledges. Let us hope he sees the “true light” in this issue also.
Three points are of significance in the student agitation. Firstly it is not totally a spontaneous, independent one. It has strong LTTE backing. Not everyone at the forefront of the protests are tiger agents or sympathisers but many of the ring leaders have tiger links. It is also possible that some of the demonstrators could be tigers in school uniform. Besides some amount of tiger support directly or indirectly is necessary to sustain morale as well as for logistical purposes. The future course of the student uprising therefore will be determined or influenced by the LTTE.
The second point is that the Government in Colombo or international opinion must not make the mistake of simply dismissing the protests as a tiger inspired action lacking popular support. The underlying causes behind the student agitation has the widespread support of the student population and the people. The security zone concept of depriving people of their homes , devotees of their places of worship, breadwinners of their occupations and students of their schools is highly autocratic and totally unacceptable.
In a region where a high premium is placed on schooling people resent the military use to which their educational institutions are put to at present. Some even see it as a “Sinhala” conspiracy to undermine education. Thus even if people or students do not actively participate in the uprising their sympathies are with the agitators. Thus the agitation could be sustained for a long time if necessary. It all depends on whether the Tamil politico – military leadership wants it so.
The third point is that the state is being unjust and oppressive in refusing to vacate schools or downsize the area of security zones. Reasonable opinion among the Sinhala people must give thought to the fact that some people in Jaffna have been chased out of their homes because of the security zones for more than fifteen years. Students have been deprived or partially deprived of schools for more than a decade. Let it not be forgotten that the ceasefire agreement stipulates the vacation of schools by the armed forces.
Will the Sinhala people allow such a thing to happen in the name of security in the Sinhala areas? Can 19 % of the land area and 42 % of the coastline in a Southern maritime district be maintained as a no go zone for the people for ten years? Will the students of Royal, Ananda, St. Thomas’s and Trinity allow chunks of their schools to be taken over as army camps for a decade and allow security bunds be constructed across their playing fields? Will the students of St. Josephs, Mahinda, Wesley and Nalanda allow their schools to be taken over completely as part of a military base?
What the demonstrations are illustrating is that this whole concept of security zones is totally unjust and immoral. If the protests continue on an Intifada like scale it can only help expose the fact that Jaffna is under virtual army occupation. The Palestinian intifadas demonstrate to the world that the Israeli army has no “Locus standi” to be in Palestine. The Tamil uprisings also help to focus attention on the fact that the pervasive presence of the armed forces in Jaffna is resented.It was Gladstone who once said when speaking of Irish home rule that it was “better to concede with grace that which you cannot hold with authority”. Is anyone listening?
December 13th, 2005
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The fourth of December was a bloody Sunday for soldiers serving in Jaffna as nine of their comrades-at-arms were killed in three separate incidents in the northern peninsula. Eight soldiers were injured in the same three incidents. Around 20 other soldiers suffered injuries in a spate of attacks conducted for three days in Jaffna from December 2 to 4.
The most serious attack was the landmine ambush at Kondavil on Sunday. Ten soldiers from the 51 – 1 brigade camp near the Thirunelvely farm school were travelling along the Palaly road to the 55 – 1 brigade camp at Atchuvely.
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The vehicle used was a tractor with trailer. The vehicle had passed the Kondavil junction and proceeded about 150 metres southwards when a claymore mine concealed on a tree was triggered by a remote controlled device. The explosion occurred at 1.10 pm in broad daylight.
The driver and two other men seated alongside the mudguards and three others seated on the front of the trailer were killed instantly. One soldier seated in the middle of the trailer was seriously injured and later succumbed. Three others seated at the rear end were injured but survived though the condition of two is serious. Seven soldiers had been killed in what was the most serious incident affecting the security forces in 46 months of a ceasefire between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.
Claymore attack
Meanwhile, in an almost identical incident, a minimum of seven (at the time of going to press) Sri Lanka Army soldiers were killed in a second claymore mine attack on a SLA tractor in Irupalai, five kilometers north east of Jaffna town yesterday (6) at around 10 a.m. At least one soldier was seriously wounded in the attack. The explosion took place 200 meters west of Irupalai junction on Jaffna – Point Pedro road. At least 10 soldiers belonging to the SLA Division 51-2 were returning to Irupalai camp in their tractor when it was hit by the claymore mine. They were returning after supplying morning meals to the soldiers stationed along the streets in Kalviyankadu, as in the previous incident.
For northern residents of Kondavil and adjacent Thirunelvely or Thinnevely as it is generally called, it was a bitter sense of deja-vu all over again. It was the usual practice in the bygone days for soldiers to descend upon the scene of an attack, surround the area and assault people in the vicinity and also detain them. The ceasefire had prevented such incidents for years in Jaffna. The bloody Sunday incident however revived memories as hordes of policemen and soldiers arrived. They had learnt nothing and forgotten nothing.
After the Sunday attack, people in the area were rounded up and assaulted. Shopkeepers at Kondavil junction and even Thirunelvely junction were grilled. The devotees paying pooja to the Aiyappan deity at a temple close to the incident suffered a lot of harassment. About 30 to 40 people complained of minor injuries after the assaults. At least 20 people were detained for questioning and were gradually released. As is usual none of those responsible or related to the attack were arrested.
Bloody Sunday
If the Kondavil attack was the one with the most exacting toll two other incidents on the same bloody Sunday also had soldier casualties. A security forces truck was attacked with explosives near the Manangunap Pillaiyar temple at Nunavil near Chavakachcheri. One soldier was killed and two injured. This occurred at 5. 30 pm.The assailants fired T – 56 rifles and at least 14 rounds were fired.
Fifteen minutes later at 5.45 pm a security convoy was returning to the camp at Villumathavaddi in Neervely near the glass factory premises. An attack was launched from a clump of trees along the Point Pedro road. Grenades were thrown and then firearms used. the firefight continued intermittently till about 8. pm. Though a search was conducted after reinforcements arrived none of those involved in the attack were apprehended. In a re-play of the Kondavil aftermath on a minor scale people were harassed in a cordon and search operation. One soldier was killed and three injured in the incident.
The soldiers killed in the three incidents were Sgt. P. R. Ananda, Chandrasiri, Priyantha, Navaratne, Ruwankumara, Ratnayake and Ekanayake at Kondavil; Lance Coroporal Jayewardene at Nunavil and private Abeyewardene at Neervely.
‘Virtual’curfew
The Jaffna people alarmed by the incidents kept indoors during the night and a ‘virtual’ curfew was in place. Residents living in the vicinity of places where incidents occurred moved to different places for fear of reprisals. there was a general feeling of apprehension and tension in Jaffna as people feared the worst. Talk of a full scale war erupting was in the air.
Three other attacks had also been conducted on the same ‘bloody’ Sunday. Two of these were within the Jaffna municipal limits. Youths on motorcycles had fired on sentry posts indiscriminately and then fled from the scene. The first was at 9 am on the post near Arasady junction. The second was at 1. 30 pm at Muthirai Santhi junction. If both were within the Jaffna municipality the third was outside at Irubalai junction in Kopay. This too was done by youths on motor cycles. There were no casualties.
The attacks on Sunday were preceded by a series of attacks on December 2 and 3. Though no one was killed, about 20 soldiers sustained injuries. There were a few injured civilians too. None of those responsible for the attacks were injured or arrested.
Peculiar phenomenon
The three days of violence from December 2 to 4 are depicted as a peculiar phenomenon by sections of the media. It is as if the Tigers or their minions are engaging in violence for no apparent reason. While this violence certainly has to be condemned it is not difficult to seek out the reasons or the underlying causes. It is of the utmost importance to realise that this particular spree of violence is only an indicator that the shadow war promoted in the east has now moved to the north too. Though the LTTE and its agents have engaged in a lot of violence in the past during the ceasefire, recent developments show that other ‘agencies’too are at work in Jaffna.
These columns spotlighted some weeks ago that the killing of Kopay Christian College Principal Nadarajah Sivakadatcham was committed by suspected Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) cadres aligned with the military intelligence division. It is widely believed that security intelligence controlling various anti -Tiger elements had mapped out a new strategy . The Karuna faction was to be used for clandestine operations in the east against the mainstream LTTE. The Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front (ENDLF) was to be used in Vavuniya and Mannar. The EPDP was to be used in Jaffna. The Sivakadatcham killing along with the murder of a video shop owner in Uduvil were the surest indicators that the shadow war had come to the north.
Being aware of this changing equation the political wing members of the LTTE pulled out of government controlled areas. But the LTTE intelligence wing operatives and members of the hit squads and pistol groups remained while maintaining a low profile. The LTTE ‘secret weapon’ with dangerous potential however was its civilian militia called Makkal Padai or ‘people’s force’.
The Tigers have during the years of unfettered ceasefire brainwashed and trained a large number of Tamil civilians in armed warfare. The bulk of these are youths. Many are of a lumpen background.
In recent times these elements have played a big role in promoting political violence in Jaffna in the name of the people. The brutal murder of ‘King’ Charlie Wijewardene at Inuvil and related violence was mainly done by these elements. The violence related to the election boycott campaign in Jaffna was also done by these elements. The LTTE ‘proper’ plays a behind the scenes role directing and manipulating events. So the LTTE is able to claim that it is the ‘people’ and not ‘Tigers’ who are behind the violence in Jaffna. Typical Tiger doublespeak!
It was against this backdrop that the ‘Great Heroes Day’ or Maaveerar Naal was observed on November 27. On November 25 night at about 3. 30 am a killer squad arrived at a Neervely residence, entered forcibly and shot a 22 year old youth Narendran Nirojithan. Nirojithan’s brother was a Tiger martyr. Nirojithan identified openly with the LTTE and was in charge of putting up GHD decorations in the Neervely area. The injured Nirojithan is receiving treatment in the intensive care unit of Jaffna hospital.
On December 1 three youths in a Landmaster tractor stopped outside a tea boutique near the Athiyar Hindu College in Neervely. A killer squad opened fire and escaped in a three-wheeler. Twenty four year old Roopan was injured but 34 year old Gunaratnam Krishnakumar of Neervely and 24 year old Sinnaiah Sivakaran of Alaveddy were killed. All three were civilian farmers but supportive of the LTTE. They had been involved in the Great heroes day ceremonies of the area. Media reports said that the killers had fled to the Neervely army camp near the Kopay junction.
It was this incident that set the stage for the violence on the following days. There is a prevalent feeling among many people that the EPDP cadres aligned to military intelligence were responsible for the incidents. Interestingly, the residence of Principal Sivakadatcham as well as the venues of the other incidents were all in close proximity of the Neervely camp. It is widely believed that the EPDP killer squad is housed at this camp and let loose periodically to target pro – Tigers or those with alleged LTTE links. The killers are aided and abetted by the security forces.
It was in such a resentful public mood that a Tiger front known as Tamil National Security Movement called for a hartal on December 2 to protest the Neervely killings. Posters were put up, road blocks set up and leaflets distributed. Whether out of sympathy or fear there was enough public response to the hartal call. The security forces in some places removed the roadblocks and posters on walls.
A series of attacks were launched on December 2 and 3. The security forces were the targets. The attacks occurred in Chavakachcheri, Sangathanai, Meesalai, Neervely, Kopay, Jaffna town, Kuppilan, Allarai, Manthigai, Nelliaddy etc. The targets were sentry posts, mini camps or security vehicles. The usual practice was to throw grenades or other explosive devices. In some instances guns were fired. The perpetrators were all young men on motor cycles.
Makkal Padaigal
Organisations calling themselves Makkal Padaigal or people’s forces issued leaflets warning the security force ‘aggressors’ and their paramilitary acolytes to stop targeting the people of Tamil Eelam. Otherwise the people would continue to resist their activities and strive to remove their presence from Jaffna. The statements were issued in the name of Seeru’ (hissing), Urumum (growling) and Karchikkum (roaring) Makkal Padaigal.
In Chavakachcheri for instance the security post near the AGA office was attacked twice on December 3. Explosives were thrown at 1. 30 pm and 3. 30 pm. At Manthigai in Point Pedro a grenade was thrown at the security personnel guarding the EPDP office. At Maalisanthy in Nelliaddy an attack was launched against security personnel near the Telecom office. A fierce fight ensued and though three soldiers were injured fire was returned against the marauders. Altogether 22 security personnel were injured in 14 attacks over the two days. But it was Sunday which resulted in the loss of life with nine being killed in three incidents.
Monday December 5 seemed to indicate a lull in the violence. But students of Hartley College and Methodist Girls’ High School in Point Pedro commenced a protest demonstration against security forces trying to erect barricades on paths used by students. There was some stone throwing and the security forces reacted by tear gassing the demonstrators. It is believed that the whole protest was instigated by the Tigers.
No LTTE involvement
The LTTE political commissar for Jaffna, Ilamparithy denied LTTE involvement in an interview to the BBC Thamizhosai Tamil service. He claimed that the people were reacting to the paramilitaries aided and abetted by security forces. Ilamparithy also said that explosives in the hands of these paramilitaries had been seized and used by the people.
There are few takers for Ilamparithy’s puerile attempt to bury the full pumpkin in a plateful of rice. It seems common knowledge in Jaffna that the violence is done by pro – Tiger elements of the so called civilian militia with the covert backing and logistical support of the LTTE.
It is also understood that the LTTE inspired violent response towards the security forces is a direct consequence of the shifting shadow war. The people do seem to be aware that killer squads believed to be EPDP are operating with the unofficial sanction and support of the military intelligence and security forces. Though the LTTE has engaged in a lot of violence in the past this particular round is seen as a result of the shadow war. The second deadly attack yesterday which claimed seven soldiers is confirmation of this.
What the ordinary people fear is an escalation of the simmering conflict. With a hardline regime in Colombo the official response could become fierce in the days to come. The Jathika Hela Urumaya is already calling for a ‘war alert.’ This is exactly what the Tigers want. The LTTE wants Colombo to unleash full scale war. So the so called response to the alleged shadow war activity is being intensified to unacceptable levels where the new President will be compelled to respond forcefully. After all was not ‘Apey Mahinda’ elected to teach the Tigers how to adhere to a ceasefire?
This is indeed a tricky situation for Mahinda Rajapakse who has already summoned an emergency meeting to discuss the situation and appointed a three – member fact finding committee to go into the causes of the current crisis. Whatever the hawks on either either side of the ethnic divide may want, the ordinary people of Jaffna want only peace. They do not want this shadow war now or for it to become full – scale war in the future.
December 7th, 2005
The Highest national honour conferred by Sri Lanka on non – nationals is the “Sri Lanka Rathna ” award.Narasimhan Ram the Editor in chief of four chennai based publications became the first Indian national to be awarded that honour on Nov 14th. Apart from the fact that “The Hindu”, ” Frontline” “Business Line” and “The Sports Star” are very familiar to Sri Lankan readers there were other reasons too for the sixty year old Tamil Brahmin of Iyengar stock to be made Sri Lanka Rathna. Predominant among them is the abiding interest he shows in Sri Lankan affairs and his contribution to the resolution of the ethnic conflict here.
N. Ram as he is generally known has focussed much of his personal and professional attention towards Sri Lanka in general and the issue of resolving the ethnic conflict in particular. In the eighties when India played a mediator role people like N. Ram played a supportive role in an unofficial capacity.Being close to almost all the big players in both Countries and having special access to the power corridors of New Delhi N. Ram were very effective in a behind the scenes role.
Though modest about it Ram contributed greatly to the process which culminated in the signing of the Indo – Lanka accord by JR Jayewardene and Rajiv Gandhi on July 29th 1987. On paper it was and still is the best possible arrangement ever made to resolve the Sri Lankan crisis by guaranteeing the unity and territorial integrity of the Country on the one hand and ensuring the legitimate rights of Sri Lankan Tamils on the other. The 13th amendment to the Sri Lankan constitution paved the way for Provincial councils while the 16th amendment made Tamil an official language. Both amenments were off – shoots of the Indo – Lanka accord.
In later years India withdrew from its mediatory role for reasons that are well – known. The Hindu too stepped back from its crusading role but continued to be a concerned commentator and observer. It is regarded in India as the foremost authority on Sri Lankan affairs and has effectively helped mould public opinion on the issue. The paper is influential enough to set the parameters for most media coverage in India.
Ram himself is often cited as an expert on Sri Lanka and is interviewed by mediapersons and diplomats from different parts of the world. He is also busy on the seminar and lecture circuit. What is of importance is the continuing reliance of political leaders and bureaucrats on the input provided by Ram and the Hindu in formulating and implementing policy on Sri Lanka.
It was the Hindu which played a leading role in encouraging an interventionist role for India in Sri Lanka in the eighties. Today it advocates an open “hands off “policy towards Sri Lanka while being supportive of whatever assistance possible to help resolve the problem in a manner acceptable to all sections of the people. Ram himself with the wisdom of hindsight sees the earlier New Delhi policy as being “schizoid”.
This decisive shift in Indian policy also took on an anti – tiger veneer after the Rajiv Gandhi assassination. Once it was established that the LTTE was responsible for the killing the Hindu along with many other Indian media became stridently critical of the LTTE. This perspective gathered momentum over the years as LTTE conduct deteriorated into extremism bordering on neo – fascism. Being privy to a lot of in depth information about the LTTE compared to other Indian media the journal has been firmly opposed to tiger antics on a principled basis. This position manifests itself very clearly.
This naturally has led to much resentment in the tiger and pro – tiger camp. The tigers and fellow travellers feel that New Delhi could have been swayed to some extent during the BJP period if not for the Hindu and “Hindu” Ram. Though Ram was for long Editor of “Frontline” and “Sports Star” he is popularly referred to as “Hindu” Ram. Since he has been the public face of the Hindu group of publications for long and has been forthright in his criticism of the LTTE it is N. Ram who is often singled out for virulent attacks by the tigers and their acolytes.
Most of the pro – tiger elements in Tamil Nadu have a background of Dravidian nationalist ideology. A crucial component of this ideology is its pronounced anti – Brahminism. As N. Ram is from a Vaishnavite Iyengar Brahmin family which incidently owns the “Hindu” Group of publications the pro – tiger lobby accusations are casteist and charge him of being anti – Tamil.The “Hindu” is derisively referred to as the “Mahavishnu of Mount Road”.
This is a ruse regularly used by the tiger elements. If the LTTE is criticised it is twisted as being anti – Tamil. The Hindu editorial policy and N. Ram’s personal worldview to a great extent is against communalism, ultra – nationalism, fundamentalism etc. Contrary to the name “The Hindu” the newspaper has firmly and actively opposed Hindu fundamentalism in India. The paper and newsmagazine have been in the frontline of resistance to the Bharatiya Janatha Party and its kindred organizations known as the “Sangh Parivar like Rashtriya Seva sangham (RSS), Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) Bajrang Dal etc.
It is this ideological position that forms the basis of policy towards the LTTE. Despite claims of fighting for lofty ideals the LTTE of today has become a reactionary outfit . It also poses a long term threat to the stability of India. The Hindu and N. Ram feel that the best solution to Sri Lankas ethnic crisis is maximum devolution to a federal unit within a united Sri Lanka. It was felt in recent times that Chandrika Kumaratunga provided the best bet in Sri Lanka towards the realisation of that goal. There is no doubt that recent developments such as the rise of Sinhala chauvinist forces like the Jathika Hela Urumaya and Mahinda Rajapakse’s insistence on a unitary Constitution etc will be prickly issues to the avowed policy of both India , The Hindu and N. Ram.
The LTTE lobby loves to attack the “Hindu” and N. Ram as causes for its abysmal failure in hoodwinking the Indian establishment. I too have been attacked for this “Hindu” connection. I was the Frontline correspondent in Colombo from 1985 to 1987 and the Hindu correspondent from 1986 to 1987. Nowadays I contribute articles to Frontline infrequently. Because of this the tiger lobby attacks me too as an Indian or Brahmin stooge something which tickles my fancy often.
What the tiger lobby tends to forget now is the fact that the “Hindu” and “Frontline” voiced the grievances of the Tamil people to the world during the 1983 – 1987 years. N. Ram himself took a keen personal interest in Sri Lankan issues and interviewed people like JR Jayewardene, Lalith Athulathmudali, Gamini Dissanayake, Appapillai Amirthalingam and Velupillai Pirapakaran. Ram’s interview with the LTTE leader carried in two instalments remains the most quoted one by Pirapakaran so far. The LTTE and its supporters would do well to do some soul searching into what went wrong with their “hindu” connection instead of launching anti – brahmin tirades against Ram.
Sometimes I am amused when I read the verbal abuse in pro – tiger Tamil journalisms about the “paarpaneeyam” (brahminism) of N. Ram. It appears to me that some of these critics perceive him as a typical orthodox Iyengar brahmin with the striped “namam” on his forehead. The reality is starkly different from perception.
Far from being a conservastive brahmin the Hindu editor in chief is a progressive cosmopolitian equally at ease in the drawing rooms of the West and the parlours of the East. His first wife Susan was an English lady who was for many years in charge of Oxford University press publications in India.He is now married to Mariam who I believe is a Keralite Syrian Christian. She is an advertising executive. He is no chanter of Sanskrit slogas or manthras but someone capable of quoting from the Western classics as he once engaged in a verbal duel with JR Jayewardene on Shakespeare.
Since this article is about the Sri Lanka Rathna and is written primarily for Sri Lankan readers I have concentrated mostly on the Sri Lankan angle. Ram’s CV itself says that one of his special interests in the Journalist field is – ” The Sri Lanka ethnic crisis and the Tamil question; the experience of, and lessons from, India’s interaction with this problem.” It would however be a gross error to confine this piece to that perspective alone. The man has a multiple of talents and a variety of interests.
One of his chief interests is cricket. My first visit to his house at Alwarpettai in Chennai was in 1985. England was touring India. I was watching a thrilling match on TV and reluctantly left for his house as he invited me to come over in the afternoon. When I went there he asked me to come up where along with a couple of friends Ram was watching the game on TV too. I happily sat there amd watched. It was only after the match was over that we got talking. I later learnt that he had captained the Madras University team and also played for Tamil Nadu state in the Ranji Trophy tournament. He was a wicket – keeper batsman.
It was this cricketing background which helped Ram strike up a deep friendship with the late Gamini Dissanayake. I am not sure but I think NPK Salve the Indian politician and Cricket Board chairman introduced Ram to his Sri Lankan counterpart first. Both became close. Gamini metamorphosed over the years into a firm friend of India and a dove on the ethnic question. The Gamini – Ram link was of great value in the run up to the 1987 accord. Ram was used as an “unofficial emissary” to carry messages that could not be sent “officially” between Colombo and New Delhi .Like the ping – pong diplomacy between USA and China this was cricket diplomacy. Gamini and Mrs. Dissanayake spent a few days with Ram in India a few weeks before his death.
Another of Ram’s characteristics is his pro – CPM or marxist sympathies. In his youth he was an activist of the pro – marxist Indian Students Federation. It was as an ISF activist that I first saw him in an incident of high political drama. I was then a student at the Madras Christian College in Thambaram.Muttuvel Karunanidhi was the DMK chief minister of Tamil Nadu.There was a rice shortage then due mainly to blackmarketeers hoarding it. Karunanidhi appealed to the people asking them to distribute hoarded rice.
ISF student members took matters into their hands and in a show of force seized ssacks of rice from the hoarders and began distributing to the people. Police was called in and 16 ISF members arrested. Ram was a state level office bearer of the ISF and arrived at the scene to sort out matters. He was detained too. The University students organized a city wide strike. As a result of the student agitation the detained persons including Ram were released.
When I was sorting out my papers prior to leaving Sri Lanka I ran across the leaflet issued then condemning the detention of N. Ram. I kept it with me and showed it to Ram later when I met him in the USA. He seemed visibly embarassed at being reminded of his hectic activist past. Ram continues to maintain his leftist connections and CPM leanings though that is not allowed to affect Hindu editorial policy.Ram is closely associated with Prakash Karat the current Indian CPM leader.Due perhaps to the CPM background Ram keenly follows developments in China too and has written a series of articles after his numerous trips there.
Another interest is literature though his bachelors and masters degrees were in history. Ram was closely associated with the doyen of Indian writers in English RK Narayan and even co – wrote a biography of his early years with Susan Ram. Once he was accompanying Narayan to see his former residence at Puraswakkam to find that the old house was being demolished for a new building. Ram managed to salvage the wooden lattice above the doorway and present it to Narayan as treasured memento. He is also a fan of crusading author Arundh athi Roy and was once seen sitting on the steps of the British Council auditorium to listen to her lecturing to a packed audience.
Among his many interests are dogs. Ram raises pedigreed cocker and golden spaniels that have won many , many prizes and ribbons. he is also fond of music and was one of the speakers recently at the release ceremony of the path – breaking “thiruvasagam in symphony” by Ilaiyarajah. He is also an honoured invitee to many DMK functions and is often the only man in Western attire on stage amid the “karai verti” (bordered dhotis) clad DMK functionaries. Though the lunatic fringe of dravidianism continues to rant and rave mainstream dravidianism has established a sound relationship with the Mount Road Mahavishnu.Ram is also associated with the Nawab of Arcot in the harmony association which promotes unity and amity in India.
The question of free _expression is of crucial importance. Ram has been an ardent votary of the principle. “The Hindu” faced a crisis recently when Tamil Nadu chief minister Jayalalitha Jayaram launched an offensive against the paper. She was offended by the criticism levelled by the paper. After filing a series of cases in court she overstepped her mark by getting arrest warrants issued against senior journalists including executive editor Malini Parthasarathy a cousin of Ram.. Ram spearheaded the resistance to this abuse of power and countered Jayalalitha at many levels. Finally she backed down. The incident demonstrated clearly the extent of influence the paper and its editor in chief had at an all India level.
Ram has been in journalism since 1966. It is a family business as the “Hndu” is owned by members of the Kasturi Rangan family. Ram also acquired a masters in comparative journalism from the Columbia University in New York. His biggest journalist triumph was the Bofors scandal of the late eighties and nineties pertaining to artillery equipment bough from Sweden. Together with Geneva based Chitra Subramaniam and also on his own N. Ram uncovered many aspects of L’affaire bofors . He won many honours and awards for this He was also awarded the Pathma Bhushan in 1990 by the President of India. (R. Venkatraman)
I have been interacting with N. Ram for about two decades now. The relationship has been volatile at times because of certain issues. I was extremely critical of the IPKF and as a result was fired by the Hindu then. This dispute however did not affect our personal relationship. Even professionally I contribute articles to Frontline and Hindu depending of course on the availability of time and space. I will however be appreciative of him for two things.
One is for his solidarity and support when I was arrested by Sri Lankan authorities in 1987 for alleged links with the LTTE. The flimsy basis was an interview I obtained with then deputy – leader of LTTE Gopalswamy Mahendrarajah alias Mahathaya. The interview was published in “the Island” and not “The Hindu”. When Neelan Tiruchelvam informed Ram of the arrest he took up the issue though he was advised by many to “keep out” since it was not directly connected to “The Hindu”. But Ram undertook a special trip to Colombo to meet with JR Jayewardene and urge my release. He also published the “Mhathaya” interview in “the Hindu” threby incurring displeasure in sections of South Block.
The other was when the LTTE conducted a campaign against “Muncharie” the Tamil weekly I was editing in Toronto. I was compelled to shut the paper down because the tigers intimidated advertisers and sellers of the paper.Not only did Ram condemn the incident but also published my open letter on the problem. He also alerted several media rghts organizations about the issue. Fearing for my physical safety in Toronto as I had earlier been attacked and hospitalised by baseball bat wielding LTTE goons he asked me to come down to Madras and work and stay there for a while. I declined but remain grateful for the timely offer.
Sri Lanka is in the throes of a major crisis. The paradigm shift in Southern politics of moving towards Federalism has received a jolt from Mahinda Rajapakse’s insistence on a unitary state. The LTTE through its enforced boycott has demonstrated that it is shedding the so called exploration of a federal solution and heading out towards its Eelamist goal. The coming months will be extremely volatile.
“The Hindu” from its vantage point in Chennai will no doubt be monitoring and reporting developments. Wise counsel is necessary to ease tensions and restore sanity. “The Hindu” group carrying much credibility on Sri Lanka can make a positive contribution in this. Narasimhan Ram will be taking a personal interest in all this. After all he is now an honoured “non – citizen” of the Island being a “Sri Lanka Rathna”.
December 6th, 2005
[Photo Courtesy of HumanityAshore.org]
The first ever Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) member to embrace death in battle was Sathiyanathan of Kambarmalai a northern village adjacent to Valvettithurai, the birthplace of Velupillai Prabakharan its leader. Sathiyanathan alias Shankar was also known as Suresh died on November 27, 1982.
He was a childhood friend of Prabakharan and one of his earliest recruits. Shankar had gone to the Nithiyanandan residence in Navalar Road, Jaffna to warn them of a military crackdown on Tamil professionals and intellectuals suspected of being sympathetic towards the LTTE.
Even as Shankar was communicating with Jaffna University Lecturer Muthia Nithiyanandan and his wife Nirmala an – ex-varsity lecturer now teaching at a leading Girls School, a posse of soldiers surrounded the house. Shankar managed to shoot his way out of the military cordon but sustained serious injuries in the process. The Nithiyanandans were arrested.
The first LTTE death
Later Shankar’s condition deteriorated and another senior LTTE member Sivakumar alias Anton who later represented the Tigers at the Thimphu talks undertook a perilous and clandestine journey by boat along with Shankar to Tamil Nadu to procure urgent medical assistance for the latter. This was in the pre-1983 period when the LTTE consisted only of around 25 to 30 activists and had very few resources including even wireless communication equipment.
Leaving the grievously injured Shankar in a safehouse at Kodiaakkarai, Anton went up to Madurai where LTTE chief Prabakharan and some others were staying then.
This was the time when Prabakharan was confined by court order to Madurai because of his involvement in a broad daylight shoot out with Peoples Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) chief Umamaheswaran at Pondy Bazaar in Chennai (then Madras). Thanks to the help rendered by Pala. Nedumaran who was then a member of the Tamil Nadu Legislative assembly representing Madurai West, Shankar was brought to a farmhouse belonging to Nedumaran for medical treatment.
The weeping leader
The people nursing Shankar in the coastal hideout had ignorantly given a lot of water to quench his thirst. This worsened his condition to a point of no return. Shankar died on Prabakharan’s lap mumbling “Thambi, Thambi” (thambi was the endearing term by which Prabakharan was known in the old days) while the visibly shaken and weeping LTTE leader kept stroking his hair. This was one of the few occasions when the LTTE leader ever wept in public. Death in combat of a cadre whether immediate or subsequent was a new phenomenon to the LTTE on that day.
Seven years later in 1989 around six hundred LTTE cadres assembled at a secret venue in the Mullaitheevu district jungles of Nithikaikulam on November 27. The occasion was the newly proclaimed Great Heroes Day or Maaveerar Naal as known in Tamil. This was the time when the Indian army was fighting the LTTE as a proxy of the Sri Lankan government. Thanks to the understanding arrived at between the LTTE and then President Ranasinghe Premadasa a cease-fire had been declared on September 21, that year.
A withdrawal of troops had been announced in principle. The Indian Parliamentary elections scheduled for December would determine whether Rajiv Gandhi would be re-elected or not. That verdict would in turn decide the fate of the Indian Army in Sri Lanka. The LTTE leader had in the meantime thought of honouring his dead cadres by observing a unique ceremony called Maaveerar Naal or Great Heroes Day.
Proud of the LTTE
The LTTE leader was justifiably proud then of the performance of his organisation in having withstood the onslaught of 132,000 troops of the Indian army. When the Indo-Lanka accord was signed and hostilities ceased the LTTE had lost 632 cadres in battle. When a cessation of hostilities with the Indian army was enforced the LTTE had lost a further 711 cadres.
Prabakharan wanted to recognise their contribution, honour their sacrifices and pay tribute to their memory in a collective manner. What better way than promulgating a special day? Which better day than the date on which the first LTTE member laid down his life? So November 27th it was. The first Great Heroes Day was a restricted affair of which the highlight was a highly emotional address delivered extemporaneously by Prabakharan to his enraptured followers.
The Dravidian culture
The nineties saw the LTTE controlling the greater part of the northern province and substantial pockets in the eastern province. During this period the LTTE developed to a great extent, the ceremonial aspect of paying homage to its fallen heroes. There exists in the martial tradition of the Tamils a concept known as Nadugal Valipaadu which literally means worshipping the planted stone. Until the influence of Aryan-Brahminism pervaded the Dravidian people, the custom in South India had been that of burying their dead. Tombstones were erected at the graves of great heroes fallen in battle. These were honoured regularly through special Panegyrical rituals.
The classical Tamil literary works of the Sangham era are replete with references to this Nadugal Valipaadu concept. The aftermath of the Hindu renaissance period saw Brah- minism becoming dominant and altering a way of life drastically. The decline of Tamil dynasties along with the advent of Moghul, Nayakkar and European colonialism saw the martial tradition among Tamils becoming debilitated. The custom of paying homage to heroes fallen in battle became non-existent in an environment where war was virtually unknown for generations.
Now the LTTE went back to the roots of the Tamil martial culture and revived its most potent symbolic and ritual form. From 1991 the entire week from November 21-27, was declared as Great Heroes Week. Interestingly the birthday of LTTE leader Prabakharan was November 26. Since this day was now within the Great Heroes Week more importance was attached to it. An outpouring of emotion both genuine as well as sycophantic emerged. The focus shifted from Great Heroes Day to the leader’s birthday.
Some even thought that Great Heroes day was to celebrate the leaders birthday. Soon Prabakharan acted firmly and clamped down all festive activity connected with his birthday. The week was for the fallen heroes and the red letter day of that week would only be November 27, the Great Heroes Day. Nevertheless various religious observances are undertaken by followers and well wishers on November 26, seeking divine protection and blessings on the man who now personifies Tamil resistance to Sinhala chauvinist hegemony.
Utilising its control to the maximum of the north and parts of the east during the 1990 – 1995 period the LTTE conducted elaborate demonstrations and events as part of observing the Great Heroes day.
The entire week was full of meetings, religious rituals, processions, exhibitions etc. to commemorate the fallen LTTE cadres. Cutouts, posters and handbills of the departed cadres were distributed widely. Each village was asked to pay homage to those Tigers from their area who were now great heroes. Each school was asked to pay tribute to those of their alumni who had fallen in battle.The three days of Nov 25th, 26th and 27th however are the most important days of Maaveerar Week.
The grand function
The week culminated in a grand function on the 27th at a special location attended by Prabakharan himself. With the passage of time Great Heroes day ceremonies became decentralised. Several observances would be conducted simultaneously but pride of place however was naturally awarded to the one in which Prabakharan participated.
The LTTE also established several cemeteries called Maaveerar Thuyilum Illangal (residences where the great heroes slumber). While the departed cadres were laid out in neat rows of graves marked by single tombstones a pavilion commemorating them collectively with names and relevant dates was also constructed.
The most touching spectacle of the great heroes day observance was the mass participation of family members at these cemeteries and memorial pavilions. Later G. H. D. ceremonies were observed in foreign cities where substantial concentrations of the Tamil Diaspora lived.
Increasing casualty rates
As the ethnic conflict kept continuing the casualty rates also increased. When the first G. H. day was observed in 1989 there were only 1343 martyrs. The tally as of October 20th in 2000 was 16,591. The present figure as at Oct 31st is 17, 903; 263 Black Tigers have been killed so far. The LTTE has lost 237 during three and a half years of ceasefire. This means that more and more Tamil families are suffering the losses of their loved ones and becoming grief stricken.
The event is now mass oriented. This column has witnessed Great Heroes Day ceremonies held overseas as well as films of functions in Sri Lankan Tamil areas. There is no doubt that the sight of grief stricken emotional outpourings over their loved ones by family members is a profoundly moving one. The families of fallen LTTE cadres are called Maaveerar Kudumbangal and are often given preferential treatment in spheres coming within the ambit of LTTE control.
The LTTE by nurturing this cult of martyrdom is achieving many things. It provides those cadres among the living a bond of affiliation with their departed comrades. The cadres get a feeling of reassuring comfort that he or she too would be honoured in similar fashion when dead. The LTTE cadres are fighting and dying in the belief that posterity will remember and honour their memory.
Eternity and immortality
The Great Heroes Day observances provide them with the feeling that by sacrificing their lives they would grasp eternity and ensure immortality. Likewise the kith and kin of the departed souls too are gratified that the loss of their loved one has not been in vain. The emotive content of Great Heroes Day observances also motivates other youths to join the LTTE. The spectacle also inspires the general population in continuing to appreciate the LTTE sacrifices and render support.
The annual great heroes day address by the LTTE leader began to assume great significance and importance over the years. Since Prabakharan is quite reclusive and shuns direct media exposure the great heroes day appearance has become one of those rare occasions where he interacts with the public. The speech is also considered to be something akin to a policy statement by the LTTE.
It is dissected by analysts to ascertain what the LTTE leader envisages for the immediate future. With Prabakharan being the determining factor of Sri Lankan politics for nearly fifteen years, his G. H. D. address is awaited eagerly. At times it is interpreted according to the specific agenda of propagandists. At times the address has turned out to be a damp squib without any new dimension in thought but nevertheless it remains an oration of tremendous importance. Nowadays Prabakharan does not deliver extempore but reads from a carefully prepared text.
Speech over the Internet
After the relocation of the LTTE to the northern mainland of Wanni, Prabakharan makes his annual address from places within that region. The setting up of the LTTE’s own radio station Puligalin Kural (Voice of Tigers) enabled it to be relayed out. With the development of information technology the speech is now relayed simultaneously via Internet. Nowadays the LTTE has its own TV and GHD proceedings are telecast to the world at large from the Wanni.
The emergence of several Tamil broadcasting stations in the western world has created a situation where the speech is heard in Tamil homes throughout Europe, Australia and North America. Likewise the acquisition of various television stations by pro – tiger Tamils enables wide televised coverage too.
A noteworthy feature of Prabakharan’s speeches in recent times is his resonant delivery in well modulated tones. The usual highpitched voice that tends to be squeaky at times is totally absent.
Multi-faceted observances
The Great Heroes Day observances were as usual multi-faceted and diversified. The highlight of these ceremonies is the lighting of candles and torches by those assembled. While people holding these flickering lights line up and form an illuminated corridor, a glowing torch is brought in relay form by LTTE cadres in similar fashion to that of the Olympic games. The flaming torch is then given to the chief guest who then lights a large eternal flame known as Eegai Chudar (Flame of sacrifice) at the Memorial monument. This is followed by the lighting of a myriad lamps and torches making the occasion a festival of lights. Several senior LTTE figures are chief guests at different ceremonies.
The flames at various memorials are lit by senior tiger stalwarts. All the ceremonies are attended by members of great hero families who are taken by procession to the various memorials from different spots. Music is played by troupes from different LTTE formations. The different venues are also decorated with pandals.The red and yellow flags are hoisted widely.
Ceremony done in style
The primary ceremony however is at the site in which Prabakharan himself participates. A newly constructed memorial is the usual venue.After the LTTE flag is hoisted a display demonstration by selected squads from various units of the LTTE is held.
A march past is held after which Prabakharan accepts the ceremonial salute. Prabakharan then begins his address. It is about 30 to 40 minutes. Prabakharan thereafter accepts the flaming torch brought in relay form and goes on to light the premier flame of sacrifice. After observing two minutes of silence along with the massive crowd in attendance, the LTTE leader goes on to garland a picture of Sathiyanathan alias Shankar the first great hero.
Thereafter the LTTE leader accompanied by other tiger members also light the small lamps and place flowers before the pictures of martyrs. The visual dimension does not however diminish the importance and significance of the LTTE chief’s address.
The LTTE leader’s Great Heroes address is quite concise and precise with some interesting nuances. It encapsules effectively and vividly the LTTE position and what it hopes to do in the future.
In recent times there is a sideshow in London where the political adviser and chief negotiator Anton Stanislaus Balasingham known affectionately as “Bala Annai” addresses a large Mavveerar Day meeting. The highlight of his speech is an amplification and clarification of the salient aspects of Prabakharans address. What is of interest here is that it is Bala Annai who writes the speech for the LTTE leader. Thereafter he expands on his own creation.
This year the ceremony is to be held within the peninsula at the site of the historic Elephant Pass or Aanaiiravu base complex. Operation Unceasing waves- 3 or Oyatha Alaigal – 3vhas gone down in contemporary military history as an incredible military feat where a comparatively lesser force fought against overwhelming logistical and terraneous difficulties to overcome a superior force.
The Isthmus of Elephant pass linking the peninsula and mainland is of great significance to the Tamil people in a historical, geographical, economic, social, cultural and political sense. Now it has acquired a military dimension too. The LTTE staging its GHD meeting at Elephant pass this year is an event of immense politico – military symbolism.
More important will be the LTTE leaders address. The election of Mahinda Rajapakse as President with the help of hawkish parties like the Janatha Vimukth Peramuna and Jathika hela Urumaya is a watershed. The enforced boycott of that election by the LTTE is also a significant pointer. Mahinda Rajapakse’s election manifesto and Policy speech in Parliament outlines what the Government approach towards the National question is going to be. Now Velupillai Prabakharan will outline the response of the LTTE and what lies in store for Sri Lanka in general and the Eelam Tamils in particular.
December 2nd, 2005
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
In what may very well turn out to be a landmark judgement the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka on Nov 28th reiterated firmly that Galle Face Green is for the people of this Country and for the people alone. The bench comprising Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva PC and Justices N.K. Udalagama and Nimal Dissanayake ruled that the “Galle Face Green” should be maintained as a public utility and that the Government should make available necessary resources for the purpose .
” The Galle Face Green should be maintained as a public utility, in continuance of the dedication made by Sir Henry Ward. The necessary resources for this purpose, should be made available by the government of Sri Lanka, the successor to the colonial governor, who made the dedication referred to,” the Supreme Court said in a judgement.
The case related to the management agreement or the lease entered into on February 15, 2003, by the UDA and the EAP Network Private Limited, whereby it was sought to hand over the management and control of the 14-acre seaside promenade of Colombo, the Galle Face Green to E.A.P.
The court said that, the purported agreement, entered into between the Urban Development Authority and the EAP Limited is ultra vires and of no purpose or avail in law.
Consequent to fundamental rights violation plea being supported on February 13, 2004, leave to proceed was granted by the SC. An Interim Order directed the UDA to refrain from putting into operation, any lease or agreement, to effect the use, occupation and or the management of the Galle Face Green.
The judgement also said that the UDA denied the right to information of the petitioner, The Environmental Foundation Limited, and subjected the petitioner to unequal treatment.The UDA was directed to pay the EFL, Rs. 50,000/- as costs.
Miss Ruana Rajapakse, appeared with Miss Pamoda Rajakeeya for the petitioner. Romesh de Silva PC, appeared with Sugath Caldera, for the UDA.S. Parathalingam PC, with N. R. Sivendran and S. Cooray appeared for the EAP Group.The judgement was by the Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva with Justice N. K. Udalagama and Justice N. E. Dissanayake agreeing.
Chief Justice Sarath Silva may appear controversial to some in certain aspects. But as far as environmental rights justice is concerned the CJ has a very positive and progressive outlook like for instance the decisions on mechanised sandbank mining of rivers. There are signs that Mr. Sarath Silva could help pioneer a new area in contemporary jurisprudence like former Indian chief Justice Bhagwathi in public interest litigation. It is up to organizations like Environmental Foundation limited to avail themselves of a benevolent Supreme Court under the present chief justice and initiate progressive litigation.
The Galle Face Green lease case was another example of a deteriorating trend in Sri Lanka where the history, culture and natural heritage of the Country is sold out to a rapacious business class out to make a fast buck and nothing else. Some Entrepreneurs, politicians and bureaucrats of the Country thought nothing of literally selling out the birthright of the people to crass commercialism. People of this mindset are willing to sell out or commercially exploit anything from Sigiriya to the wetlands of Muthurajawela, from the waterfalls of Upper kotmale to the Dutch museum of Pettah.Only groups of concerned citizens stand opposed to this monstrous phenomenon.
The success of the Galle face green is in a sense a modern version of a David versus Goliath battle. Here the latter day Davids were armed only with the slingshot of legal recourse. Thanks to a supreme court capable of appreciating the finer points of life and a chief justice who recognizes the “value and not price” of some issues that matter this battle was won. Crude attempts to lease the Green out commercially have been firmly overthrown. The people have got their Galle Face Green back thanks to the Chief Justice , Supreme Court and of course the environmental foundation and its lawyers Ruana Rajapakse and Pamoda Rajakeeya.
Galle Face Green adjacent to the Indian Ocean along the Colombo coast has been a public promenade since early British colonial times. One end of it is in the Fort area and the other in Kollupitiya. The green as we know it now was much larger earlier and so too was the stretch of Galle Road running through it. A swathe of land however was taken away from the Green in the sixties for commercial expansion. A few colonial heritage type buildings on the land side were also demolished. This happened when protection of environment and heritage had not become a major concern of public life.
Despite the shrinkage Galle Face Green remained an important part of life in Colombo. The public has had free and unimpeded access to it since before independence. It is the most popular recreation ground in Colombo and said to be one of its major ‘lungs’, affording the populace an open space in a densely built-up area. It provides fresh air and space for exercise and leisure of the young and old and is a regular venue for popular recreational activities. People from all walks and all ages of life gather there.It was a must see place for all visitors from the outstations as well as tourists.
There is always some commerce going on of a minor nature at Galle face from the gram seller to the Ice cream van and now the various food stalls.These are part and parcel of Galle Face and add to its attraction.The comercial activity however took a subsidiary role. Galle Face did not exist for commerce but for the use of the people, for their pleasure and leisure. But the current crisis was that of attempting to commercialise GFG on a mass scale. Human beings were to be reduced to “consumers” and “customers” as insignificant cogs in a mercantile machine churning out and sucking in rupees and cents.
It all began in late 2003 when Sri Lankan the press reported that the EAP Group had been granted a lease on Galle Face Green by the Urban Development Authority. According to these reports, the EAP Group was to pay the UDA Rs 9 million as lease rental for a two year period. In exchange, all revenues hitherto received by the UDA from Galle Face Green would henceforth be paid to the EAP Group, while the UDA would continue to bear the cost of maintaining the Green. The EAP Group was reportedly planning to convert it to a carnival park, complete with “food courts” and “hawker streets”. Planned activities were reported to include “theme nights”, film shows, musical shows, and fashion shows.
On the 4th of January 2004, the UDA, together with the Ministry of Western Region Development, placed a half-page advertisement in several newspapers, headed “More Transparent Than Glass”, in which several claims regarding this projects were made. In this advertisement it was admitted that Galle Face Green is public property, to which free access has always been given to members of the public for their exercise and leisure activities. It was then that the Environmental Foundation Limited made an intervention.
While this advertisement made certain claims regarding the continuance of the traditional amenities of the Green for the benefit of the public, EFL pointed out that it was not possible to verify these claims without seeing the lease agreement. EFL also pointed out that Section 18 of the Urban Development Authority Law No. 41 of 1978 prescribes certain mandatory conditions which must be included in every lease of land by the UDA, and it was impossible to know whether such conditions have been included without seeing the lease agreement. Furthermore, the right of the UDA to deal with this property depends on there being a valid vesting order in terms of section 15 of this same law.
As a non profit-making organisation dedicated to the protection of the environment in the public interest, and which is registered with the Central Environmental Authority as a National level NGO engaged in activities in the field of environment, EFL required these documents in order to adequately discharge its monitoring duties. Accordingly, on 6th January 2004 EFL, wrote under registered cover to the UDA and to the Chairperson of the EAP Group of Companies, requesting them to provide EFL with copies of
1. The Lease Agreement entered into between the UDA and the EAP Group of Companies or related entity and
2. The approved plan, if any, for the development of Galle Face Green in terms of the said lease.
The UDA was also asked to provide a copy of the order vesting Galle Face Green in the Authority. When no replies were received, EFL sent reminder letters on the 14th January 2004. Thereafter the UDA replied by letter dated 20th January, refusing to release what they termed “official documents”
EFL therefore filed action in the Supreme Court, on 26th January 2004, pleading infringement of its fundamental and asking that the UDA be directed to furnish the documents requested in the letter of 6th January; and also seeking to restrain the UDA from putting into operation the lease agreement with the EAP Group of Companies or any related entity until the hearing and determination of its application.
EFL maintained ( FR 47/2004) that its fundamental rights under Articles 12 (1), 14(1)(a) and 14(1)(g) of the Constitution, relating to the right to equality before the law, to the freedom of _expression including the right to information and to the freedom to carry out a lawful occupation, profession or trade, were infringed by the refusal by the UDA to release these documents. It asked that the UDA be directed to furnish EFL with copies of the order vesting Galle Face Green in the UDA, the Lease Agreement entered into between the UDA and the EAP Group of Companies or related entity and the approved plan, if any, for the development of Galle Face Green in terms of the said lease. It named the Chairperson of the EAP Group of Companies and the Hon. Attorney General as the other respondents to its application.
When the case was called on 13th February, Mr Romesh de Silva, PC, appearing for the UDA, was asked from the bench whether his clients would not release the agreement. In reply he stated that he would only release it if the petitioner gave an undertaking that it would not go to court thereafter to challenge the agreement but would agree to resolve any disputes by arbitration.
Court thereupon gave EFL leave to proceed. The respondents were granted four weeks to file objections and the petitioner a further two weeks to produce counter affidavits. Argument was fixed for 14th June 2004 and heard thereafter.An Interim Order directed the UDA to refrain from putting into operation, any lease or agreement, to effect the use, occupation and or the management of the Galle Face Green.
The end result of it all was the ruling on Nov 28th. When news of the proposed lease appeared in the press there was a public outcry against the move. Galle Face Green was truly a preserve of the people and the people resented the move. When news of EFL action came out in the press there were letters of praise from the public. Now that a victory has been achieved the people with whose lives the Green was intimately involved will cheer out a loud “hurrah!” That includes this columnist too.
The life of this writer like many middle class people of Colombo was entwined with Galle Face Green. It was at Galle Face that my mother took her walks during pregnancy; It was to Galle Face that I came often with siblings, cousins, friends and neighbours for fun and frolic.It was to Galle Face that I accompanied my grandparents for their evening walks often going down to the beach and splashing about in the waves.. It was at Galle Face that I got “lost” as a kid and was restored to my parents through the kindness of an unknown Sinhala family. It was at Galle Face that I first flew a kite or had a pony ride. It was when driving through Galle face that my father would allow me as an excited child to “take” the wheel.
Even as I grew up the Green too grew in my life. While living in Kollupitiya one would often come to this green to run, play, cycle or simply sightsee. The green was to become in later life a place to coo as lovebirds or to hold hands and walk within the parameters of approved public romancing, a place to walk and sit with friends and discuss all sorts of topics and issues , a place to watch cultural shows and listen to political speeches particularly the may day ones of the past. It was also where one jogged at the crack of dawn to keep fit and on some occasions to sat it out alone as dusk fell watching the sun set in a pensive, philosophical mood.
Had I been living in Colombo still there is no doubt that the Green (more often brown) would be an integral part of life. So when relatives and friends set out for Colombo from abroad I ask them to take the children to Galle Face which many do even without my asking. When relating their experiences of Galle Face the kids seem radiantly happy. I am indeed amazed and glad that Galle face remains fascinating for even children born and raised in the West. The delights of childhood I suppose are universal.
It was with great sadness therefore that I heard of the moves to lease it out to big business a few years ago. I am jubilant now that those moves have been firmly thwarted. May Galle Face Green remain for ever and ever in the Colombo landscape. May it always belong to the people. May an eternally vigilant people safeguard their rights, heritage and environment.
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Contact DBS Jeyaraj : djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
Related: Minor Matters – The Morning Leader
December 1st, 2005
