Archive for January, 2006
Terror is not the sole monopoly of a single entity. Violence does not continue according to a predictable pattern at all times. In the memorable words uttered by Malcolm X when John F. Kennedy was assassinated in 1963 “the chickens have come home to roost.” Yet Malcolm X too was killed a short while after. What goes around truly comes around.
It is now the turn of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam to learn the bitter lesson about the cycle of violence and terror. For a very long time the Tigers instilled fear into the hearts and minds of their opponents and the Tamil people at large through selective violence and systematic terror.
They were thus able to impose themselves upon the Tamil people as the self-appointed sole representatives of the Tamil people.
Now the LTTE is at the receiving end of violence and terror, directly in the east and somewhat indirectly in the north. In the east the process began after the Karuna revolt. Initially the LTTE was cruelly arrogant. Despite well meaning advice to the contrary the mainstream Tigers unleashed violence on Karuna cadres and their supporters. Initialy they thought they had won. But things changed.
Members of the Karuna faction began fighting back. The ‘clandestine’ agencies of the state were ever ready to embrace the Karuna cadres. In spite of many denials by former President Chandrika Kumaratunga it was an open secret that the Karuna cadres were receiving patronage, protection, sustenance and support from the state. The violence of the LTTE was challenged by the counter-violence of the renegades.
Today the LTTE movement in the east has been severely curtailed. The Tigers are restricted to certain areas in the western region only. Moreover the hunted have become the hunters. The Karuna faction goes in search of the LTTE and its supporters and kills them. Statements are made proudly about ambushes inflicting losses on the LTTE.
Shadow war
The shadow war of the east has moved to the north too. It was this column which first highlighted this fact when Kopay Christian College Principal Nadaraja Sivakadatcham was shot dead by alleged EPDP cadres. The stealth war had actually started a little earlier in the north when some Tiger supporters like a video shop owner in Uduvil were killed.
This violence targeting Tiger supporters and sympathisers continued with those involved in the “great heroes day” celebrations being targeted. When two such persons were killed in Neervely the LTTE retailiated with what it termed the Makkal yutham or people’s war. In a combination of Palestine style Intifada and Iraqi resistance, hostile violence against the security forces was stepped up.
Security vehicles were landmined; RPG’s were fired. Bombs and grenades were thrown. Soldiers were shot at. Parallel to these developments hartals, demonstrations, stone throwing etc. were also conducted. All these were done in the name of the people. An umbrella front called “Pongiyelum Makkal Padai” or “Resurgent People’s Force” claimed credit in the name of the people. The LTTE disclaimed responsibility and insisted tongue-in-cheek that the people were rising up in protest. It was an open secret that the LTTE was responsible for instigating and promoting the violence through overt and covert logistical support. It was even known that some acts were perpetrated by Tiger cadres themselves. The claymore mine attacks being good examples. Yet the Tigers persisted with the flimsy explanation that it was the people and not themselves engaging in violence. Tiger training
The Tigers had extensively publicised the arms training given by them to Tamil civilians. The actual extent of the training is not known. But now the Tigers projected the viewpoint that the people so trained were revolting against the army presence in Jaffna. It was the people who were demanding that the security forces should quit or would be made to quit Jaffna. (Velieru allathu velietruvom.)
What the Tigers were doing was unbelievable in the annals of guerilla warfare. According to Mao, the guerillas are among the people like fish in the ocean. But here the fish was nipping the ‘enemy’ and blaming the ocean for it. The so called liberation fighters were blaming the people for whose sake they were claiming to fight as being responsible.
It has been the practice in the past for the security forces to kill civilians and then say they were Tigers. This in turn was hotly disputed. It has also been the practice to inflict collective punishment upon the people in retaliation for Tiger violence. The people were asked very unjustly to bear vicarious responsibility. Draconian legislation like the PTA reversed the presumption of innocence until proven guilty dictum and held that all arrested Tamils were guilty unless proven innocent.
All these unjust acts of omission and commission by the state were resisted strongly by Tamils and sympathetic human rights activists. But now the LTTE was handing over the Tamil people of Jaffna to the security forces on a platter. The claim that the people were responsible for the violence and the declaration that the “people were the Tigers and the Tigers were the people” made every civilian vulnerable. The distinction between combatant and civilian was being blurred not by the ‘enemy’ but by the so called protectors of the Tamil nation. It was now open season on Tamil civilians.
Pressurising the state
The LTTE may have thought that raising the level of violence against the security forces in Jaffna and elsewhere would have pressurised the state to bend but the Tigers were mistaken. The head of state was not Chandrika Kumaratunga or Ranil Wickremasinghe but Mahinda Rajapakse. The people around him were hawkish hardliners like Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, Sarath Fonseka, Gothabaya Rajapakse, H.N.G. Kotakadeniya etc. The attitude was in the Mosaic tradition. An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth. With the ‘guerilla fish’ stating the ‘ocean’ was responsible for the violence the logical option was to drain the ocean out. Besides there was another angle. The LTTE by pre-maturely escalating violence in the name of the people had revealed what could have been their trump card – the presence of a fifth column. The “people’s force” behind enemy lines in Jaffna could have easily commenced a coordinated campaign against security forces if and when open war began. They could have conducted many ambushes wreaking havoc in the rear. But now the security forces were alerted to the potential danger. The fifth column threat had to be eliminated or minimised. It was going to be a case of fighting fire with fire. Terror was to be met with terror. If the Tigers had the civilian militia the state too had an ace up its sleeve – the non-Tiger groups derisively called paramilitary by the LTTE. An insidious yet effective politico-military counter-strategy was devised.
The Rajapakse regime was not going to play into the hands of the LTTE by declaring open war. Overtly the government was going to publicise the Tiger inspired violence and solicit international sympathy. Rajapakse would repeatedly request the LTTE to come for talks in statesmanlike fashion. But covertly the stealth war against the LTTE was to be intensified and accelerated. Since ‘known’ Tiger cadres had retreated from government controlled areas those suspected of being Tiger intelligence or pistol groups along with supporters and suspected supporters were to be targeted.
Tamil groups
The actual ‘dirty work’ was to be done by members of Tamil groups but with support rendered by security forces. Members of five groups have been enlisted for the purpose. Cadres of the EPDP, ENDLF, remnants of the PLOTE Mohan Group, members of the EPRLF “Razeek” group and also members of the eastern Karuna faction have been deployed on this campaign of violence. It is alleged that cabinet minister Douglas Devananda bears “unofficial” responsibility for those involved in the operation. All financial dealings are through the EPDP it is alleged.
Apart from regular payment an incentive scheme based on the quality and quantity of operations carried out has also been introduced. The assassins work according to instructions given by military intelligence handlers. The goon squads are housed in military camps on a rotational basis. Lists of suspected Tigers or Tiger supporters are being targeted. It is a case of “crying havoc” and “let slip the dogs of war.”
December 2005 and January 2006 has seen a massive rise in the violence against those perceived to be Tiger or pro-Tiger in the peninsula. At the same time Tiger violence also continues in Jaffna. But while LTTE inspired violence has been progressively decreasing levels of anti-Tiger violence has been rapidly increasing. Unfortunately for the Tigers all violence committed in their name gets ample publicity but the terror unleashed against Tiger supporters does not get adequate publicity. Ironically sections of the media portray such violence as being committed by the Tigers themselves. The EPDP media play a big role in distorting reality in this respect.
Forces involved
Members of the security forces are also involved as accomplices in many of the abductions, disappearances and killings. A striking feature in the attire of some soldiers in the north is the wearing of black cloth or “balaclavas” covering their faces. The reason given is that they are wearing these to get “protection from dust.” It is funny that after being in Jaffna for decades the soldiers have only now discovered the need to seek protection from the dust. Whatever the excuses the reality is that balaclavas help disguise identities of soldiers. This balaclava phenomenon adds to Tamil fears in Jaffna.
There is clear evidence in many cases of security force complicity in the killings and abductions. Tamil goondas are able to move about freely through areas saturated with security force personnel and carry out their operations. Soldiers are very often present at scenes of violence to see that no one interferes with the perpetrators. In some instances a collaborative effort where Tamil goons do the actual shooting while Sinhala soldiers look on approvingly also takes place.
Unaware perhaps that state terror is being unleashed on perceived ‘Tiger’ targets in Jaffna the international community showers praise on President Rajapakse and the armed forces. Mahinda is being commended for his restraint and patience. While Rajapakse basks in this undeserved glory the killings and disappearances continue in the north. As is usual in situations of this sort many of those victimised are totally innocent without any Tiger links. Some are related to Tigers or Tiger martyrs. Others have some connection flimsy at the most with the LTTE.
The notorious “vellai van” or white van spectre rides the streets of Jaffna. These vehicles are with tinted windows and unmarked number plates. People are abducted and pushed into these vehicles. The vehicles have no problems with the police or army when going on roads. People who are taken in this way are not heard of thereafter. When relatives go to the police or army they are told that there is no record of their arrests. At least 23 complaints of disappearances have been registered with authorities so far in Jaffna. There are more cases not reported yet.
One example of people being taken away in this manner was the incident at Point Pedro. Thirty year old Narayanamoorthy Kandeepan and 28 year old Thambiah Tharmasiri are employees of the Danish de-mining agency. Tharmasiri is married to Kandeepan’s sister and both stayed together at Power House Road in Odaikkarai, Point Pedro. They left on January 11 for work on Kandeepan’s motorcycle at 5.30 am as usual.
After some time people of the area came to the family home and said the two were seen being bundled into a white van manned by youths speaking Tamil. The motorcycle was put into an army truck. The incident happened near the Odakkarai-VB Road junction. The residents also discovered ID cards at the scene. The police and army deny any record of arrest and are unable to give out any details. Apparently the abduction was a security force- Tamil group joint operation.
Abductions
In another instance 21 year old Balakrishnan Rajeevmohan of Ilavalai was abducted on January 9. The youth had been working for 20 months at Doha and returned home four weeks ago after losing his job. He was worried about that and the future. Some Tamil youths jumped over the padlocked gate at night and banged on the door asking it be opened. When the mother hesitantly opened they barged in and soon dragged Rajeevmohan out.
They ordered the padlocked gate be opened and assaulted the father for fumbling with the key. The abducted youth was pushed into a white van which sped off. Family members saw about 25 soldiers wearing balaclavas crouched against the outer compound wall. They cheered loudly in Sinhala and got into two parked vehicles and took off. There is an army camp only 100 metres away from the house. When family members complained the security forces feigned ignorance of the incident and suggested that the youth may have joined the LTTE.
A gruesome incident was the shooting of five family members at an incident in Manipay on January 14, Thai Pongal day in which three women died. Fifty six year old Nagendran Bhojan with his family had been living at 17, Kanagasabai Mudali Street at Manipay. The family was originally from Kollankaladdy but had moved to Manipay after they were evicted from the ancestral home because of the High Security Zone extension. One of the Bhojan children was a Tiger martyr.
Bhojan was a scout commissioner in the district and had worked many years for St. Johns Ambulance prior to retirement. His wife Arthanareeswary 51, as well as daughters Renuka (30) and Shannuka (23) were all old students of Mahajana College at Thellipalai. Renuka, a B Com graduate was teaching at Thivyabharathi Vidyalayam school in Manipay. She had registered her marriage three weeks ago before the shooting.
Shannuka was an undergraduate. She had also acted in films and plays produced by the LTTE films and drama division. Her brother Ullasan (26) was a maths teacher at Jaffna Central College. The Bhojan family was English educated and regarded as being sympathisers of the LTTE.
Mass execution
The family from the upper floor of their two-storeyed house had seen many soldiers standing in front of their gate for nearly two hours in the night. Naturally they were worried. The soldiers left at about 10 pm. The relieved family knocked lights off and were just settling in for slumber when around nine or ten armed Tamil youths jumped over the gate and banged on the door. When the father and son opened the door they were asked at gun point to sit down . The younger daughter Shanukka then came to the door and was shot dead. The assassins then entered the house and sprayed bullets at Renuka and her mother Arthanareeswary. The new son in law crouched under the bed in darkness and was saved.
While leaving the assassins fired at the father and son. Bhojan received bullets in his thigh and knee and slumped. Ullasan shot in the waist tried to get up and run. He was fired upon and brought down. After the assassins left few neighbours were brave enough to venture out. Besides there were army checkposts at both ends of the road. No one was prepared to take the injured people to hospital. All three women were dead while the bleeding males were alive still. Finally Bhojan used his St. Johns Ambulance contacts to get an ambulance down after two hours.
EPDP blamed
Word began spreading in Jaffna that the Bhojans were killed by the EPDP. LTTE political chief for Jaffna Ilamparithy issued a statement to that effect. The EPDP denied responsibility and accused the LTTE of killing them. The EPDP charged first that the Bhojans due to their English proficiency had aroused Tiger suspicion. They then changed the story and said that the Bhojans being a “great hero” family was asked to relocate to the Wanni by the LTTE but had refused and so were killed. The EPDP also discovered that the Bhojans were related to former EPDP Parliamentarian and Palmyra Board chairman Sivathasan and highlighted the fact. Few believed the EPDP denial.
In another incident at Katkovalam in Point Pedro on January 6, 27 year old Aiyathurai Bhaskaran was shot dead at his house. The 27 year old fisherman cum mason had been arrested twice in 1997 and 1999 as a Tiger suspect . He had been released after interogation with torture. He had married in 1999 and had two children. He was from Kudathanai but had moved here after the tsunami.
His home was searched from 5 to 9. 30 pm and Bhaskaran too was intensely grilled. The security forces left and the family went to sleep with the idea of moving to the Wanni for safety. At 11 pm someone called out to Baskaran. He went out to see gun toting Tamil goondas at the door. Realising what lay in store Baskaran began pleading. His wife too begged the killer squad. The interlopers asked Baskaran to state his last wish. He said he wanted to see his children. The killers asked the weeping wife to go and bring the children. Even as she went in there were shots and her husband lay in a pool of blood.
When people of the area tried to go to the house they found their way blocked by security forces. Vehicle drivers were prohibited to take Baskaran to the hospital. He died in a few hours. The family and neighbours were threatened with death if the truth was told about the killing. So the frightened wife told the magistrate at the inquest that she only heard the shots and saw her husband lying dead.
The list of Tamil victims having or suspected of having LTTE connections is long. There are the two barbers Ganesharatnam and Krishnan of Kaithady. Both were related to S. P. Tamilselvan and had often boasted of their LTTE connections. They were killed by assassins in a three – wheeler as they were cycling home from work. There is the case of a 15 year old student in Kodikamam who resisted the killers aiming to assassinate his ex-Tiger brother in law. There is the case of another 17 year old student at Chuttipuram who stayed behind to continue his studies though his family had left for Kilinochchi in fear because another son was a Tiger martyr. The boy was shot dead on the road as he cycled home from class.
Tamil businessmen targeted
Another set of targets are Tamil businessmen with LTTE sympathies or connections. Many such persons have been killed in Kayts, Chavakachcheri, Kopay etc. Targeted Tamil businessmen are first asked for money by EPDP members. Those who pay up are spared but those who refuse to pay up are killed. In one incident a businessman was killed at the Chavakachcheri market. Though there are checkpoints all around the area and a base camp is only about 200 metres way there was a “mysterious” absence of security personnel in the vicinity when the goondas opened fire.
So terror spreads in Jaffna as the EPDP led assassins go about killing Tiger supporters with vengeful glee. The wheel has turned full cycle. The very same EPDP that spoke about human rights when the LTTE was killing them is now violating the rights of perceived LTTE supporters mercilessly. The very same LTTE which arrogantly dismissed remonstration from human rights activists when they were dishing out death are now extremely concerned about human rights after being at the receiving end. The cumulative effect of all these has been the mass relocation – through fear – of Tiger or Tiger martyr families to the Wanni. At least 3500 families have fled in the last two weeks. Another 1200 families in Trincomalee and 200 families from Mannar have also sought refuge in Kilinochchi. The violence though deplorable has taught the LTTE a bitter lesson that the state can inflict terror too.
LTTE ideologue Anton Balasingham has announced in Kilinochchi that the leader “climbed down” and provided Mahinda Rajapakse with another chance for peace only to end the violence against the Tamil people. Bala said the violence against the Tamil people must stop if the talks are to start in Geneva. This assertion shows that the state must restrain its ‘running dogs’ and curtail the state terror if a dialogue is to be resumed. Unless this is done the talks won’t get off the ground. Even if talks do start they are doomed to fail unless the violence ends.
January 29th, 2006
By D. B. S. Jeyaraj
Terror is not the sole monopoly of a single entity. Violence does not continue according to a predictable pattern at all times. In the memorable words uttered by Malcolm X when John F. Kennedy was assassinated in 1963 “the chickens have come home to roost.” Yet Malcolm X too was killed a short while after. What goes around truly comes around.
It is now the turn of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam to learn the bitter lesson about the cycle of violence and terror. For a very long time the Tigers instilled fear into the hearts and minds of their opponents and the Tamil people at large through selective violence and systematic terror.
They were thus able to impose themselves upon the Tamil people as the self-appointed sole representatives of the Tamil people.
Now the LTTE is at the receiving end of violence and terror, directly in the east and somewhat indirectly in the north. In the east the process began after the Karuna revolt. Initially the LTTE was cruelly arrogant. Despite well meaning advice to the contrary the mainstream Tigers unleashed violence on Karuna cadres and their supporters. Initialy they thought they had won. But things changed.
Members of the Karuna faction began fighting back. The ‘clandestine’ agencies of the state were ever ready to embrace the Karuna cadres. In spite of many denials by former President Chandrika Kumaratunga it was an open secret that the Karuna cadres were receiving patronage, protection, sustenance and support from the state. The violence of the LTTE was challenged by the counter-violence of the renegades.
Today the LTTE movement in the east has been severely curtailed. The Tigers are restricted to certain areas in the western region only. Moreover the hunted have become the hunters. The Karuna faction goes in search of the LTTE and its supporters and kills them. Statements are made proudly about ambushes inflicting losses on the LTTE.
Shadow war
The shadow war of the east has moved to the north too. It was this column which first highlighted this fact when Kopay Christian College Principal Nadaraja Sivakadatcham was shot dead by alleged EPDP cadres. The stealth war had actually started a little earlier in the north when some Tiger supporters like a video shop owner in Uduvil were killed.
This violence targeting Tiger supporters and sympathisers continued with those involved in the “great heroes day” celebrations being targeted. When two such persons were killed in Neervely the LTTE retailiated with what it termed the Makkal yutham or people’s war. In a combination of Palestine style Intifada and Iraqi resistance, hostile violence against the security forces was stepped up.
Security vehicles were landmined; RPG’s were fired. Bombs and grenades were thrown. Soldiers were shot at. Parallel to these developments hartals, demonstrations, stone throwing etc. were also conducted. All these were done in the name of the people. An umbrella front called “Pongiyelum Makkal Padai” or “Resurgent People’s Force” claimed credit in the name of the people.
The LTTE disclaimed responsibility and insisted tongue-in-cheek that the people were rising up in protest. It was an open secret that the LTTE was responsible for instigating and promoting the violence through overt and covert logistical support. It was even known that some acts were perpetrated by Tiger cadres themselves. The claymore mine attacks being good examples. Yet the Tigers persisted with the flimsy explanation that it was the people and not themselves engaging in violence.
Tiger training
The Tigers had extensively publicised the arms training given by them to Tamil civilians. The actual extent of the training is not known. But now the Tigers projected the viewpoint that the people so trained were revolting against the army presence in Jaffna. It was the people who were demanding that the security forces should quit or would be made to quit Jaffna. (Velieru allathu velietruvom.)
What the Tigers were doing was unbelievable in the annals of guerilla warfare. According to Mao, the guerillas are among the people like fish in the ocean. But here the fish was nipping the ‘enemy’ and blaming the ocean for it. The so called liberation fighters were blaming the people for whose sake they were claiming to fight as being responsible.
It has been the practice in the past for the security forces to kill civilians and then say they were Tigers. This in turn was hotly disputed. It has also been the practice to inflict collective punishment upon the people in retaliation for Tiger violence. The people were asked very unjustly to bear vicarious responsibility. Draconian legislation like the PTA reversed the presumption of innocence until proven guilty dictum and held that all arrested Tamils were guilty unless proven innocent.
All these unjust acts of omission and commission by the state were resisted strongly by Tamils and sympathetic human rights activists. But now the LTTE was handing over the Tamil people of Jaffna to the security forces on a platter. The claim that the people were responsible for the violence and the declaration that the “people were the Tigers and the Tigers were the people” made every civilian vulnerable. The distinction between combatant and civilian was being blurred not by the ‘enemy’ but by the so called protectors of the Tamil nation. It was now open season on Tamil civilians.
Pressurising the state
The LTTE may have thought that raising the level of violence against the security forces in Jaffna and elsewhere would have pressurised the state to bend but the Tigers were mistaken. The head of state was not Chandrika Kumaratunga or Ranil Wickremasinghe but Mahinda Rajapakse. The people around him were hawkish hardliners like Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, Sarath Fonseka, Gothabaya Rajapakse, H.N.G. Kotakadeniya etc. The attitude was in the Mosaic tradition. An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.
With the ‘guerilla fish’ stating the ‘ocean’ was responsible for the violence the logical option was to drain the ocean out. Besides there was another angle. The LTTE by pre-maturely escalating violence in the name of the people had revealed what could have been their trump card – the presence of a fifth column. The “people’s force” behind enemy lines in Jaffna could have easily commenced a coordinated campaign against security forces if and when open war began. They could have conducted many ambushes wreaking havoc in the rear.
But now the security forces were alerted to the potential danger. The fifth column threat had to be eliminated or minimised. It was going to be a case of fighting fire with fire. Terror was to be met with terror. If the Tigers had the civilian militia the state too had an ace up its sleeve – the non-Tiger groups derisively called paramilitary by the LTTE. An insidious yet effective politico-military counter-strategy was devised.
The Rajapakse regime was not going to play into the hands of the LTTE by declaring open war. Overtly the government was going to publicise the Tiger inspired violence and solicit international sympathy. Rajapakse would repeatedly request the LTTE to come for talks in statesmanlike fashion. But covertly the stealth war against the LTTE was to be intensified and accelerated. Since ‘known’ Tiger cadres had retreated from government controlled areas those suspected of being Tiger intelligence or pistol groups along with supporters and suspected supporters were to be targeted.
Tamil groups
The actual ‘dirty work’ was to be done by members of Tamil groups but with support rendered by security forces. Members of five groups have been enlisted for the purpose. Cadres of the EPDP, ENDLF, remnants of the PLOTE Mohan Group, members of the EPRLF “Razeek” group and also members of the eastern Karuna faction have been deployed on this campaign of violence. It is alleged that cabinet minister Douglas Devananda bears “unofficial” responsibility for those involved in the operation. All financial dealings are through the EPDP it is alleged.
Apart from regular payment an incentive scheme based on the quality and quantity of operations carried out has also been introduced. The assassins work according to instructions given by military intelligence handlers. The goon squads are housed in military camps on a rotational basis. Lists of suspected Tigers or Tiger supporters are being targeted. It is a case of “crying havoc” and “let slip the dogs of war.”
December 2005 and January 2006 has seen a massive rise in the violence against those perceived to be Tiger or pro-Tiger in the peninsula. At the same time Tiger violence also continues in Jaffna. But while LTTE inspired violence has been progressively decreasing levels of anti-Tiger violence has been rapidly increasing. Unfortunately for the Tigers all violence committed in their name gets ample publicity but the terror unleashed against Tiger supporters does not get adequate publicity. Ironically sections of the media portray such violence as being committed by the Tigers themselves. The EPDP media play a big role in distorting reality in this respect.
Forces involved
Members of the security forces are also involved as accomplices in many of the abductions, disappearances and killings. A striking feature in the attire of some soldiers in the north is the wearing of black cloth or “balaclavas” covering their faces. The reason given is that they are wearing these to get “protection from dust.” It is funny that after being in Jaffna for decades the soldiers have only now discovered the need to seek protection from the dust. Whatever the excuses the reality is that balaclavas help disguise identities of soldiers. This balaclava phenomenon adds to Tamil fears in Jaffna.
There is clear evidence in many cases of security force complicity in the killings and abductions. Tamil goondas are able to move about freely through areas saturated with security force personnel and carry out their operations. Soldiers are very often present at scenes of violence to see that no one interferes with the perpetrators. In some instances a collaborative effort where Tamil goons do the actual shooting while Sinhala soldiers look on approvingly also takes place.
Unaware perhaps that state terror is being unleashed on perceived ‘Tiger’ targets in Jaffna the international community showers praise on President Rajapakse and the armed forces. Mahinda is being commended for his restraint and patience. While Rajapakse basks in this undeserved glory the killings and disappearances continue in the north. As is usual in situations of this sort many of those victimised are totally innocent without any Tiger links. Some are related to Tigers or Tiger martyrs. Others have some connection flimsy at the most with the LTTE.
The notorious “vellai van” or white van spectre rides the streets of Jaffna. These vehicles are with tinted windows and unmarked number plates. People are abducted and pushed into these vehicles. The vehicles have no problems with the police or army when going on roads. People who are taken in this way are not heard of thereafter. When relatives go to the police or army they are told that there is no record of their arrests. At least 23 complaints of disappearances have been registered with authorities so far in Jaffna. There are more cases not reported yet.
One example of people being taken away in this manner was the incident at Point Pedro. Thirty year old Narayanamoorthy Kandeepan and 28 year old Thambiah Tharmasiri are employees of the Danish de-mining agency. Tharmasiri is married to Kandeepan’s sister and both stayed together at Power House Road in Odaikkarai, Point Pedro. They left on January 11 for work on Kandeepan’s motorcycle at 5.30 am as usual.
After some time people of the area came to the family home and said the two were seen being bundled into a white van manned by youths speaking Tamil. The motorcycle was put into an army truck. The incident happened near the Odakkarai-VB Road junction. The residents also discovered ID cards at the scene. The police and army deny any record of arrest and are unable to give out any details. Apparently the abduction was a security force- Tamil group joint operation.
Abductions
In another instance 21 year old Balakrishnan Rajeevmohan of Ilavalai was abducted on January 9. The youth had been working for 20 months at Doha and returned home four weeks ago after losing his job. He was worried about that and the future. Some Tamil youths jumped over the padlocked gate at night and banged on the door asking it be opened. When the mother hesitantly opened they barged in and soon dragged Rajeevmohan out.
They ordered the padlocked gate be opened and assaulted the father for fumbling with the key. The abducted youth was pushed into a white van which sped off. Family members saw about 25 soldiers wearing balaclavas crouched against the outer compound wall. They cheered loudly in Sinhala and got into two parked vehicles and took off. There is an army camp only 100 metres away from the house. When family members complained the security forces feigned ignorance of the incident and suggested that the youth may have joined the LTTE.
A gruesome incident was the shooting of five family members at an incident in Manipay on January 14, Thai Pongal day in which three women died. Fifty six year old Nagendran Bhojan with his family had been living at 17, Kanagasabai Mudali Street at Manipay. The family was originally from Kollankaladdy but had moved to Manipay after they were evicted from the ancestral home because of the High Security Zone extension. One of the Bhojan children was a Tiger martyr.
Bhojan was a scout commissioner in the district and had worked many years for St. Johns Ambulance prior to retirement. His wife Arthanareeswary 51, as well as daughters Renuka (30) and Shannuka (23) were all old students of Mahajana College at Thellipalai. Renuka, a B Com graduate was teaching at Thivyabharathi Vidyalayam school in Manipay. She had registered her marriage three weeks ago before the shooting.
Shannuka was an undergraduate. She had also acted in films and plays produced by the LTTE films and drama division. Her brother Ullasan (26) was a maths teacher at Jaffna Central College. The Bhojan family was English educated and regarded as being sympathisers of the LTTE.
Mass execution
The family from the upper floor of their two-storeyed house had seen many soldiers standing in front of their gate for nearly two hours in the night. Naturally they were worried. The soldiers left at about 10 pm. The relieved family knocked lights off and were just settling in for slumber when around nine or ten armed Tamil youths jumped over the gate and banged on the door. When the father and son opened the door they were asked at gun point to sit down . The younger daughter Shanukka then came to the door and was shot dead. The assassins then entered the house and sprayed bullets at Renuka and her mother Arthanareeswary. The new son in law crouched under the bed in darkness and was saved.
While leaving the assassins fired at the father and son. Bhojan received bullets in his thigh and knee and slumped. Ullasan shot in the waist tried to get up and run. He was fired upon and brought down. After the assassins left few neighbours were brave enough to venture out. Besides there were army checkposts at both ends of the road. No one was prepared to take the injured people to hospital. All three women were dead while the bleeding males were alive still. Finally Bhojan used his St. Johns Ambulance contacts to get an ambulance down after two hours.
EPDP blamed
Word began spreading in Jaffna that the Bhojans were killed by the EPDP. LTTE political chief for Jaffna Ilamparithy issued a statement to that effect. The EPDP denied responsibility and accused the LTTE of killing them. The EPDP charged first that the Bhojans due to their English proficiency had aroused Tiger suspicion. They then changed the story and said that the Bhojans being a “great hero” family was asked to relocate to the Wanni by the LTTE but had refused and so were killed. The EPDP also discovered that the Bhojans were related to former EPDP Parliamentarian and Palmyra Board chairman Sivathasan and highlighted the fact. Few believed the EPDP denial.
In another incident at Katkovalam in Point Pedro on January 6, 27 year old Aiyathurai Bhaskaran was shot dead at his house. The 27 year old fisherman cum mason had been arrested twice in 1997 and 1999 as a Tiger suspect . He had been released after interogation with torture. He had married in 1999 and had two children. He was from Kudathanai but had moved here after the tsunami.
His home was searched from 5 to 9. 30 pm and Bhaskaran too was intensely grilled. The security forces left and the family went to sleep with the idea of moving to the Wanni for safety. At 11 pm someone called out to Baskaran. He went out to see gun toting Tamil goondas at the door. Realising what lay in store Baskaran began pleading. His wife too begged the killer squad. The interlopers asked Baskaran to state his last wish. He said he wanted to see his children. The killers asked the weeping wife to go and bring the children. Even as she went in there were shots and her husband lay in a pool of blood.
When people of the area tried to go to the house they found their way blocked by security forces. Vehicle drivers were prohibited to take Baskaran to the hospital. He died in a few hours. The family and neighbours were threatened with death if the truth was told about the killing. So the frightened wife told the magistrate at the inquest that she only heard the shots and saw her husband lying dead.
The list of Tamil victims having or suspected of having LTTE connections is long. There are the two barbers Ganesharatnam and Krishnan of Kaithady. Both were related to S. P. Tamilselvan and had often boasted of their LTTE connections. They were killed by assassins in a three – wheeler as they were cycling home from work. There is the case of a 15 year old student in Kodikamam who resisted the killers aiming to assassinate his ex-Tiger brother in law. There is the case of another 17 year old student at Chuttipuram who stayed behind to continue his studies though his family had left for Kilinochchi in fear because another son was a Tiger martyr. The boy was shot dead on the road as he cycled home from class.
Tamil businessmen targeted
Another set of targets are Tamil businessmen with LTTE sympathies or connections. Many such persons have been killed in Kayts, Chavakachcheri, Kopay etc. Targeted Tamil businessmen are first asked for money by EPDP members. Those who pay up are spared but those who refuse to pay up are killed. In one incident a businessman was killed at the Chavakachcheri market. Though there are checkpoints all around the area and a base camp is only about 200 metres way there was a “mysterious” absence of security personnel in the vicinity when the goondas opened fire.
So terror spreads in Jaffna as the EPDP led assassins go about killing Tiger supporters with vengeful glee. The wheel has turned full cycle. The very same EPDP that spoke about human rights when the LTTE was killing them is now violating the rights of perceived LTTE supporters mercilessly. The very same LTTE which arrogantly dismissed remonstration from human rights activists when they were dishing out death are now extremely concerned about human rights after being at the receiving end.
The cumulative effect of all these has been the mass relocation – through fear – of Tiger or Tiger martyr families to the Wanni. At least 3500 families have fled in the last two weeks. Another 1200 families in Trincomalee and 200 families from Mannar have also sought refuge in Kilinochchi. The violence though deplorable has taught the LTTE a bitter lesson that the state can inflict terror too.
LTTE ideologue Anton Balasingham has announced in Kilinochchi that the leader “climbed down” and provided Mahinda Rajapakse with another chance for peace only to end the violence against the Tamil people. Bala said the violence against the Tamil people must stop if the talks are to start in Geneva.
This assertion shows that the state must restrain its ‘running dogs’ and curtail the state terror if a dialogue is to be resumed. Unless this is done the talks won’t get off the ground. Even if talks do start they are doomed to fail unless the violence ends.
January 29th, 2006
The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam organization often makes the vainglorious boast that it knows what is best for the Sri Lankan Tamil people. Many tiger actions were and are based on the assumption that they and only they have a monopoly of political wisdom in matters affecting the Tamil people. Tiger propagandists attempt to project an image of infallibility around their supremo claiming that the “great leader” analyses the past, understands the present and anticipates the future. Despite these maneuvers the stark reality is that the LTTE and its leader have often made mistakes. Some can be termed colossal blunders. The better or worse – known among these are the Rajiv Gandhi assassination, expulsion of northern Muslims, killing of moderates etc. It is a sad fact of life that the Tamil people have paid in the past and are paying in the present and will pay in the future for the sins of commission and omission by the LTTE. The latest move by the LTTE in its march of folly is the attempt to close down the Jaffna and Batticaloa universities for a period of around one year. The LTTE claims that it is only a temporary move done in the interests of the University academic staff and students. The campus can be reopened after the present crisis period is over. What many people fear is that the LTTE explanation is only a ruse to shut the varsity down completely. As in many other instances the “temporary” of the tigers will become in reality “permanent” it is feared. Many students out of the 6,000 storng student body are looking at transfer options.
The LTTE plan to shut the Eastern University at Vantharumoolai seems to have gone awry thanks to the Karuna faction factor. The Eastern Tamils are today caught between a rock and a hard place. On the one hand there is the mainstream LTTE headed by Col. Bhanu and on the other there are the military intelligence backed LTTE renegades professing loyalty to the “name” of Col . Karuna. The mainstream LTTE is restricted mainly to areas in the western hinterland known as “Paduvankarai” (shore of the setting sun). Their movement in the eastern littoral known as “eluvankarai” (shore of the rising sun) is very much on the decline due to the threat posed by the Karuna faction. This has enabled Batticaloa – Amparai undergraduates to defy to some extent the LTTE diktat that the campus be closed. When a tiger team led by Mano master interacted with the Eastern undergrads and pressed for the closure the students refused. One reason for this defiance is the fear that the Karuna faction would target the students if they heeded the mainstream LTTE call and cooperated in a campus shut down. Another and more compelling reason is that the students consisting mainly of the East and Wanni do not want to be deprived of their tertiary education. Being from relatively disadvantaged regions they know that their only hope of upward mobility is through higher education. With the ethnic war virtually stultifying economic growth in the North – East education remains the only way out for personal and community – oriented emancipation.
Already the Eastern University is hard hit due to a dearth of academic staff. The victimization of academic staff by both LTTE groups has caused much insecurity. Around 20 to 25 academics have fled the region. Still lectures continue and students despite the problems try to study. Against that backdrop the undergrads refused to comply with LTTE directives to shut the Vantharumoolai campus. The Karuna factor looms large in the East. The LTTE tried to organize a Tamil resurgence rally in Ambilanthurai on Jan 20th and called upon the people to participate. The Karuna faction operating through its front called “Sennan Padai” issued a counter appeal that no one should attend. The Sennan force which claimed credit for killing Joseph Pararajasingham inside the Cathedral on Christmas day threatened the people with dire consequences if they participated. As a result the resurgence rally recorded a very poor attendance in comparison with earlier exercises. It remains to be seen as to whether the LTTE will accept the undergraduate position and let things simply be or whether they will try and enforce a shut down through devious means. If the continuous functioning of the campus becomes a prestige issue then the tigers will certainly try to get it closed. This will make the Karuna faction react with vehemence. As a result the campus and lecturers and students will be caught in the middle. The fate of the Eastern varsity will to a great extent depend upon what befalls the Northern University. The rebellious violence and tensions in the Jaffna campus and its environs resulted in the university being closed temporarily for some days. It reopened on Jan 2nd this year. The check posts in the campus vicinity were now manned by Police. It was only the cops who checked university staff and students for ID cards etc instead of the army as done earlier. The soldiers however were present in the check posts to give “protection” to the Police.
This led to a somewhat uneasy relationship. Though wary and distrustful of each other the security personnel and the student population slipped back slowly into an atmosphere of co – existence. There was resentment of the pervasive and intrusive security force presence. Nevertheless the situation was tolerable in the larger interests of getting the campus to function. The University began limping back to relative normalcy. A motivating reason for this state of affairs was the place education occupied in the collective Tamil psyche. Higher education is seen as the magic key to upward mobility and prosperity. Any attempt to deprive the Tamils particularly the Jaffna Tamils of this has been resented strongly. The on going Tamil armed struggle has its roots in the youth militancy of the early seventies. This militancy was triggered off when the Sirima Bandaranaike regime introduced media – wise standardization and drastically reduced Tamil intake into Universities. The recent tensions centered around the Jaffna campus saw many fears being raised among Tamils. Chief among them was the suspicion that the “Sinhala ” dominated government was conspiring to shut the Jaffna varsity down and ruin Tamil higher education. There was a lot of indignation over this. The groundswell of Tamil public opinion was that the University should function continuously despite the overall political climate. It was to some extent a symbol of defiance. There was “consent” that the campus functions despite constraints. This feeling contributed greatly to the campus re- opening. But then came the tiger bombshell! The LTTE media had been going to town earlier about the sinister attempts to shut the varsity down and how it should be resisted. Now the very same LTTE in one more example of its illogical somersaults wanted the campus to be shut down albeit “temporarily”.
The Jaffna undergraduates numbering around 6,000 were invited for a meeting with LTTE political commissar Suppiah Paramu Thamilselvan at Tharmakerni in the Pallai region. In a disappointing show only about 175 to 200 attended. Thamilselvan flanked by Jaffna political chief Ilamparithy addressed the undergraduates. After giving the students a “history” lesson about contemporary liberation struggles Thamilselvan observed that the war was going to escalate in the near future. The armed forces are going to be driven out of Jaffna he boasted. In such a situation the retreating forces were sure to target the campus Selvan said. A defeated alien force always eliminates intellectuals and academics and students following higher education. Selvan cited the Bangladesh example and spoke about the massacre of the intelligentsia at Dacca University in 1971. “We don’t want this to happen to you all. That is why we want to shut down the university temporarily. It won’t be more than a year. Instead of being clear and vulnerable targets you all can disperse and take safety precautions. All of you can come to the Wanni. We will train you in combat. Then you can be in a state of preparation and fight in self – defense against the Sinhala aggressors and their sidekicks. So you must cooperate. This is the wish of our national leader” (Prabakharan) said Thamilselvan. The undergraduates however did not like the idea. Hesitantly they summoned courage individually and in groups to put across their point of view. They did not want the university closed as they feared the Government may use it as a pretext to close down the campus permanently and locate additional security personnel. The campus was a focal point of Tamil resistance to army occupation of Jaffna. If and when the war escalates the students would devise ways and means of ensuring their protection. They would be eternally vigilant. While appreciating the LTTE “concern” for their safety they were not in favour of shutting the campus down. This in essence was the undergraduate position.
With the mood being overwhelmingly against the LTTE “request” Jaffna political chief Ilamparithy got angry. The man who in his previous LTTE “avatar” as Aanchaneyan supervised the mass expulsion of Muslims from Jaffna saw the undergraduate opinion as amounting to sacrilege. In a voice rippling with anger Ilamparithy thumped the table and thundered “When our national leader expresses a wish it has to be treated as a commandment. The leadership has decided that the Jaffna varsity has to be closed temporarily. So it has to be done. There cannot be two words about it. We all must obey. You all must must comply”. With that proclamation Ilamparithy ended the meeting. Thereafter about 50 hardcore undergrads sympathetic to the LTTE met under the auspices of the Jaffna University Undergraduates Union. A resolution already drafted by the LTTE was “passed “unanimously. The resolution called for a boycott of lectures till the environment became conducive for higher education. Neither the students nor the academic staff was in a proper frame of mind to study or teach because of the prevailing security situation. Therefore all activity in the Jaffna University must cease till the situation improved. This in essence was the text of the resolution. The resolution was released to the Tamil media. The boycott of lectures came into effect from Jan 16th. The resolution was forwarded to Jaffna University vice – Chancellor Dr. S. Mohandas also. The undergraduates were told to keep off campus. The academic staff marked its presence and then vacated campus as there were no students to lecture to. There was widespread resentment of the LTTE decision among most undergraduates and parents. Despite the murmurs of dissent and rumblings of discontent few however were courageous enough to defy the LTTE openly. The past week has seen innumerable messages being sent to relatives abroad by families of varsity students. With the chances of war escalating and the tigers demanding a shut down family members are pleading with kinsfolk abroad to get their children down. They see no hope in the bleak scenario. They want the children to go abroad and continue studies.
What worries parents most is their suspicion of underlying tiger motives. The LTTE is suspected of plotting to close down the campus permanently. Given the pronounced anti – intellectual feeling prevalent in many leading lights of the LTTE and the desperate high stakes gamble of the LTTE in escalating tensions the undergraduates are seen as potential recruits. The LTTE will be aiming at recruiting at least 600 plus Jaffna undergraduates after the campus shut down it is feared. One of the questions in the LTTE conducted social science examinations in Jaffna during the 1990 – 95 periods went like this. “It is said that this – is the greatest resource of the Tamils. But when it was sorely needed this resource deserted the people and went abroad. What is this resource”? The resource referred to was the educated professionals. This then is the dominant opinion in LTTE circles about higher education. It sees those with higher education as being lost to the cause and struggle. The LTTE is gearing up for a desperate last phase war. (Iruthi kattap Por). In this war of liberation the tigers want every Tamil to participate. Dearth of manpower is seen as the biggest weakness. The universities with their young, politicized, skilled youths are perceived as positive assets and potential recruits in the armed struggle. The closure of the campus may be seen as necessary to tap this resource. Besides the non – functioning of the university due to “state terror” makes good propaganda. What the LTTE fails to realize is the inextricable love of education in the Tamil psyche. Tampering with that sensitivity can be dangerously explosive. It could turn counter- productive. When the Jaffna university commenced in 1974 the popular Tamil monthly “sirithiran” hailed it as “valavukkul Valaaham” (Campus in the compound). This illustrated the emotions among Tamils about their long cherished dream of a university in their region.
Today the future of that “Campus in the compound” stands threatened. Ironically the threat comes not from the “enemy” but from the self – proclaimed liberators of the Tamil people. Only time will tell whether LTTE machinations in the Jaffna university issue will be successful or not.
January 28th, 2006
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
January second of the new year 2006 was a monday. It was 5.30 in the evening when 20 year old Manoharan Rajihar set off from home on St. Mary’s road in Trincomalee town. Both his father and mother were medical doctors jointly running the welcome Medical clininc. He told his parents that he would be going to worship at the Pillaiyar temple and the Pathragali Amman temple. Thereafter he said that he would chat for a while with friends at the beach and return.
One of his friends now an undergraduate at the engineering faculty in Moratuwa university had come home for the new year and was scheduled to go back the following day.Rajihar said he would return home by 7. 30 pm.
Trincomalee had been tensed up for quite a while. There had been much violence along with hartals paralysing normal life. Police and security personnel along with civilians had been targeted. The civilian killings and in some cases reprisal killings cut across ethnic barriers.
Though Trincomalee was bustling actively after many years of the ceasefire the atmosphere had deteriorated in recent times. Life had not been the same after a large Buddha statue was installed overnight near the Central bus stand and market.. Tamil organizations had opposed this. Hartals were staged. It was ruled by the lower courts that the statue was illegally installed on Urban Council property. In spite of the public opposition and court directive the statue remains where it was with massive security provided.
The protests over the statues had resulted in a lot of additionel security personnel being deployed in Trincomalee. This brought about another wave of protests against the increased security presence. With LTTE backed Tamil resurgence movements stepping up demonstrations the situation became worse. Sporadic violence continued. An attack on the security personnel brought about reprisals on Tamil civilians. In some cases “unknown” people killed Sinhala and Tamil civilians.It was tit for tat. For instance when a Sinhala businessman was killed on Dec 24th two Tamil trishaw drivers were killed on Dec 26th.
Against this backdrop people seldom ventured out of their homes after dusk. Rajihars parents too were concerned about their son staying out till dark. But they were not unduly worried because they knew their son was a decent, level – headed boy. He was very punctual and if he said he would be back at 7. 30 they knew he would keep his word. Besides the place he was going to was not very far from home. Also they knew his friends. All of them were quiet, well – behaved youths with little interest in politics let alone tiger politics. They were youths with glowing dreams of a bright future. The parents had no worries about their son or his friends getting mixed up with the LTTE.
Rajihar was the third in a family of six children. The eldest was a girl now married and settled in Britain. The next was a son. There were three younger brothers. An old student of Sri Koneswarar Hindu College Rajihar had completed his AL’s. He was an outstanding sportsman excelling in Table tennis and Chess. Rajihar was the secretary of the Trinco Table Tennis Association.He had even conducted training sessions in TT for the security force recreation. Rajihar had been thoroughly vetted and given a military approved identity card. The military ID is the one respected by all security personnel.
Apart from this the Manoharan’s were familiar with many security officials including naval officers who had obtained treatment at the clinic. All this gave the family a sense of security in troubled times. Being doctors the parents were after all in the upper strata of Trincomalee society. The parents had also bought Rajihar a cellular phone as a precaution. He had strict instructions to call and keep them informed if he was getting late or held up anywhere.Rajihar left home happily for his rendezvous with friends blissfully unaware of the fate awaiting him.
[Execution spot]
Seven young men all of them born in the year 1985 gathered that evening at the Dutch Bay beach. The spot was near the Gandhi statue roundabout where the Dockyard road and Koneswarar or Fort Frederick road intersected.. There was an important checkpost manned by navy. army and Police personnel close by. Actually there were three more checkposts manned by naval personnel within a 100 metre radius.There was also a small boutique selling provisions.
There were stone benches on the beach front where people sat and took in the sea breeze.The seven friends were now seated on those benches chatting gaily. They had been frisked and cleared at the checkpost before coming to the spot.They arrived on four cycles and a motor cycle with two riding” doubles”.. Six of the friends were alumni of Sri Koneswara Hindu College. One was an old boy of St. Joseph’s College. The key figure in the group was Thangathurai Sivanantha the Moratuwa campus undergrad. He had come home on Dec 31st and was returning on Jan 3rd. The seaside chit – chat was like a send off to Sivanantha.
All of them had completed their A levels in 2004/5. Apart from Sivanantha another too had gained entry to Katubedde. The others too were hopeful of higher education or at least a good job in Colombo. Some had ideas of going abroad. They were good all round students in both studies and extra – curricular activities. They were computer proficient too.Time just flew as the friends swapped stories and teased each other in all good fun.
It was about 7.15 when a green three – wheeler coming along Dockyard road slowed down. A grenade was thrown from the vehicle. It exploded yards away from where the seven friends were seated. The three – wheeler then sped away on Koneswara road towards the Fort. The dazed friends realised the situation was taking a turn for the worse and cut short their conversation. They speedily mounted their cycles and motor cycle and prepared to get away from the spot. That was not to be!
Almost as if on cue a security force truck trundled in quickly . Instead of giving chase to the three- wheeler the occupants of the truck zoomed in on the seven Tamil youths. They surrounded them and forced them to kneel down.Rajihar took out his mobile phone and called his father Dr. Kasipillai Manoharan. The call was not answered. Rajihar however left a quick message saying they were being made to kneel down by security forces. The phone was snatched away by one of the assailants
They started checking their ID cards. Thereafter they began assaulting them. They were then put aboard the truck and assaulted again and again. Their explanations and protests were ignored.
At this point some more security vehicles arrived. There was excited duscussion in Sinhala among the new and old arrivals. The youths could only hear the noise. Suddenly they were kicked and pushed out of the truck. Even as they fell they found that the entire area was now pitch dark.The lights in the vicinity had been turned off. The youths were now hit again and forced to kneel down again.
After some more bickering among themselves one group of security personnel began leaving the spot. It was still dark and lights were out. Only the vehicle lights tore through the darkness of the night. After one group of security men left the other group began getting really mean.Then it became really terrible.
After some more rounds of assaulting the youths were forced to kneel down again. Firearms were taken out and brandished. The youths were told that they were going to be killed as a warning to the tigers in Trincomalee. The innocent youths began wailing and pleading. Their pathetic cries were heard far and wide.
Listening to the faintly audible cries was Dr. Manoharan. Finding that he had missed a call Rajihar’s father had checked the phone to find it was from his son. Thoroughly agitated Dr. Manoharan began calling his son’s cell again and again and again. There was no answer. Esxtremely perturbed the father then mounted his scooter and set off for the spot on the beach where his son said he was going to. Besides it was close to the Amman temple too.
When Dr. Manoharan came near the spot he found all lights including street lights were turned off and darkness all around. He was shocked to find that security personnel had sealed off the particular area and were refusing to let anyone go through. Upon inquiring he was told that some tigers had attacked the security forces and no one would be allowed to pass. He was curtly ordered to turn back. Manoharan refused saying his son was in trouble and that he would not go back without him.
As Dr. Manoharan stayed put stubbornly despite the danger he heard the cries of the youths pleading with the assailants. He thought he recognized his son’s voice among them. He kept on pleading with those at the checkpost to let him through. The personnel refused but were becoming increasingly nervous and jittery. And then rang out the shots followed by the screams.More gunfire and more screams. It took just four minutes from 7. 51 to 7.55 pm.. A few minutes later an explosion was heard and then it was all over.
After playing cat and mouse for a while the assassins now began firing. Two of the youths were shot behind the ear. One was shot in the back of the head. The other four then scrambled to their feet and made a desperate attempt to escape by running away. They were mowed down by gunfire. They were shot in the chest, abdomen. shoulders, thighs etc and collapsed . A little while after the firing was over two grenades were thrown at the still bodies. One exploded but the other proved a dud.
The assassins were in no mood to take their victims to hospital. They delayed for nearly half an hour. The calculated delay presumably was to let the youths bleed to certain death. Finally an ambulance was called and even the lights came on”miraculously”.
Dr. Manoharan raced to the Trincomalee hospital. His heart leapt when told that two of the youths were alive still. His heart sank when he found that his son was not in the Intensive Care Unit. Later he was allowed to check out the morgue where he found his favourite son lying dead. He broke down and wept.
News began spreading and the parents of the victims began converging at the hospital notwithstanding the security situation. Their long night of sorrow was made unbearable by the deliberate attempt to twist the truth. The security forces who had brought in the youths to the hospital had made a Police entry that some tigers plotting to attack the security forces had suffered casualties due to some grenades exploding accidently.
This then was the version hastily disseminated by the security propagandists. Given the tense situation in Trincomalee and the vain boasts of the LTTE that the people were rising up against the armed forces there were many takers for this story.Many newspapers and news agencies also carried the security version initially.The defence ministry spokesperson as well as other army and Police officials also stood by this story.
The truth however became known when the post – mortem and judicial inquiry was conducted. The Trincomalee Judicial Medical Officer Dr. Gamini Gunatunga conducted the post – mortem and ruled that all five dead victims had died due to gunshot injuries. Three had died of head injuries while the other two had succumbed to abdomen and chest injuries. The JMO however observed that some of the victims had injuries other than gunshot wounds too. But the fatal ones were from gunshots.
With the JMO report the explanation provided by the security forces was blown to smithereens. The Trincomalee Magistrate Mr. V. Ramakamalan recorded an interim verdict of gunshot injuries and instructed the bodies be handed over to the families. But there was a hitch. The Police at the hospital refused to release the bodies. They insisted that the parents sign letters accepting that their children were tigers. Otherwise the bodies would not be handed over they threatened.
The parents of the victims however were not prepared to do that. They had lost their innocent children. They were not prepared to sacrifice their reputations. They were not prepared to let them be stigmatised as “terrorists” when they were not. They simply refused to budge.
One parent said” if you dont give the body I will have a funeral with an empty coffin and a picture of my son but I will never admit to this untruth of calling my son a terrorist.I have lost my son but I wont lose his honour”.TNA Parliamentarian from Trincomalee district Thurairatnasingham also arrived at the hospital and exerted pressure.Finally the cops relented and the bodies were released without any letters being signed
Trincomalee was overwhelmed with sorrow. On the 3rd there was a spontaneous closure of schools and boycott of classes by students. Students of all communities and faiths expressed solidarity with the victims. Realising the public mood was turning bitter the authorities withdrew security personnel from checkposts and sentry points in the Tamil neighbourhoods of Trincomalee. Some enraged people destroyed a few of these deserted places.
On the following more organized efforts were made by Tamil youths to continue the hartal. The element of genuine spontaneity prevalent on the first day was lost.
On Wednesday Jan 4th the bodies of the five victims were lying in their respective homes.They were all born in the same year on different dates. They had schooled together and now had died on the same date.
Shanmugarajah Gajendran born on 16th September was living on Vidyalayam lane; Lohitharaja Rohan born on 07th April was from Sivan Kovil road; Thangathurai Sivanantha born on 06th April was a resident of Vanniya lane; Yogaraja Hemachandran born on 04th March lived in Customs street; Manoharan Rajihar born on the 22nd of September lived in St, Mary’s road.
Trincomalee town was grief stricken. People flocked to the houses of the victims. Again those condoling with the families were not Tamils alone but many Sinhala and Muslim families. Everyone knew what had really happened and of the innocence of the victims.The student population turned up in large numbers. The certificates, cups and medals won by the victims were laid out by the coffins.
On Thursday the 5th of January the funeral was held at the Srikonewara Hindu College generally known as Trinco Hindu. The institution had a grand tradition of over a hundred years. Among its distinguished former Principals was the great Tamil scholar Swamy Vipulananda who went on to become the first Tamil professor of Annamalai University in Tamil Nadu.
The current principal was Mr. M. Rajaratnam. He was distraught by the developments. A special dais was constructed on the day of the final farewell at the College grounds. The bodies were brought in individual processions to the College. Religious leaders of the Hindu, Christian and Islamic faiths addressed the mourners. Student representatives and Principal Rajaratnam also made speeches. They were emotional but eloquent. One thing rankling was the unjust charge that the victims were tigers.Every speaker refuted the accusation and condemned those responsible.
Finally the five bodies were taken in procession through the streets of Trincomalee to the Hindu burial grounds near Ehamparam road. Once again a few checkposts were attacked on the way. Security personnel were pointedly absent. At Madathady some lumpen elements close to the JVP started throwing stones. They were quickly checked by the Police providing security. Trincomalee had not seen such a large funeral procession after the one for former Federal Party MP Rajavarothayam. After last rites were performed the five friends , inseparable in life and in death, were laid to rest.
Meanwhile the Trincomalee magistrate began his judicial inquiry. He spoke to the two youths receiving treatment at the ICU. One was Yogarajah Poongulalon and the other Pararajasingham Kokulraj. Though conscious the condition of one has not passed the critical stage yet. Dr. Kasipillai Manoharan and the woman lawyer Subashini Chitravelu also made statements before the magistrate. Subashini is the sister of Mrs. Thangathurai the mother of Sivananda the Moratuwa undergrad.
Incidently the Tamil students at Moratuwa Varsity wanted to mourn the death of their fellow undergrad but were fearful because he had been branded a tiger terrorist. But thanks to the praiseworthy professionalism of Dr. Gamini Gunatunga an ethnic Sinhala person the attempt to frame the victims as tigers was failing. The security propagandists who said the grenades had exploded accidently revised their position and said now that there was a shoot – out.
Slowly, open minded people were beginning to realise the terrible truth behind the Trincomalee tragedy. Pressure began mounting on the Government with even Amnesty International commenting on it. A TNA delegation made out a strong case in a meeting with Mahinda Rajapakse. The President pledged firmly that he would probe the incident and punish the culprits.
On the other hand attempts were being made to suppress the truth too. The witnesses who testified at the inquiry were subject to several threatening calls in Sinhala. The families of the victims were also intimidated. They also began suspecting that they were being watched. The JVP sponsored hartal in Trincomalee included a new demand that no inquiry should be held into the Trincomalee deaths. Interested parties were also pressuring the President to let go or face demoralisation among the forces.
Mahinda Rajapakse faces a difficult situation. He is a man who has championed human rights for decades. As he himself said once “Mahinda is a man of human rights”. Now he is challenged to prove that his commitment to human rights and justice is non – negotiable. Mahinda also announced after his victory that henceforth he would not belong to any ethnicity or group in the discharge of his duties. The time has now come for Mahinda to prove his mettle.
President Rajapakse must realise that protecting the riff – raff in the armed forces would not raise its morale. Punishing the guilty, criminal elements would not de – moralise the armed forces. On the contrary every self – respecting member of the armed forces would only be happy that these vermin bringing the entire security forces to disrepute are identified and punished. The onus then is on Mahinda the man of human rights to take the correct decision.
The entire truth behind the terrible tragedy in Trincomalee can be uncovered only through a genuine inquiry. For this the two injured youths, families of the victims and other knowldegeable people have to be protected. Moreover the guilty ones should not only be identified but penalised effectively. This takes moral and political courage but let us hope that the “Weeraketiya Sinhaya” has what it takes.All fair minded Sinhala people who comprise the silent majority in the Country will definitely support him.
Let me conclude with an excerpt from an editorial in “The Island” on the subject.
“President Mahinda Rajapakse has rightly ordered a probe into the incident. And no stone should be left unturned in getting at the truth. He will have to ensure that the probe will be thorough and independent. If any members of the armed forces are found to have had a hand in the deaths of the students, they should be brought to justice irrespective of position. Let the armed forces be told in no uncertain terms that we don’t need them to unleash terror: the LTTE is doing it much better than anyone else. The raison d’etre of the Security Forces is to ensure the security of the citizenry and not to engage in wanton killings.
The memories of the Bindunuwewa massacre are still fresh in the minds of the Tamil community as well as that of every right thinking man and woman irrespective of ethnicity. Nothing hurts a parent more than the fact that the killers of his or her child have got away with it.Children, or all civilians for that matter, must be free from harm, be it in the South, the North, the East or the West, especially during a truce. Enough of them have already perished in two insurrections in the South and in the on-going conflict in the North and the East.We have no way of disciplining a terror outfit or teaching it the value of human life. But that we can do to the armed forces and this is why probes into allegations of criminal activity by the security personnel are necessary”So says the Island editorial. Amen to that!So says the Island editorial. Amen to that!So says the Island editorial. Amen to that!So says the Island editorial. Amen to that!So says the Island editorial. Amen to that!
So says the Island editorial. Amen to that!
So says the Island editorial. Amen to that!
January 23rd, 2006
By D. B. S. Jeyaraj
Trincomalee and its environs continued to be caught up in a vicious cycle of violence as various agencies engaged in sporadic attacks and counter – attacks.
While the armed forces were at the receiving end of Tiger – sponsored violence civilians, particularly Tamils suffered at the hands of security forces and other sinister state aligned elements. Adding to the tension was the announcement by the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission that it was suspending duties in the district until further notice.
The SLMM decision has begun causing panic in Trincomalee.The much maligned monitors provided a reassuring oasis of stability in a bleak desert of violence. With the SLMM decision fears began mounting on either side of the ethnic divide. The security forces are apprehensive of escalating levels of Tiger motivated attacks against them. The helpless Tamil civilians are fearful of increasing harm at the hands of the security forces and their ‘lumpen’ sidekicks.
If ever the ordinary people of Trincomalee needed a comforting third party this is the time. But the SLMM has chosen to desert the people at a crucial time. The monitors seem to have a history of abdicating their duties at times when people sorely need them. In 2004 Batticaloa was under severe strain due to the rebellion of eastern Tiger commander Vinayagamoorthy Muraleetharan alias ‘Col’ Karuna. Yet the SLMM suspended its functions and withdrew. Now the same thing is happening in Trincomalee.
One does understand that the SLMM is in a predicament. The Nordic representatives from Norway, Sweden, Finland, Iceland and Denmark came to the north-east to monitor what they thought was a genuine ceasefire. Instead they have seen violations in their thousands. Now the situation is changing for the worse.The atmosphere is that of an undeclared war. The SLMM is being required to monitor ‘ceaseless firing’ instead of a ceasefire. Monitoring a war – overt or covert – is not their mandate. Besides there is the question of the safety of the monitors themselves.
SLMM’s decision
It was the incident at Uppuvely on January 17 that led to the SLMM’s decision. The monitors staying at a hotel in Nilaveli travel along the Nilaveli – Trincomalee road to their headquarters in Trincomalee and back on a daily basis. They had done so that morning too but later on a claymore mine had exploded at Uppuvely on the same road.The monitors had passed through on the same route about 90 minutes before.
Furthermore a monitor team was proceeding towards Thiriyai along the same road when the explosion had occurred. The police at Uppuvely had refused to let the monitors proceed further in the interest of their own safety. While held up at the police the reports of gunfire were also heard. It was after this incident that the SLMM announced its suspension of duties.
The Uppuvely incident was one more instance of the tragic pattern of violence enveloping Trincomalee. About 24 naval personnel were travelling in a bus via the Nilaveli road. They were going from their camp at Gopalapuram in the Nilaveli region to the Dockyard Road base in Trincomalee town. The sailors had reached a point near the Uppuvely junction or the third mile post junction from Trinco town on the Nilaveli road. Uppuvely is predominantly Tamil.
The naval vehicle had veered off the road and taken a short cut . This apparently was a regular practice. The vehicle was yards away from the Love Lane – Palms Road intersection when a claymore mine attached to a parked cycle on the wayside was triggered off by a remote controlled device. The obvious suspects were the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam fortunately for the navy the explosion occurred a fraction of a second late after the bus had almost passed the claymore – cycle. This minimised the damage.The time was 10.05 am.
Naval personnel injured
Nevertheless 12 naval personnel sustained injuries. None were killed though the condition of three sailors is said to be serious. Dazed security personnel hit the ground and began firing away. Some ran here and there firing away at a non – existent enemy. There was no enemy to fight against. This was not a conventional ambush where guerillas trigger a landmine and then shoot it out with surviving security personnel. It was only a one-sided shooting spree. This was simply because the Tigers had exploded the claymore by remote and fled the scene letting innocent civilians face repercussions.
Though sections of the media say there was a shootout and that civilians were killed in the crossfire the reality is that all the firing was done by the naval personnel alone. There is an army camp at Uppuvely within a stone’s throw of where the explosion took place. But none of the soldiers participated in the shooting spree. It was during this melee that at least six civilians sustained serious and another 10 minor injuries.
Two civilians were killed. According to eyewitness reports these two were killed at close quarters. Reportedly an injured sailor bleeding from his injuries was seen killing one and then daubing his victim’s body with that of his own blood. The cruelly melodramatic gesture seemed to indicate a ‘blood for blood’ thirst for vengeance.
The shooting melee lasted for about 20 to 25 minutes. It may have gone on further if not for the intervention of a high ranking naval officer who arrived at the scene. It was this officer who brought the situation under control and ensured that the sailors leave the scene with injured sailors and civilians being given priority. This officer apparently arrived with reinforcements from Trincomalee upon hearing of the incident. Affected civilians are grateful to this man but are unaware of his identity.
Civilians killed
The civilians injured and killed at Uppuvely were not Tigers. They were people who were either passing through the place or had come to buy things or for other matters. Tragically they were in the wrong place at the wrong time. Among the places in the vicinity was the Asian Hardware Stores; opposite to that was Kandeepan Enterprises, a telecommunications agency. On top of this was an NGO office. Adjoining Kandeepan Enterprises was the Jeya Studio.
Most of the affected civilians were either in these buildings or on the road when the shooting started. These buildings too were damaged. Later on another development occurred. Naval personnel presumably from the Gopalapuram camp arrived later and conducted an intensive search of the area for the “elusive” Tigers as if the LTTE was waiting to be captured. Soldiers from Uppuvely also joined them. Of course no Tigers were snared but the operation was not without its rewards.One result of this search operation was the large- scale looting of houses, businesses and shops.
The people had all fled from the scene. Seven civilians, three women and four men were trapped but managed to hide themselves. Again it was the intervention of superior officers who arrived at the scene which ended the ’search cum looting spree.’ After the security personnel left the scene policemen from the Uppuvely station arrived. They took the seven civilians to the station, recorded statements and arranged for safe return to their homes.
The two men killed in the Uppuvely shooting were identified as Sellathurai Selvarajah (25) of Chelvanayagapuram and Wilson Christopher George, a resident of Nithyapuri in Allesgarden, Uppuvely. Selvarajah was a mason by profession and George a construction labourer. Both were at the Asian Hardware Stores to buy materials when they were killed. Trincomalee Judicial Medical Officer Dr. Gamini Kulatunga who conducted the post – mortem stated that deaths were caused by gunshot injuries. Trincomalee Magistrate V. Ramakamalan recorded a verdict of death due to gunshot injuries. A joint funeral for both victims was held at the Alles Garden Cemetery in Uppuvely on January 19 afternoon.
Magisterial inquest
Seven civilians were admitted to hospital for surgery after the Uppuvely incident. Six of these were victims of the Uppuvely shooting spree. They were T. M. Chandrasena (38), A. K. E. Premadasa (36), Kadiramalai Duwaraga (45), Ganesh Saraswathy (46), Sebastian David (35) and Sivagnanam Kavitha (25). Three of the six were women. Two were Sinhala and four Tamils. Apparently sailors on the shooting spree had not discriminated gender or ethnicity – while targeting victims.
The seventh civilian to receive surgery was 20 year old S. Devadharshan. He worked in a boutique at Madathady junction in Trincomalee town. Within minutes after the Uppuvely attack there was much excitement in Trincomalee town with naval personnel rushing to the scene. It was at this time that some ‘persons’ in a vehicle had lobbed a grenade at this boutique seriously injuring the Tamil shop employee. The police station is in close proximity to this shop.
Another ‘mystery’ grenade targeting Tamil civilians had been thrown at a Tamil residence on January 14, Thai Pongal day too. The family comprising Rajkumar (35), his wife Rajeswari (35), daughter Saivithya (10) and son Vithyakaran (04) were at their residence in the Urban Council residence quarters at Anbuvalipuram on the Trinco – Kandy road. The family was watching TV in the evening when a grenade was lobbed inside injuring all four. Again the police came out with a version that a grenade concealed inside the house had exploded. SLMM monitors however discovered the grenade clip outside the house. Senior DIG Mahinda Balasuriya has ordered a full investigation into the incident.
Meanwhile the magisterial inquest into the killing of five Tamil youths at the Dutch Bay beach was concluded on January 18 with Trincomalee Magistrate V. Ramakamalan ruling that all five had died due to gunshot injuries. Earlier Trincomalee JMO Dr. Gamini Kulatunga submitted post-mortem reports . The JMO stated that all five had been shot with bullets piercing through heads, lungs, liver, intestines and other vital organs causing instantaneous death.The shots had been fired from above. Though there were other injuries it was gunshots that had caused death said Dr. Gamini Kulatunga.
Parents and close relatives of the five youths also gave evidence. Deputy Solicitor – General De Livera and three other state counsels from Colombo were in Trincomalee to lead evidence. Attorney at Law A. Jegasothy watched the interests of the families of the dead students.
At the conclusion Magistrate Ramakamalan delivering his order ruled “The court determines that the five Tamil youths killed on January 2 night near the sea beach of the east port town had died due to gunshot injuries instantaneously. The court has come to a conclusion that an offence has been committed in this instance. Therefore the court orders the police to conduct further inquiry into these deaths and to produce the suspects before the court.”
President’s word
With this official verdict being recorded and President Rajapakse himself giving his word that the guilty ones would be punished let us hope justice would be done. The false propaganda about the five youths being killed through a grenade explosion has now been disproved legally and officially. It is time for all human rights organisations to increase pressure on the regime and urge full inquiry and retributive justice.
President Rajapakse has to be given full support to overcome reactionary elements and pursue justice. Let it not be forgotten that the image of Mahinda the man of human rights and the self – respect of the nation lies in how this issue is handled.
In what seemed to be the only silver lining in a dark Trincomalee scenario a satisfactory decision was arrived at on the question of the continuous hartals called in Trincomalee by Tamil and Sinhala organisations.The Sinhala organisations called off their hartal with effect from January 15 following a meeting with Senior Police DIG in charge of north-east Mahinda Balasuriya on Saturday 14 evening.
Thereafter on Sunday 15 DIG Balasuriya met with Tamil organisation representatives, religious leaders and senior security officials. With Balasuriya assuring Tamil reps that he would take steps to implement decisions taken, the Tamil organisations also announced that they were calling off their hartal. Tamil and Sinhala organisations for different reasons had paralysed Trincomalee with their respective hartals causing immense hardship to the ordinary people.
DIG to be commended
DIG Balasuriya is to be commended for persuading both parties to call off the hartals. It remains to be seen as to how quickly and effectively the assurances given by Balasuriya are implemented. According to President Tamil Resurgence Forum in Trincomalee V.Vigneswaran the assurances provided were:
1. All government troops located near schools, temples, sea beach and Government Technical College should be removed.
2. Police personnel should be deployed in addition to members of armed forces at sentry points in the town and its suburbs. Police should be allowed to check civilians passing through sentry points.
3. Home guards should not be allowed alone on duty. Home guards should accompany police. Home guards should not be allowed alone to enter Tamil areas.
4. Police and government troops should provide in writing on the spot to relatives of a person arrested by them the reason and where the arrested is being taken for inquiry.
5. Soldiers of the Sri Lanka Army and Sri Lanka Navy should not cover their faces with black clothes when they conduct search operations and when they are on patrol.
Vigneswaran further said the DIG had asked them not to launch hartals without informing him if there is a delay in implementing these decisions. He also said the forum had asked the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) in Trincomalee to monitor the implementation of the decisions.
Insecure feeling
Though normalcy began returning to Trincomalee from Monday January 16 incidents like the Uppuvely attack on 17 were soon plunging the region into turmoil and despair. With the SLMM announcing its temporary “withdrawal” the people particularly Tamils were feeling more and more insecure. Even the implementation of the decision arrived at with police DIG Balasuriya was to be monitored by the SLMM.
Adding to Tamil fears was the announcement that more security personnel were to be deployed in Trincomalee to fill the vacuum created by the SLMM’s suspension of duties. This itself was an ironic contradiction because the SLMM was here to monitor the ceasefire between the LTTE and Sri Lankan government troops. For one party to announce that it was filling the gap will be unacceptable because the security forces cannot be regarded as neutral or independent. They are a party to the conflict and cannot be seen as impartially carrying out their duties.
Another development increasing Tamil insecurity is the move to train and arm 600 homeguards from the district. In a blatant racist move all 600 were to be from the Sinhala and Muslim commuities. This is seen as something clearly detrimental to ordinary Tamil civilians. Already some lumpen Sinhala elements aided and abetted by sections of the armed forces have run amok in Trincomalee.
BBC crew threatned
Even a BBC crew filiming the “Sinhala” hartal was not spared with club wielding mobs threatening and demanding films taken of the patriotic hartal. Most of the young men were in shorts and tee-shirts and quite drunk before noon. The terrorising of the BBC crew was done in the presence of police and army personnel who did not interfere at all. If this is the plight of the BBC crew with two British, one Indian and two Sri Lankan nationals then one can imagine the problems to be faced by Tamil civilians in a kingdom of armed homeguards.
It is imperative therefore that the SLMM resumes operational activities as soon as possible. While understanding and sympathising with their predicament it is also of importance to emphasise that the SLMM should be at work as long as the ceasefire is ‘officially’ in force. The SLMM must revise its stance in the larger interests of the ordinary Trincomalee civilians. The SLMM has admonished both the LTTE and the security forces for prevailing tensions and violence in Trincomalee and urged both to regulate themselves. Let us hope then that the monitors resume duties after the full import of their action sinks into all concerned parties.
Even as this article is about to end there comes bad news again from Trincomalee. According to preliminary reports three naval personnel and a policeman were injured when a bomb was thrown at a navy jeep on Thursday January 19 at about 4 pm in the Gandhinagar area of Anbuvallipuram. The incident occurred near the Anuradhapura junction along the Trincomalee-Kandy road about two miles away from Trinco town. In a replay of what went on in Uppuvely on January 17 enraged security personnel had gone on the rampage spraying the surrounding area with gunfire.
Ten civilians were injured. One was Sinhala , two Muslims and seven Tamils. Their names and ages are – Chandrasekara (38), Nawas (42), Mashoor (73), Benedict (38), Vinotharajah (28), Kamalathas (48), Pakiarajah (24), Arulraj (30), Ravichandran (37) and Jeyachandran (34). A shop in the area was also damaged. Many Tamils have been detained for questioning.
SLMM should resume work
With the LTTE stepping up violence through direct and indirect means the north-east is continuously on the boil. Trincomalee with its strategic importance and ethnic mixture will feel this impact acutely. It is therefore of the utmost importance that the SLMM resumes duties and helps to alleviate at least some of the tensions and insecurity felt by the people.
More importantly the LTTE must be made to realise that its deplorable conduct of launching attacks and running away leaving the innocent people at the mercy of infuriated security personnel cannot continue in this fashion.
At the same time the atrocious behaviour of security personnel in the north-east including Trincomalee cannot be condoned and deserves condemnation. Ultimately however it is the democratically elected President of Sri Lanka and his government that have to bear overall responsibility for the cruel victimisation of innocent civilians irrespective of ethnicity and habitat. Sadly Mahinda is yet to realise his responsibilities and take meaningful action.
January 22nd, 2006
D. B. S. Jeyaraj
Mahinda Rajapakse, the new President of Sri Lanka met representatives of the Co – Chair quartet of the Sri Lankan peace process on January 9. One of the issues raised at this meeting was about the cordon, search and arrest operations going on in Colombo and other areas. The President’s response according to an official communiqué was as follows.
” Responding to a query by the Co-Chairs on the recent ‘Strangers Night’ operation, it was explained that this was a routine law enforcement procedure aimed at ‘clearing the neighbourhood’ of criminal elements including drug traffickers and gangsters, which will also take place in other areas of the island. It was emphasised that over 90% of those detained were released on the same day and that due process was observed.”
One is not aware of how the Co-Chair representatives received this gem of an explanation proffered by our Executive President. It is obvious however that either Rajapakse was totally in the dark about what was happening or was speaking with a ‘forked tongue.’ The President was either being misinformed by those around him or he himself was willfully dishing out misinformation.
The crucial point to note is that operations such as ‘Strangers Night’ were not routine law enforcement procedures as claimed by the President. There were no such operations in the past for nearly four years. This manoeuvre began happening only after the election of Mahinda Rajapakse as President on November 17. With Mahinda assuming power his brother Gothabaya became defence secretary; Army Commander Shantha Kottegoda was forced into retirement and Sarath Fonseka appointed in his place; Jathika Hela Urumaya politician and former DIG of Police H.M.G.B. Kotakadeniya assumed duties as defence adviser.
It was after this triumvirate took over defence matters that operations such as ‘Strangers Night’ began in Colombo. Given Kotakadeniya’s controversial past as a Police officer and his undisguised ideological beliefs one may reasonably conclude that the on going operations are primarily his ‘brainchildren.’ This propensity for conducting such operations is part and parcel of the man’s mental make – up.
An obvious flaw in the explanation that it is all a routine law and order matter is the manner in which it is being conducted. The chief targets of these operations are not criminal elements but law – abiding respectable Tamils. The entire exercise has a pronounced racial angle to it. If one is to comprehend clearly the context in which these acts are occurring one has to delve into the recent past slightly.
It may be recalled that there were widespread arrests of ‘suspicious’ Tamils in Colombo and the suburbs in the late ’90s when Chandrika Kumaratunga was president. The police cells were overflowing with Tamil detainees. So great was the crisis that the Tamil United Liberation Front’s constitutional expert Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam who always believed in the rule of law, came up with the idea of inundating courts with a series of habeas corpus writs and fundamental rights petitions. The present Chief Justice Sarath Silva was attorney – general then. A conference was arranged between law officials and the TULF. The situation began easing and the TULF dropped its idea of seeking legal recourse.
Since many Plantation Tamils do not have proper identity documents through no fault of theirs a good number of them were arrested as suspicious persons. This led Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman to take a hand in the matter also. He exerted considerable pressure on Chandrika Kumaratunga. The TULF supported Thondaman in this. Since Kumaratunga herself had a progressive outlook on issues like these, she transferred Kotakadeniya out. Furthermore, he was denied rightful appointment as IGP on account of his seniority.
Adding insult to injury was the fact that Kumaratunga appointed Anandaraja, a Tamil and junior to Kotakadeniya in the service as IGP. Thereafter Kotakadeniya opted to retire. He then took to politics. Kotakadeniya never forgave Anandaraja and went public making racist and slanderous remarks against the IGP. For a man of Kotakadeniya’s mindset the Jathika Hela Urumaya was a second home. He became its senior vice – president and still holds that post.
One feature of these arrests was the large – scale corruption. Much money changed hands and many a crooked cop made money by arresting and then releasing Tamils. A striking example then was the manner in which Kotakadeniya waged war on those involved in money transfer business or hawala. A few Tamils and even Muslims were arrested on the ‘suspicion’ that they were laundering money for the LTTE. Within days, it was business as usual. All those detained were out.
I remember asking two money transfer agents in Toronto about what happened. They said that large amounts were paid out as bribes to secure the releases of their principals in Colombo. Another consequence was that the ‘commissions’ for transactions went up after this exercise. The explanation given was that after the arrests a scheme to bribe officials regularly had been set up. So the entire exercise starting with a bang ended in a pathetic whimper. Only some corrupt officials were getting richer. But as these columns pointed out earlier Kotakadeniya is an honest man.
Kotakadeniya , out in the cold due to Kumaratunga is now back with a vengeance thanks to Mahinda chinthana. Denying Kotakadeniya the IGP post was perhaps one of Chandrika’s wisest decisions as President. Rajapakse however has brought him back as the virtual Police chief with almost ‘carte blanche’ powers to reinvigorate the Police force.
New tricks cannot be taught to an old dog they say. The one thing Kotakadeniya knows best and loves best is to order cordon and search operations with mass arrests. There was however one hitch. Unlike in the nineties the LTTE is not a proscribed organisation now. Though the security situation is quite perilous, the LTTE is not a banned outfit. The PTA cannot be enforced right now. But luckily for him the emergency regulations were in force.
Kotakadeniya revealed his thought process in a newspaper interview where he lamented the fact that being LTTE or having links was not illegal now. So operations to flush out tigers was not possible. But he pointed out that operations to maintain law and order could be done. Cordon and search operations to identify and arrest criminal elements would very soon be on the cards he said. Kotakadeniya found an able deputy in DIG Pujitha Jayasundara. The DIG had a torrid time in fighting narcotic criminals. The new strategy of rounding up Tamil civilians was like a piece of kokis for him.
So we had the first Strangers night operation on December 17 in four Police divisions. A total of 109 Tamils were arrested. Then we had the third strangers night operation on December 31. This time 400 Policemen and 2000 Armed forces personnel were involved. 920 Tamils were arrested. They were finger and footprint; photographed and videoed. Statements were recorded. Except for 53 all were released. Later another 39 were released. Only about ten are being kept in custody now.
It is claimed by official circles that there was a second strangers night operation on December 27. Criminal elements in Maradana, Dematagoda and Kolonnawa were targeted. This operation was very much low-key and not as stridently aggressive as the ones targeting Tamils. No criminal of note was arrested. This exercise seems to be aimed at deflecting criticism away and provide a facade that the objective is to target criminals and not Tamils.
It has been announced that at least twelve other Strangers night operations are in the pipeline. In the meantime the cordon, search and arrest operations began spreading to the outstations too. Ten Tamils were arrested in Uppukulam in Mannar. Twenty nine Tamils were arrested in Puttalam; 109 Tamils were arrested in Ratnapura and Kahawatte. 16 Tamils were arrested in Bandarawela. 4 Tamils were arrested in Passara.
In the case of the plantation areas, the pretext for the searches was that LTTE men were hiding and explosives were concealed. None of the operations yielded any tigers or bombs. Only the estate workers were harassed. There is a threat of a strike being launched by 25, 000 workers in some areas of the Badulla district if the arrested persons were not released. It is interesting to note that security in the plantation areas became a ‘threat’ only after the Presidential election.
Rajapakse in a fit of puerile chagrin tried to ‘fix’ Arumugam Thondaman. The latter took up the challenge by ‘flirting’ with the LTTE in Kilinochchi. Thereafter security operations are on the increase in the Up Country. The important question however is whether these security operations are really security – orientated or politically and racially motivated to teach Thondaman and the ‘Wathu Demalu’ a bitter lesson?
As far as the ‘strangers night’ operations in Colombo they have achieved very little except of course to increase the estrangement of Tamils from the Sri Lankan state and Mahinda Rajapakse regime. The first operation only ‘netted’ 109. The powers that be in Defence were thoroughly dissatisfied. The word percolated downwards. The third operation on the eve of the New Year saw police Inspectors vying with each other to increase their tally of ‘strangers’ in Colombo.
Many of those arrested had their proper identity documents and had been living for many, many years in Colombo. A lot of them were reputed professionals and even priests. Yet they were herded into ‘cop shops’ like common criminals. Many Tamils including children were forced to stand for a long time on the streets.
They entered houses at night and woke up residents. Searches were conducted while most womenfolk were in their nightclothes. Many houses were ransacked. Children under 18 were asked to show their ‘non – existent’ ID cards. Several women in their ‘nighties’ were taken to the Police stations.
The conduct of the Police and security personnel was atrocious and racist in many instances. Offensive and intimidatory remarks of a racist nature were made. Their conduct was abominably rude. The people were shouted at and children intimidated. Public vehicles were halted and Tamils singled out. An Indian national travelling in a three – wheeler was given a torrid time and asked to show her original passport. She was a Tamil from Tamil Nadu.
The one clear fact that emerged as a result of this operation was that the targets were deliberately Tamil and not suspicious criminal elements. The people of other communities did not suffer much or were targeted to the extent that the Tamils were. The conductor those involved in many cases displayed open traces of racism.
Mano Ganesan of the Western People’s Front took out a procession – demonstration in Colombo on January 6 to protest the arrests. “Can you arrest a thousand to detain 10 people” he queried.
The statements made by officials to rationalise the operation would be hilarious if not for the seriousness of the situation. Pujitha Jayasundara first said that they had seized barbed wire and blood transfusion equipment as a result of the operation. What a lot of effort to retrieve these and in any case was it an offence to keep these? Then he changed his stance and said there were reports of tiger assassination squads being in Colombo to kill Rajapakse and others. He amended his position again and said that the operation was a pre-emptive strike to prevent tigers carrying out operations here. Alas! no tiger was arrested anywhere.
Realising perhaps that these explanations were sounding ‘silly’ and smacked of racist motivation the IGP Chandra Fernando himself stepped in and justified the operation as being against criminal elements alone. These were routine matters. It was this explanation that Rajapakse trotted out to the four co – chairs. But on January 7 when he met the TNA delegation he was honest enough to admit excesses and promised an end to harassment and illegal arrests. For obvious reasons the tune changed two days later.
There is no denying there is a security threat to Colombo. That cannot be met by alienating and estranging the Tamils of Colombo. If the security officials are to get solid intelligence about certain matters then the Tamil people should not be alienated. Furthermore it is a joke to think that the LTTE will not have proper ID or valid excuses to be in Colombo. They would have excellent documentation and well-established cover. It is only the ‘innocent’ who are faulty with documentation and reasons.
Moreover recent developments have shown that many Sinhala people are hand in glove with the LTTE in Colombo. The murders of Intelligence officials in Colombo indicate that. Therefore, it is doubtful whether LTTE connections are restricted to Tamils alone. Given the high level of official corruption one would not be surprised if some high level Sinhala people are aiding and abetting the LTTE for remuneration.
Open war is not declared yet. The LTTE is yet to be proscribed. If Tamils are harassed, so greatly in Colombo and elsewhere in the current situation it is not hard to imagine their plight if war does erupt and the tigers are banned. With Kotakadeniya in the saddle, mass arrests and incarceration will be the order of the day. What is happening now is only a straw in the wind. Sadly, even if all those harsh measures are adopted will the security of Colombo and its leading citizens be guaranteed?
January 14th, 2006
Mahinda Rajapakse, the new President of Sri Lanka met representatives of the Co – Chair quartet of the Sri Lankan peace process on January 9. One of the issues raised at this meeting was about the cordon, search and arrest operations going on in Colombo and other areas. The President’s response according to an official communiqué was as follows.
” Responding to a query by the Co-Chairs on the recent ‘Strangers Night’ operation, it was explained that this was a routine law enforcement procedure aimed at ‘clearing the neighbourhood’ of criminal elements including drug traffickers and gangsters, which will also take place in other areas of the island. It was emphasised that over 90% of those detained were released on the same day and that due process was observed.”
One is not aware of how the Co-Chair representatives received this gem of an explanation proffered by our Executive President. It is obvious however that either Rajapakse was totally in the dark about what was happening or was speaking with a ‘forked tongue.’ The President was either being misinformed by those around him or he himself was willfully dishing out misinformation.
The crucial point to note is that operations such as ‘Strangers Night’ were not routine law enforcement procedures as claimed by the President. There were no such operations in the past for nearly four years. This manoeuvre began happening only after the election of Mahinda Rajapakse as President on November 17. With Mahinda assuming power his brother Gothabaya became defence secretary; Army Commander Shantha Kottegoda was forced into retirement and Sarath Fonseka appointed in his place; Jathika Hela Urumaya politician and former DIG of Police H.M.G.B. Kotakadeniya assumed duties as defence adviser.
It was after this triumvirate took over defence matters that operations such as ‘Strangers Night’ began in Colombo. Given Kotakadeniya’s controversial past as a Police officer and his undisguised ideological beliefs one may reasonably conclude that the on going operations are primarily his ‘brainchildren.’ This propensity for conducting such operations is part and parcel of the man’s mental make – up.
An obvious flaw in the explanation that it is all a routine law and order matter is the manner in which it is being conducted. The chief targets of these operations are not criminal elements but law – abiding respectable Tamils. The entire exercise has a pronounced racial angle to it. If one is to comprehend clearly the context in which these acts are occurring one has to delve into the recent past slightly.
It may be recalled that there were widespread arrests of ‘suspicious’ Tamils in Colombo and the suburbs in the late ’90s when Chandrika Kumaratunga was president. The police cells were overflowing with Tamil detainees. So great was the crisis that the Tamil United Liberation Front’s constitutional expert Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam who always believed in the rule of law, came up with the idea of inundating courts with a series of habeas corpus writs and fundamental rights petitions. The present Chief Justice Sarath Silva was attorney – general then. A conference was arranged between law officials and the TULF. The situation began easing and the TULF dropped its idea of seeking legal recourse.
Since many Plantation Tamils do not have proper identity documents through no fault of theirs a good number of them were arrested as suspicious persons. This led Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman to take a hand in the matter also. He exerted considerable pressure on Chandrika Kumaratunga. The TULF supported Thondaman in this. Since Kumaratunga herself had a progressive outlook on issues like these, she transferred Kotakadeniya out. Furthermore, he was denied rightful appointment as IGP on account of his seniority.
Adding insult to injury was the fact that Kumaratunga appointed Anandaraja, a Tamil and junior to Kotakadeniya in the service as IGP. Thereafter Kotakadeniya opted to retire. He then took to politics. Kotakadeniya never forgave Anandaraja and went public making racist and slanderous remarks against the IGP. For a man of Kotakadeniya’s mindset the Jathika Hela Urumaya was a second home. He became its senior vice – president and still holds that post.
One feature of these arrests was the large – scale corruption. Much money changed hands and many a crooked cop made money by arresting and then releasing Tamils. A striking example then was the manner in which Kotakadeniya waged war on those involved in money transfer business or hawala. A few Tamils and even Muslims were arrested on the ‘suspicion’ that they were laundering money for the LTTE. Within days, it was business as usual. All those detained were out.
I remember asking two money transfer agents in Toronto about what happened. They said that large amounts were paid out as bribes to secure the releases of their principals in Colombo. Another consequence was that the ‘commissions’ for transactions went up after this exercise. The explanation given was that after the arrests a scheme to bribe officials regularly had been set up. So the entire exercise starting with a bang ended in a pathetic whimper. Only some corrupt officials were getting richer. But as these columns pointed out earlier Kotakadeniya is an honest man.
Kotakadeniya , out in the cold due to Kumaratunga is now back with a vengeance thanks to Mahinda chinthana. Denying Kotakadeniya the IGP post was perhaps one of Chandrika’s wisest decisions as President. Rajapakse however has brought him back as the virtual Police chief with almost ‘carte blanche’ powers to reinvigorate the Police force.
New tricks cannot be taught to an old dog they say. The one thing Kotakadeniya knows best and loves best is to order cordon and search operations with mass arrests. There was however one hitch. Unlike in the nineties the LTTE is not a proscribed organisation now. Though the security situation is quite perilous, the LTTE is not a banned outfit. The PTA cannot be enforced right now. But luckily for him the emergency regulations were in force.
Kotakadeniya revealed his thought process in a newspaper interview where he lamented the fact that being LTTE or having links was not illegal now. So operations to flush out tigers was not possible. But he pointed out that operations to maintain law and order could be done. Cordon and search operations to identify and arrest criminal elements would very soon be on the cards he said. Kotakadeniya found an able deputy in DIG Pujitha Jayasundara. The DIG had a torrid time in fighting narcotic criminals. The new strategy of rounding up Tamil civilians was like a piece of kokis for him.
So we had the first Strangers night operation on December 17 in four Police divisions. A total of 109 Tamils were arrested. Then we had the third strangers night operation on December 31. This time 400 Policemen and 2000 Armed forces personnel were involved. 920 Tamils were arrested. They were finger and footprint; photographed and videoed. Statements were recorded. Except for 53 all were released. Later another 39 were released. Only about ten are being kept in custody now.
It is claimed by official circles that there was a second strangers night operation on December 27. Criminal elements in Maradana, Dematagoda and Kolonnawa were targeted. This operation was very much low-key and not as stridently aggressive as the ones targeting Tamils. No criminal of note was arrested. This exercise seems to be aimed at deflecting criticism away and provide a facade that the objective is to target criminals and not Tamils.
It has been announced that at least twelve other Strangers night operations are in the pipeline. In the meantime the cordon, search and arrest operations began spreading to the outstations too. Ten Tamils were arrested in Uppukulam in Mannar. Twenty nine Tamils were arrested in Puttalam; 109 Tamils were arrested in Ratnapura and Kahawatte. 16 Tamils were arrested in Bandarawela. 4 Tamils were arrested in Passara.
In the case of the plantation areas, the pretext for the searches was that LTTE men were hiding and explosives were concealed. None of the operations yielded any tigers or bombs. Only the estate workers were harassed. There is a threat of a strike being launched by 25, 000 workers in some areas of the Badulla district if the arrested persons were not released. It is interesting to note that security in the plantation areas became a ‘threat’ only after the Presidential election.
Rajapakse in a fit of puerile chagrin tried to ‘fix’ Arumugam Thondaman. The latter took up the challenge by ‘flirting’ with the LTTE in Kilinochchi. Thereafter security operations are on the increase in the Up Country. The important question however is whether these security operations are really security – orientated or politically and racially motivated to teach Thondaman and the ‘Wathu Demalu’ a bitter lesson?
As far as the ‘strangers night’ operations in Colombo they have achieved very little except of course to increase the estrangement of Tamils from the Sri Lankan state and Mahinda Rajapakse regime. The first operation only ‘netted’ 109. The powers that be in Defence were thoroughly dissatisfied. The word percolated downwards. The third operation on the eve of the New Year saw police Inspectors vying with each other to increase their tally of ‘strangers’ in Colombo.
Many of those arrested had their proper identity documents and had been living for many, many years in Colombo. A lot of them were reputed professionals and even priests. Yet they were herded into ‘cop shops’ like common criminals. Many Tamils including children were forced to stand for a long time on the streets.
They entered houses at night and woke up residents. Searches were conducted while most womenfolk were in their nightclothes. Many houses were ransacked. Children under 18 were asked to show their ‘non – existent’ ID cards. Several women in their ‘nighties’ were taken to the Police stations.
The conduct of the Police and security personnel was atrocious and racist in many instances. Offensive and intimidatory remarks of a racist nature were made. Their conduct was abominably rude. The people were shouted at and children intimidated. Public vehicles were halted and Tamils singled out. An Indian national travelling in a three – wheeler was given a torrid time and asked to show her original passport. She was a Tamil from Tamil Nadu.
The one clear fact that emerged as a result of this operation was that the targets were deliberately Tamil and not suspicious criminal elements. The people of other communities did not suffer much or were targeted to the extent that the Tamils were. The conductor those involved in many cases displayed open traces of racism.
Mano Ganesan of the Western People’s Front took out a procession – demonstration in Colombo on January 6 to protest the arrests. “Can you arrest a thousand to detain 10 people” he queried.
The statements made by officials to rationalise the operation would be hilarious if not for the seriousness of the situation. Pujitha Jayasundara first said that they had seized barbed wire and blood transfusion equipment as a result of the operation. What a lot of effort to retrieve these and in any case was it an offence to keep these? Then he changed his stance and said there were reports of tiger assassination squads being in Colombo to kill Rajapakse and others. He amended his position again and said that the operation was a pre-emptive strike to prevent tigers carrying out operations here. Alas! no tiger was arrested anywhere.
Realising perhaps that these explanations were sounding ‘silly’ and smacked of racist motivation the IGP Chandra Fernando himself stepped in and justified the operation as being against criminal elements alone. These were routine matters. It was this explanation that Rajapakse trotted out to the four co – chairs. But on January 7 when he met the TNA delegation he was honest enough to admit excesses and promised an end to harassment and illegal arrests. For obvious reasons the tune changed two days later.
There is no denying there is a security threat to Colombo. That cannot be met by alienating and estranging the Tamils of Colombo. If the security officials are to get solid intelligence about certain matters then the Tamil people should not be alienated. Furthermore it is a joke to think that the LTTE will not have proper ID or valid excuses to be in Colombo. They would have excellent documentation and well-established cover. It is only the ‘innocent’ who are faulty with documentation and reasons.
Moreover recent developments have shown that many Sinhala people are hand in glove with the LTTE in Colombo. The murders of Intelligence officials in Colombo indicate that. Therefore, it is doubtful whether LTTE connections are restricted to Tamils alone. Given the high level of official corruption one would not be surprised if some high level Sinhala people are aiding and abetting the LTTE for remuneration.
Open war is not declared yet. The LTTE is yet to be proscribed. If Tamils are harassed, so greatly in Colombo and elsewhere in the current situation it is not hard to imagine their plight if war does erupt and the tigers are banned. With Kotakadeniya in the saddle, mass arrests and incarceration will be the order of the day. What is happening now is only a straw in the wind. Sadly, even if all those harsh measures are adopted will the security of Colombo and its leading citizens be guaranteed?
January 13th, 2006
The Jaffna University or Yarlpanap Palgalaikkazhagham has become a volatile flashpoint of tension in the on going conflict between security personnel of the state and the younger generation of the district. While “Intifada” type attacks continue to be directed against Police and armed forces in the peninsula the University precincts and environs in Thirunelvely became the battle ground for direct clashes. With even the Vice – chancellor and members of the academic staff becoming victims the university authorities have decided to close down the campus till January 2nd next year.
The Jaffna university has played a prominent role in the politics of the region from its inception in 1974. Various undergraduate generations have come and gone in the past. [Jaffna Campus Heroes' Memorial unveiled - Pic TamilNet]
Each generation has had its own brand of politics fashioned according to prevalent conditions.
In the late seventies the Jaffna university students played a pivotal role in the emergence of the Tamil United Liberation Front and its 1977 electoral victory on a platform seeking a mandate for Tamil eelam.Yet in the the early eighties , Jaffna undergraduates were in the forefront of those revolting against the perceived betrayal of the TULF in accepting the compromise of District Development Councils.
The late seventies and early eighties also saw the Jaffna campus being a virtual safe house for some leading members of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. The LTTE then was in its embryonic stage of development. The very same Jafna campus exploded in protests against LTTE hegemonism in the mid – eighties over incidents like the Vijitharan killing, Rajaharan abduction etc. this was when Jaffna was being controlled by Sathasivampillai Krishnakumar alias “Col” Kittu. The late eighties saw the Jaffna campus transforming once again into a clandestine support base for the tigers during the Indian army occupation of Jaffna.
The nineties saw the Jaffna university developing pockets of resistance to the tigers who were controlling all aspects of civilian life then in Jaffna.The LTTE cracked down on a number of undergrads and young graduates in an attempt to stifle all dissent and suppress all protest. It would have been difficult to predict the future had that course of events continued.
There was however a dramatic reversal of the situation in 1995 when the LTTE withdrew to the Wanni and the Sri Lankan army took over the Jaffna district. Once again rebellion began within University ranks to the dominant forces in power. The army presence was resented. Jaffna university students played a crucial role in the Tamil resurgence movement and staging of “pongu Thamizh” (Tamil upsurge) demonstrations.
Though Jaffna undergraduate politics has undergone different changes at different times there have been three constant, underlying threads. Firstly a fearless spirit of defiant opposition to the powerful forces dominating Jaffna. Secondly an inherent consciousness of opposing or rebelling against perceived oppression and injustice. Thirdly a consistent pattern of being in the vanguard against threats or potential threats to the well – being of the Tamil people. It is against this backdrop that one has to view all “tensions” within and outside the Jaffna campus.
Two significant developments began after the election of Mahinda Rajapakse as President and appointment of Sarath Fonsela as military commander. One was the launching of a Palestine – style “Intifada” protest campaign by Jaffna students against the intrusive presence of the armed forces. The second was the escalation of the shadow war in Jaffna where a series of grenade, handbomb and landmine attacks against Police and military personnel in Jaffna. Though the LTTE did not play any overt role the tigers were suspected of providing covert logistical and moral support to the attacks and protests.
The landmine attacks on army patrols saw the security forces deploying additional personnel in key roads, junctions and zones. The University and its environs became strategically important. the university was seen as a hotbed of intrige and revolt against the pervasive army presence. Besides the administrative office of the International Tamil student federation was in the vicinity. The International federation controlled by Tamil National alliance Parliamentarian Selvakumar Gajendran alias “Kuthirai” Gajendran. This organization is regarded as a tiger front and being the livewire behind student and youth protests in Jaffna.
The increase of search posts, sentry posts and the deployment of additional soldiers in the University zone led predictably to confrontation and tension. With most soldiers being ypong men and the undergraduates also being young men tempers got frayed on both sides. Undergraduates resented this enhanced security intrusion into their daily life. There were many arguments. The soldiers reacted with assaults and tearing up of identity cards. Undergraduates began demonstrating. Kokkuvil technical College students also began demonstrating.
The undergraduates in association with the secondary school student consortioum called for a widespread hartal in Jaffna. One of the demands was that security posts in the University area should be shut down and deployed additional soldiers withdrawn. The protest demonstration created much tension and a few incidents of stone – throwing . Soldiers fired in the air. The situation did not deteriorate further at that point of time.
The prevailing “stand – off” situation underwent a drastic change on account of the rape and murder incident at Pungudutheevu. A 20 year old Tamil woman Eliyathamby Dharmini from the 7th ward area was sexually violated, murdered and thrown into an abandoned well close to a navy camp. It was widely alleged that she had been raped and murdered by naval personnel. When protest demonstrations demanding justice were held the navy responded with force tear gassing and beating up demonstrators. A few were arrested. The Navy at Pungudutheevu also prevented people from attending the funeral.
It was in this atmosphere that a group of undergraduates in three vehicles started off from the campus at about 4 pm on Sunday Dec 18th to Pungudutheevu . Gajendran MP also accompanied the u’grads. They were stopped near the Parameshwara junction by soldiers who refused to let them proceed further. The students refused to turn back and a heated argument ensued. At this point of time stones were thrown at the soldiers from a spot behind an ice cream parlour nearby.
The soldiers then began assaulting the students. they also fired at the Ice cream parlor building. The students also retaliated and soon there was a b=violent melee on. With more undergraduates streaming out from campus precincts the soldiers began calling for reinforcements.Soon a large contingent of soldiers in armoured cars, armoured personnel carriers, jeeps, trucks and motor cycles arrived at the scene. Unarmed students were brutally assaulted with clubs, rods, batons and rifle butts. Firing was done towards the ground and in the air. The students retreated into the campus. at least 25 ugrads were injured. The Ice cream parlour employee was also severely injured.
The soldiers then took full control of the area outside campus. One consequence of increased security deployment in the campus environs was the “unofficial’ sealing off of the one km stretch of the Jaffna – Palaly road between Thirunelvely nd Kantharmadam junctions. No one was travelled to go along the road stretch. As a result students and residents were put to much hardship being unable to go out . People could not return to their homes. A number of civilians were also assaulted.. Soldiers also blocked all access roads to the campus area.
The International students federation office in thee vicinity was also affected.Soldiers entered premises and wrecked the interior. The “Godfather” Gajendran in typical tiger fashion was nowhere to be seen as students bore the brunt of the attack. Army men also fired towards the entrance of the university campus. Movement to and from the campus was severely curtailed. It was almost as if the “university people ” were under “house arrest”.
Academics including vice – chancellor Dr. Mohanthas and many students could not get out from campus. The Vice – Chancellor was on the phone speaking to army authorities explaining the predicament. Finally at about 8 pm the soldiers began moving away from the campus environs and Parameshwara junction to Aalady junction and Post Box junction. The university students and staff moved out from campus at at about 9 pm.
On the following day TNA Parliamentarian Gajendran urged University authorities and student representatives to go out in procession to protest against the previous days assault and to submit a petition to the Monitoring Mission at Nallur. The academic staff was initially reluctant but Gajendran succeeded in “persuading” them to do so with all the “power” of his arguments. Vice – Chancellor Dr, Mohanthas informed the SLMM and army authorities of their intention. He informed them clearly that it was a strictly non – violent exercise.
Over 2500 students and academic staff led by the vice – chancellor started out in procession at 10. 45 am. Gajendran also participated. The procession commenced from the campus precints toeards the Parameshwara or uiniversity junction and then proceeded along Palaly road. When it reached the Central nursing home junction the procession was forced to stop because the road was blocked. A massive army contingent including armoured cars and tanks with field artillery was stationed there. The processionists were asked to turn back.
The Vice – Chancellor and senior academics went up to the officers and informed them of their intentions. They pointed out that it was a non – violent protest and that suppressing it through force could prove counterproductive. The security men would have none of it and insisted they turn back. The university people stood their ground and kept on pleading that the army should allow them to proceed.
A group of soldiers then came forward menacingly and began firing on the ground. Pieces of chipped tar and stones began flying about due to the hail of gunfire. The academics including the Vice – Chancellor began lying on the ground to protect themselves. The soldiers also began firing in the air. The students at this point began chanting slogans against the army. The soldiers however let loose a torrent of assaults.
The academics and others lying prostate on the ground were kicked, ytampled and assaulted. This included the V- C. Bursts of gunfire were now directed against the unarmed processionists too. The helpless students and terrified academic staff began running for safety. Realising that none of the processionists possessed firearms or grenades the soldiers waded in courageously assaulting students and staff without restraint. The procession was dispersed brutally with processionists scattering.
A senior lecturer Prinpanathan and five students received gunshot injuries and were admitted to hospital. Perinpanathan was shot in the thigh.The Arts Faculty Dean Prof. Sivachandran and 19 other students were admitted to hospital for assault injuries. Around 100 others received minor assault injuries and received medical treatment. This included the V- C, some lecturers and Parliamentarian Gajendran. The encounter took about 90 minutes.
The soldiers like a conquering army took control of the Palaly road stretch for hours. Tanks and armoured cars were mounted in strategic points. It was as if the army was expecting an armed invasion or issuing a challenge for a fight. But there were no takers. After several hours of posturing the bulk of soldiers withdrew no doubt very please about their performance. The beleaguered army in Jaffna had scored a magnificient “victory” in Jaffna unleashing violence on unarmed undergraduates and academic staff and crushing a non – violent procession.
The following Tuesday saw the university students declaring a boycott of lectures in protest against the previous day incidents. Nevertheless a large number of u’grads were present in the campus precincts. some students were standing near the main entrance on the road when a jeep with five cops from the Kopay Police station drew up. The policemen tried to chase students away. Infuriated students encircled the jeep and began thumping on the vehicle. Soldiers from nearby Parameshwara junction and Kaladdy junction hurried to the scene firing in the air. The students ran into the campus while the Police jeep sped away.
A larger contingent of troops arrived shortly thereafter and entered the campus in violation of accepted norms. They began firing tear gas cannisters at the groups of students standing by. Firing also commenced. Students began running inwards for safety. Soldiers went on the rampage moving in all directions within the campus and assauled anyone they got hold of. Two groups of soldiers took up positions near the Kailasapathy auditorium and Library premises and fired volleys. After a while they went outside the campus premises and continued firing. They challenged the students to come out and fight.
Finally they went way leaving hundreds of empty cannisters and cartridges behind as souveneirs for the students. A lecturer Manickavasagam Ilampiraiyan and undergraduate Gowrisenthooran were assaulted and taken away by the soldiers to the Parameshwara junction post. Ilampiraiyan is the brother of Vavuniya district Judge M. Ilancheliyan. Some academic staff members went to the army officers and requested the release of the arrested persons. It was refused. Later both were handed over to the Jaffna Police.
The boycott of classes by students continued. With the army entering university premises the minor staff employees got frightened about their safety . Their union had an emergency meeting and decided to stop work till their security was ensured. The academic staff also followed suit. Representations made by the Vice – Chancellor to the President, UNiversity Grants Commission and Army commander met with no proper response.Under the circumstances a decision was taken to shut the university till Jan 2nd in the interests of the syudents and university staff and employees. Efforts would be taken to procure effective guarantees of safety during this interregnum.
Meanwhile undergraduates staged a meeting in a very emotional state. It was resolved there that resistance to the army occupation should continue in the coming days. It was also resolved that a “request” be made to the LTTE to provide arms training to undergraduates. If there is a prompt response by the tigers to this request the consequences could be very bad indeed. The Jaffna university has about 6000 students. In a possible future scenario at least 10% or 600 could get arms training and become a peoplles force or civilian militia. Also at least 60 or 10% of these could become full – fledged tigers.
The soldiers in Jaffna are not equipped or trained to handle the new challenges arisising in the region. Using brute force is not the only way to deal with this problem. But then neither Mahinda Rajapakse nor Sarath Fonseka possess the mature wisdom to recognize this. Fonseka has changed the military hierarchy in Jaffna. Responsible officers have been replaced with” gung ho” type officers. With these men at the helm in the periphery and the centre the future is going to be extremely bleak. The armed forces have played right into the hands of the tigers through the university fiasco.The consequences will prove tragically costly.
January 5th, 2006
Tamils living in the electoral divisions of Colombo West and East were given a terrible shock on the night of Saturday December 17th when a massive security operation was launched against them. Over 600 Police and security force personnel were deployed in an operation codenamed “Operation Strangers Night” in the areas of Wellawatte, Bambalapitiya, Havelock town, Pamankade, Kirillapone and Narahenpita. Once again Tamils in Colombo were brutally reminded that they were all suspicious aliens in the eyes of the state simply because of their ethnicity.
A news report in the “Daily Mirror” of Dec 19th stated as follows -
“More than 100 suspicious people were taken into custody following a massive cordon and search operation code-named “Strangers Night” in Wellawatta, Narahenpita, Kirulapone and Bambalapitiya police areas, police said yesterday.
Colombo DIG Pujitha Jayasundara said the surprise house-to-house operation was carried out jointly by the police, Army, Navy and the Air Force to track down illegal activities and suspected terrorist members in the area.
He said during the operation which started at 11 pm on Saturday and ended at 5 am yesterday, 107 people were taken in on suspicion while five of them had been detained.
“We used Tamil speaking officers to explain the people about the search and also used women police officers to check women, he said adding that the people had cooperated well”.
The complacent, self – serving remarks of Pujitha Jayasundara along with other media reports may help to convey the impression that the Police and security forces had conducted a proper law – enforcement operation and netted many terrorist suspects. Some may even believe that the people (all Tamils) were all happy and appreciative about the operation in this cheerful season of peace and goodwill.
This writer however got a different impression when talking to some people at the receiving end of “strangers Night”.The callous conduct of the law enforcing authorities seemed to have caused much resentment and added further to th sense of alienation felt by many Tamils.
The operation had commenced at 11 pm on the 17th. Hundreds of Police and security personnel descended on the areas coming under “operation Strangers night”. It was a massive cordon and search operation.The targeted “strangers” were all Tamils. The security personnel set up temporary search stations and road blocks at key junctions . All vehicles and pedestrians were stopped. While “non ‘ Tamils” were let off immediately people of Tamil ethnicity were subjected to intensive searches and grilling. Young Tamils were given very harsh treatment.
Apart from vehicles and pedestrians many houses, apartments, boarding houses, shops, businesses were also surrounded and searched. Many people were fast asleep when the guardians of law and order woke them up. Once again non – Tamils residences and places were not bothered as much as Tamils were .
The operation went on till 6.am on Sunday. According to the “official” version 107 “suspects” were taken to Police stations and questioned further. Of these five people were kept for further investigations while the others were released after completion of security procedures. The Colombo Tamil grapevine however has it that some youths had been taken elsewhere by “commandos” and remain unacoounted in the official records.
Most of those taken in as suspects were not “strangers” in Colombo. They had very legitimate reasons to be in Colombo.Many had been living for years here. At least 97 % had their national identity cards and office identity cards.Despite this they were treated as suspicious strangers.Nothing suspicious was seized from them.Many of those detained were returning home from work.
The arrested persons were taken first to the Police stations in their neighbourhoods.They were packed into the Police cells. Though kept for many hours they were not given food or water. They were not allowed to contact friends or relatives or lawyers. The Police also failed to inform family members of the wherabouts of these detenues.
The arrested persons were transported by night from Police cells to the field force headquarters near Police Park. They were taken to an upper floor where officials interrogated them. After information so obtained was recorded they were fingerprinted and photographed like common criminals. Video filming individually was also done.
Once again they were brought back to the Police stations from where they were taken and locked up in cells again. Nothing happened till 10. 30 am on Sunday. It was from that time onwards that lawyers started calling over at the cop shops. Complaints were also made to the IGP Chandra Fernando. The process of release started and by 2.00 pm most people were enjoying their birthright of freedom.
Most people who underwent this experience were bitter.” we were treated like criminals and terrorists simply because we were Tamils” said one. “”They were insensitive and inhumane. Even water was not given” complained another. It was suspected by some that a political vendetta was underway. “We Tamils voted in large numbers for Ranil in Colombo. Now we are being victimised for that” they said.Another opined that” the corrupt elements were getting ready like in the past to make money “.
There is a Tamil proverb “Oru Paanai Sottrukku Oru Soru Padham” which means that a morsel of rice will indicate the quality of the whole pot of cooked rice. Likewise the plight of three Tamil media personnel will help illustrate the overall experience of Tamils on the “strangers night”of Saturday.
Three employees of the Colombo based Tamil daily “Thinakkural” were returning home in the office vehicle on saturday night when they were stopped at 11. 30 pm by the Police and military personnel at Kirillapone. They were P. Parthiban of the editorial dept and C. Gokularaj and K. Sarweswaran of the computer dept. Parthiban is also a lawyer. After preliminary questioning the three Tamil media persons were “arrested” while the non – Tamil driver was allowed to go.
Despite the detailed explanation proferred that they were newspaper employees returning home after work they found themselves being taken to the Police station. The three persons had their national identity cards, media accreditation cards of the information dept and office identity cards but these were of no avail in the face of this massive security juggernaut.The security personnel simply refused to pay any attention to the explanations.
The trio along with 30 other arrested Tamil “nightstrangers: were locked up in the Police cells.When the journalist tried to contact people over his cellular phone the Police prevented it and confiscated the phone. They were not allowed to contact anyone. Police also failed to inform family members of their situation.
Upon hearing of the situation another employee from “Thinakkural” came to the Police station and tried to explain matters. He too was ignored and ordered to vacate the premises at once. when the Officer in Charge returned to office after the long Saturday night operation at 6 am the trio tried to talk to him. He too refused to listen saying he had to sleep and left.
Meanwhile they had been taken at about 1.00 am to Thimbirigasaya for further interrogation and recoding of particulars. The media people like all other arrested Tamils were photographed, videoed and fingerprinted. They were then brought back to the Police station.
Since they were employees of “thinakkural” the institution was able to exert some influence.Parliamentarians Mano Ganesan, Joseph Pararajasingham, Nadaraja Raviraj, ex – Mp Appathurai Vinayagamoorthy and Western Province Peoples front Vice – President Nalliah Kumarakuruparan began moving in on the matter. IGP Chandra Fernando, DIG Pujitha Jayasundara and media minister Anura Priyadarshana Yapa were informed.
Raviraj and Vinayagamoorthy went personally to the station in the morning. The cops on duty said that nothing could be done till the OIC returned. Finally the OIC came at 10. 45 am. Thereafter the “thinakkural” trio was released after documentation signed by Raviraj and Vinayagamoorthy. Media minister Yapa has called for a detailed complaint by the paper to be taken up with the defence authorities.
This is what happened to the Tamil media persons. The Free Media Movement has condemned the incident and called for an investigation. Other protests too have been raised over what happened to the trio. Pro – tiger media is highlighting the incident as another example of the “Sinhala ” states suppression of Tamil media freedom.
Harping on the incident as being directed against the Tamil media is like missing the forest for the trees. Parthiban, Gokularaj and Sarweswaran were all media persons but they were not arrested because of that. They were detained because they were young Tamil males. The harassment they underwent was in their personal capacity as Tamils and not their professional capacity as media persons.
Emphasising the media angle alone would divert focus away from the primary contradiction.What is of importance is to note that despite their media influence these Tamils could not prevent harassment. In spite of Parliamentarians intervening their release could not be obtained. They like all the other Tamil victims of this exercise had to undergo unwarranted humiliation and harassment due to their ethnicity.
The lesson from “Strangers Night” is that once again the state is getting ready for a massive onslaught against the fundamental rights of the Tamils in Colombo. Being detained on suspicion for a specific offence is one thing but to be arrested merely on suspicion for no offence than being Tamils is entirely different. The manner in which these Tamils were locked up, interrogated, photographed and fingerprinted is indicative of what lies in store for the Tamils in Colombo in a future scenario where war erupts and the LTTE gets proscribed.Even more frightening is the talk about youths being taken away to an undisclosed location
Tamils in Colombo have been having a taste in small doses of what awaits them in the aftermath of the Kadirgamar assassination. The security personnel who failed miserably in protecting the foreign minister also failed to secure the area for hours after the killing. Thereafter helicopters with search lights hovered in the skies of Colombo scouring the streets and lanes in Tamil residential areas as if the killers were hiding behind bushes or walls.
This was followed by searches of Tamil houses and detention of Tamil people. The most notable of them being the arrest of Charles Gnanakone. He was crucified in a trial by media. It was this column alone which stated that Gnanakone appeared inncocent and that justice should triumph. After 55 days of incarceration Charles is now a free man cleared by the AG dept and courts. But other arrested persons continue to languish in custody. Meanwhile the vermin who feast on human tragedies are at work. Corruption is prevalent. A northern businessman dealing in motor spare parts was arrested, questioned and released. The release was procured through the payment of 75 lakhs of rupees to a Tamil para – military organization working as “informants” to preserve the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Country. The money so obtained was according to informed sources divided among security authorities and Tamil para – military
One point that has emerged very clearly after the Kadirgamar assassination is that the security authorities are utterly incapable of coping with a tiger threat in an intelligent manner. The stock response seems to be simple harassment of the Tamil people. There is very little intelligence about actual LTTE movement. So Tamils are to be harassed at random. Adding further incentive to this modus operandi is the lure of filthy lucre. The Tamil para – militaries will squeeze money out of arrested persons and share it with the security people.
Another factor troubling many peace loving Tamils in Colombo is the return of Kotakadeniya.Retired Deputy Inspector – general of Police HMGB Kotakadeniya is an honest man. He is however a hawkish guy. It may be recalled that his approach towards “terrorism” was to initiate arrests of Tamils in large numbers. So terrible was the situation that Soumiyamoorthy Thondaman and some TULF leaders pressured Chandrika Kumaratunga to transfer him out.
Kotakadeniya was also denied the IGP post which was rightfully his. He then retired and teamed up with the arch – reactionary, Sinhala – Buddhist chauvinist Jathika Hela Urumaya.Such a man has been made Defence ministry adiviser with special powers by the man of the masses. The “strangers Night” operation has demonstrated what the future is going to be for Tamils in Colombo under the authority of Kotakadeniya.
There is no denying that the LTTE poses a security threat in Colombo and elsewhere. This does not mean that Tamils living in Colombo should be harassed in the name of security. Operation “Strangers Night” has not yielded anything tangible from a security perspective. All it has achieved is the sending of shock waves to the Tamil community.
The Tamil sense of alienation increases and resentment builds up. It is this mindset which may ultimately be conducive to a climate where security is under threat. Operations like “Strangers Night” can only help develop this minset among aggrieved Tamils victims of the state in Colombo.
January 5th, 2006
By D. B. S. Jeyaraj
Joseph Pararajasingham is the latest in a long line of parliamentarians done to death by political violence in Sri Lanka. The 71 year old politician was shot dead within the hallowed precincts of the St. Mary’s Cathedral in Batticaloa at 1.10 am on Christmas Day.
Pararajasingham was attending the Christmas midnight mass conducted by Bishop Kingsley Swampillai, the Catholic prelate for the Trincomalee -Batticaloa Diocese. He was returning to his pew after partaking of Holy Communion at the hands of the Bishop when the assassin seated a few pews behind him walked forward and opened fire. While Joseph was killed his wife Sugunam and seven others were injured in the firing.
The mortal remains of Joseph Pararajasingham were laid to restat the family plot in Batticaloa’s Aalaiyadicholai burial grounds on Thursday, December 29. The body lay in state at the Subharaj theatre owned by the family, for the Batticaloa public to pay their respects. The funeral was held at the family residence on Lady Manning Drive. The body was then taken in procession to the cemetery for the final farewell.
It was indeed heart-wrenching according to those presentto see Sugunam Pararajasingham sobbing unconsolably. The Pararajasing- hamswereto celebrate theirgolden wedding anniversary in 2006. Sugunam still receiving treatment for her injuries had only been told on the day of the funeral that her husband of 49 years was no more. Their daughter and two sons now living abroad along with other relatives were trying to console the grieving widow.
Joseph Pararajasingham was of Jaffna origin, having been born in Manipay on November 26, 1934. Incidentally November 26 is the birthday of Velupillai Pirapaharan and the late Lalith Athulathmudali. The family moved to Batticaloa when Joseph was three years old. Joseph therefore grew up in Batticaloa and lived there as a “Mannin Mainthan of Mattakkalappu” (son of the Batticaloa soil).
He had his education at St. Michael’s College under the benevolent guidance of many American and European missionaries. He was a lanky youth who played soccer and basketball and also was an athlete. A particular favourite of the sports crazy Fr. Weber after whom the Batticaloa stadium is named, Joseph excelled in the high jump event and represented St. Michael’s at the public schools.
Joseph’s wife Sugunam nee David, studying at St. Cecilia’s Convent was also good in sports during her schooldays. According to old friends they were attracted to each other because of this. Sugunam whose family was also of Jaffna origin with roots in Thondamanaru had two first cousins who were also parliamentarians from Batticaloa.
One was Rajan Selvanayagam who was second MP for Batticaloa from 1970 to 1977. He was elected as an independent but crossed over to the SLFP later. The other cousin was Nimalan Soundaranayagam who was elected on the TULF ticketas Batticaloa District MP on October 10, 2000. He was shot dead by the LTTE then commanded in the east by “Col.” Karuna within a few weeks of the poll.
Journalist
Joseph worked as a technical draughtsman at the Batticaloa Kachcheri from the mid ’50s. He retired under Official Languages Act provisions in the late ’60s and became a freelance journalist. Joseph cut his teeth in journalism on the Suthanthiran owned by S.J.V. Chelvanayagam and edited by S.T. Sivanayagam of Batticaloa. Later Sivanayagam fell out with Chelvanayagam andwent on to edit the Dinapathy and Chinthamani published by the Dawasa group of newspapers.
Joseph became the Batticaloa correspondent for both papers. Since he was a government servant then the stories and articles from Batticaloa in Tamil appeared under his wife’s name. The byline was Sugunam Joseph. Since Joseph was proficient in English he also became the Sun and Weekend correspondent. After he retired from government service he wrote under his own name as P. Joseph.
It was as P. Joseph that he was known for most of his life. It was only after he entered full-time politics that he gave emphasis to the Tamil name Pararajasingham in preference to the Biblical Joseph. He is still known to old friends as “Joe.”
Though Joseph was offered a staff reporter post at the editorial department in Colombo he declined it as he wanted to live in Batticaloa, his homeland. It was indeed tragic that he had to leave the comparative safety of Colombo and return to his native soil for Christmas and meet death in the Batticaloa Cathedral.
Manager
Joseph also worked as manager for many years of the Rajeswara theatre in Batticaloa owned by the businessman Eeswaran. In later years Joseph went on to buy the Imperial and rename it Subaraj after his son who died in the ’80s. He also became a successful entrepreneur and owned a tourist inn and shopping complex in Batticaloa.
These too were named Subaraj after the departed son. Their only daughter Subodini and one son Subakanth live in Canada now. The other son Subajith is in Britain. All three are now in Sri Lanka for the funeral.
Joseph was an ardent Tamil nationalist from his student days. He joined the Federal Party led by the “Gandhi of Eelam” S.J.V. Chelvanayagam in 1954. Joseph and Sugunam who got married in 1956 participated in a massive political demonstration on the day of their wedding. It was a protest over Sinhala being made the sole official language.
Disciple of S. J. V.
Due to his government job and journalism Joseph kept a low profile as far as active politics was concerned. He played a prominent behind the scenes role in Federal Party politics in Batticaloa. He was a devout disciple of Chelvanayagam and fervently believed in non – violence as a political creed.
Tamil unity was the need of the hour in the ’70s. The FP became an integral component of the Tamil United Front (TUF) in 1972. This became the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) in 1976. With Chelvanayagam dying on April 26, 1977 the leadership mantle fell on the shoulders of Amirthalingam and Sivasithamparam. One post-Chelvanayagamproblem that arose was the sidelining of Chelliah Rajadurai.
Rajadurai, a blue-eyed boy of Chelvanayagam had been the first MP for Batticaloa since 1956. In 1977 the TULF nominated him as the official party candidate and also nominated the fiery Tamil poet Kasi Anandhan as the FP candidate for Batticaloa. Rajadurai had the sun and Kasi Anandhan the house as their respective symbols. With Kasi Anandhan riding a wave of popular support on account of his long period of incarceration under the Sirima Bandaranaike regime, he was expected to de-throne Rajadurai.
It was obvious that the TULF hierarchy was using Kasi Anandhan to oust Rajadurai from centre stage in Batticaloa. The FP old guard in Batticaloa including Joseph rallied firmly around Rajadurai. They took up the position that they had to support the “official” TULF candidate. Rajadurai won but went over to the UNP in 1979. Staunch Tamil nationalists like Joseph did not follow suit but remained TULF loyalists.
It was in the late ’80s that Joseph came into his own. The TULF, TELO and EPRLF came under the TULF umbrella and contested the 1989 elections. Joseph encouraged Amirthalingam to contest in Batticaloa. Amirthalingam was put up by Joseph and Sugunam at their own house during the polls campaign. Joseph now an independent entrepreneur also contested.
Since Amirthalingam was a “Jaffna man” who had parachuted into Batticaloa, a malicious campaign on regional lines was undertaken against him as an outsider. Joseph however remained steadfastly loyal and backed him firmly. By doing so Joseph proved that his position on Rajadurai in 1977 was a principle-based stand and not due to personal bias for Rajadurai or against Amirthalingam.
Initially both Amirthalingam and Pararajasingham lost in 1989 due to the IPKF inspired manipulation of votes. Amir however entered parliament on the national list. After his assassination Mavai Senathirajah was nominated to the post. Meanwhile Batticaloa MP Sam Thambimuthu and his wife Kala were gunned down by the LTTE opposite the Canadian High Commission in Colombo in 1990.
Joseph’s turn
With Amirthalingam being dead it was now the turn of Joseph – next on the list -to become MP. He did so. But before taking up office he checked with the LTTE. Nagarajah a lawyer cum journalist in Batticaloa clarified matters with the eastern Tiger hierarchy and obtained the green light. It was only after that Joseph took his oaths.
Joseph then was president and Nagarajah secretary, Eastern Province Journalists Association. Nagaraja is now in Australia writing under the pseudonym ‘Eluvankaraiyan.’
The Indian army had left Sri Lankan shores in March 1990. War had broken out between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in June 1990. The situation was tense and fraught with violence and danger. As ordinary Tamils the Pararajasinghams too were not immune in this situation.
The well-known Indian journalist Anita Pratap in her Island Of Blood relates an anecdote pertaining to the Pararajasinghams. She writes of how their son Subajith, an undergraduate abroad had come for a vacation and got trapped in the war situation. Joseph had requested and Sugunam pleaded that the son be escorted safely to Colombo by Anita so that he could return to the USA.
Anita had obliged because as the mother of a son herself she had been immensely moved by the plight of Sugunam. It was with great difficulty and considerable danger to herself that Anita succeeded in providing safe passage to the Pararajasingham scion. It was a few months after this that Joseph became an MP.
It was against such a dangerous backdrop that Joseph Pararajasingham became Batticaloa MP. The east was under severe strain. Violence had been directed against innocent civilians in a number of places. Movement of people was severely restricted. The safety of Pararajasingham and his wife who accompanied him almost everywhere was under threat.
Despite these difficulties and the dangers involved Joseph and Sugunam were bold and dedicated enough to stay in Batticaloa and do what they could for their people. I include Sugunam along with or on par with Joe because they were indeed inseparable in their personal and political life. Joe and Sugunam were like the Tamil political couples like Amir – Mangai or Sam – Kala.
It was due to the dedicated service of the Pararajasinghams in Batticaloa that the TULF once again established itself in the district. They were indeed a beacon of hope to the beleaguered Tamils of Batticaloa then. A distinctresult of their commitment and conduct was the immense gratitude of the people. This was reflected clearly in the elections of 1994 where three TULF members were returned to parliament as MPs from the district. Joseph himself won an unprecedented majority and was hailed as the “Mudisooda Manan” (uncrowned king) of Batticaloa. He also became the TULF parliamentary groupleader.
Continued from last week
I had written last week that Joseph quit government service in the late ’60s. That was incorrect. Joseph gave up government service in the early ’70s. This again was due to an interesting reason. As stated earlier, former Batticaloa MP Rajan Selvanayagam was a first cousin of Sugunam. Her mother was the sister of Rajan’s father S. A. Selvanayagam, a very rich Batticaloa businessman. Rajan contested Batticaloa as an independent in 1970.
Joseph however was a staunch follower of S. J. V. Chelvanayagam and therefore a federalist. The FP candidate was Chelliah Rajadurai. Despite the close relationship with Rajan Joseph backed Rajadurai. In spite of strong familial pressures Sugunam too supported her husband against her cousin. Rajan a very controversial and colourful personality in his own right was very angry at this “filial betrayal.” 1970 saw both Rajadurai and Rajan being elected as first and second MPs of Batticaloa.
Soon Rajan aligned with the government of Mrs. Bandaranaike and became politically powerful. One of his earliest acts of political revenge was to transfer Joseph out from Batticaloa Kachcheri to Nuwara Eliya. Instead of going to Nuwara – Eliya Joseph opted to retire from government service. He then tried his hand at many businesses ranging from mineral water manufacture to wholesale paper sales.
Joseph became the manager of Rajeswara theatre. Thereafter he bought the old Imperial movie theatre and re- christened it after his departed son Subaraj. Incidently Joseph was an avid filmgoer and was interested in talking about films. He also started the Subaraj tourist Lodge and the Subaraj shopping complex.
The early ’90s was a very difficult period for Tamils in Batticaloa and Amparai Districts. The LTTE was restricted mainly to the jungles and some areas of the western hinterland known as Paduvankarai or shore of the setting sun. The Tigers did not have a permanent presence in the littoral to the east of the Batticaloa lagoon known as Eluvankarai or shore of the rising sun. Tigers used to infiltrate this area for certain purposes at times.The littoral was better developed and had the bulk of the population. It was also heterogenous with interspersed Tamil and Muslim villages adjacent to each other.
The state unleashed a scorched earth policy on eastern Tamils in order to subdue them. Apart from the army and police the Special Task Force was deployed almost exclusively in Batticaloa – Amparai. Sections of the air force were also used here. Sinhala and Muslim homeguards were used as auxiliary troops. Some Muslim groups were armed by the state and used against Tamils. Tamil – Muslim enmity was encouraged. Disappearances and civilian massacres were very much on the increase. As a result of these measures helpless eastern Tamils were cushed underfoot beneath the military jackboot.
Became MP
It was during such a bleak and dark period of the eastern Tamils that Joseph Pararajasingham became an MP from the district. The other two Tamil MPs were former Batticaloa Central College Principal, Prince Casinader and ex-TELO military commander Karunakaran alias Jana. The Muslim MPs were Hizbulla of the SLMC and Basheer Segu Dawood.
Basheer is now the chairperson of the Muslim Congress. At that time he was in the EROS backed independent list. Alagu Gunaseelan was elected first on the list but forfeited the seat due to a LTTE inspired boycott of parliament. Basheer next on the list became MP just as Joseph became MP due to Sam Thambimuthu’s death.
Joseph Pararajasingham despite his physical stature was not an aggressive personality. He was a very powerful orator in Tamil on political platforms but soft spoken and mild-mannered in everyday life. While his wife Sugunam is of a fiery temperament at times, Joseph was generally quiet and gentle. He avoided arguments of any type.
Joseph was very much like a gentleman of the old school type who does not like to offend or cause controversy. Becoming Batticaloa MP in the ’90s however thrust him into an entirely new role. Joseph was compelled to take on the powers that be in his role as representative of the Tamil people.
Though the role of a Batticaloa parliamentarian was thrust on Joseph due to the deaths of Amirthalingam and Thambimu- thu the benign Pararajasingham was of the view that it was in his destiny to be so. The stars had already ordained such a role for him he felt. He had always been interested in politics but never had any lofty ambitions of entering parliament. His attitude however changed in the late ’60s while working under former GA Kathirgamanathan.
A “Kandam” reading astrologer from India read the Ola leaves and predicted that Pararajasingham will one day enter parliament. Old friends recall him being excited by it and even telling his boss the GA about it. He was subject to some teasing as “our future MP” by friends for a while due to this. Fate however decreed that he be an MP representing Batticaloa.
The affected Tamil people turned to Joseph, the new MP with their problems and grievances. In the old days the problems were about jobs, transfers, etc. Now it was literally and metaphorically existential issues. Disappearances, arrests, torture. assaults, killings, shelling, bombing, firing, detentions etc. were the problems. Joseph telephoned military STF and police officials; he wrote letters and faxed them to the president, defence secretary, defence service chiefs and ministers; he visited places where state terror had been unleashed and spoke reassuringly to victims and next of kin; he ensured that medical treatment was afforded to injured people.
Cordial relations
Being generally an amiable person with good inter – personal skills Joseph maintained cordial relations with the serving police and defence service officials of the district. Sugunam who functioned as his secretary would get the people on the telephone and Joseph would speak. At times he would go personally to meet them. The late General Lucky Algama was very hostile to Joseph initially. After some interaction they became quite friendly to each other.
This does not mean that Joseph was able to remedy the grievances of the people at all times. That could not be so given the fact that a war was going on. But where Joseph succeeded was in providing solace and limited succour to affected people. He provided a ray of hope for the beleaguered ordinary people of Batticaloa. They felt that there was one man at least to whom they could turn to in their troubles. He and Sugunam listened intently. Sugunam would provide refreshments and at times meals to the poor people who had travelled from far. She had a good rapport with the womenfolk.
C. P. Chandraprema in his interesting series of articles in The Island on the state of the UNP writes of the “Manushakama” provided by Vijaya and Chandrika Kumaratunga to aggrieved people during the dark days of the J.R. Jayewardene regime. They lent a sympathetic ear and a shoulder to cry on for the people. It was this empathy and humanity that endeared them to the people at that time. Joseph and Sugunam too provided this same “Manushathanmai” or “manithabimanam” to the afflicted people of Batticaloa who sought their help. I must emphasise here that these attributes of the Pararajasinghams were not necessitated by politics alone. It was inherent in their nature to be so.
Personal link
Let me digress slightly and refer to my personal links with the couple. I first met Joseph and Sugunam in 1977 in Batticaloa. Though only a cub reporter at the Virakesari I had been transferred to Batticaloa as staff correspondent. As mentioned earlier in these columns the 1977 elections had seen a bitter division within TULF ranks. Rajadurai and Kasi Anandan were contesting each other. The Kasi Anandan lobby accused the Batticaloa correspondent, veteran journalist V. S. Kathirgamathamby of being partial to Rajadurai. They demanded an impartial reporter and so Kathirgamathamby was called to Colombo and I was sent to Batticaloa.
Joseph and Sugunam like Sam and Kala Thambimuthu were supportive of Rajadurai. The Rajadurai camp viewed me suspiciously as being pro – Kasi Anandan. Joseph, Sugunam, Sam and Kala however were exceedingly nice towards me. Joseph in particular was a ‘competitor’ since he worked for Dinapathy then.Yet he was always helpful and hospitable. He would often provide transport to attend election meetings.
It was Joseph who briefed me vividly of the prevailing political situation in the east. Their house then was on Central Road only a few yards away from the Virakesari office. I would often drop in or be asked to drop in for a chat. I called them “Annan” and “Akka” then and continued to do so.
Kept in touch
Later on I returned to Colombo but Joseph remained in touch just like Sam. Both of them were very useful and important news sources from Batticaloa for me while working on The Island and later as Colombo correspondent of The Hindu. I myself put him in touch with a few foreign journalists who were also impressed by his contacts and information. Soon Joseph was very much in demand as a news contact from Batticaloa to many foreign journalists. After coming to Canada I was editing two Tamil weeklies the Senthamarai and Muncharie. Once again Joseph provided a lot of information from Batticaloa.
With two of their children and other close relatives being in Toronto the Parajasinghams often visited Canada. I used to meet them very often here. Initially the TULF was treated as enemies by the LTTE in Canada.The local LTTE media blacked out the TULF and even Kumar Ponnambalam then. The only Canadian Tamil journals giving Joseph and Kumar positive publicity were the ones edited by me. I used to do a radio programme then and interviewed both much against the wishes of those running it.
The situation changed later on. The LTTE was angry for my reporting the facts about Operation Riviresa and conducted a campaign against me. The shop owners selling the paper and advertisers were intimidated. I had to shut my paper. The Tigers however got close to people like Joseph and Kumar. Both were lionised by them in Canada. Despite the close links I had had with Kumar he began avoiding me in order to curry favour with the local Tigers. But Joseph was different.
Pressure by LTTE
In spite of pressure applied by the LTTE in Canada Joseph never cut off links. He would always meet me in Canada as in the past. I continued to visit them at their daughter’s place and Sugunam would always be extra hospitable just as in her own house.
Joseph was also troubled by my estrangement with the LTTE. He would often advise me that an antagonistic relationship was not helpful to either. Joseph even tried to mend fences and gave up his efforts only because I asked him to.
Our relationship became slightly strained after the Anandasangaree episode. I was critical of the TNA for surrendering their independence to the LTTE and attempting to oust Sangaree according to their diktat. Joseph was initially soft on the issue and tried to make Sangaree withdraw on his own. The LTTE however increased pressure on him . Joseph then was compelled to take a very strident role in ousting Sangaree.
I was extremely critical. Joseph explained that he had no choice in the matter as Tamilselvan demanded it. Though we lost contact thereafter Joseph would always inquire after me from mutual friends or acquaintances. I have no doubt that he would have spoken to me amiably if I had called but then I did not. Who knew then that his life was going to be snuffed out so soon?
Not a follower of LTTE
One thing I learnt from his own lips was that Joseph was no blind follower of the LTTE. He was unhappy about many of the acts of omission and commission by the LTTE. I am sure that he would have made his views known gently and unobtrusively to the Tigers. But he was a genuine Tamil nationalist at heart. Joseph was of the firm view that despite the flaws the Tamil people had to back the LTTE unitedly.
“Nammadai aatkaluku ithu vilanguthillai” ( Our people don’t understand this) he would often say. I realised that this was what drove him in his politics and made him take up certain stances. I of course do not subscribe to the view that one has to submit one’s independence and reason to the LTTE in the name of Tamil nationalism. Whether one accepts or rejects this view it was a genuine conviction for Joseph. He was not an opportunist. One must respect those views. He had every right to his political opinion and course of action.
What is tragic however is that none of the principal Tamil militant groups had ever respected this right. The tendency of killing those with different political views is very much prevalent in the LTTE. But other groups were not very different either.
The current tragedy undergone by eastern Tamils is the targeting of civilians by both the mainstream LTTE and its renegade faction led by “Col” Karuna. Both sides kill people on the basis that those who are not with us are against us. Sadly all those being killed are eastern Tamils regardless of their political opinion. Joseph is one more victim in this vicious cycle. In spite of the red herring of “Sennan Padai” or Sennan force the finger of suspicion clearly points to those of the Karuna faction as being responsible.
To be continued next week
The 1990-94 period was a very challenging phase in the life of Joseph Pararajasingham. The difficult period was like baptism of fire for the new parliamentarian. Yet he coped with the challenge creditably. He was aided greatly in his duties by his wife Sugunam.
Apart from attending to the individual problems faced by the ordinary Batticaloa people at the hands of the police, STF and security forces, Pararajasingham through Neelan Tiruchelvam played a quiet role in keeping various human rights organisations and diplomatic missions informed of the security and human rights situation in Batticaloa. This helped increase pressure on the Ranasinghe Premadasa regime.
This led to the Soza Commission of Inquiry being appointed to go into various eastern massacres like the ones at Sathurikondan and Vantharumoolai. Joseph played a key role in arranging people to testify. It was the Soza Commission which revealed for the first time the real identity of the notorious master butcher of those atrocities “Capt. Munas.” This military intelligence official who posed off as a Muslim was greatly responsible for aggravating enmity between Tamils and Muslims in Batticaloa. Though Tamils hated this man who they thought was a Muslim, it became known that he was really a Sinhala man named Richard Dias.
There were also the massacres at Maiyalanthanai and Kokkadicholai in 1992. Again Premadasa appointed commissions. Later legal action was initiated. Joseph again played an important role in helping prepare testimonies and witnesses. It was Joseph who persuaded a reluctant Kumar Ponnambalam to come to the east and look after the interests of affected families in these proceedings.
Later during the Kumaratunga regime there were some incidents too where Joseph was once again a voice of the people. One prominent instance was the case of Koneswari Murugupillai. This woman living at the Central Camp colony was gang raped by some cops who later killed her in a horrible manner, by exploding a grenade in her vagina. With Joseph highlighting this incident enraged policemen took the unprecedented step of issuing summons to the Parliamentarian.
Remarkable victory
It was the cumulative result of the selfless work done by Joseph and Sugunam in the early ’90s that led to Pararajasingham’s remarkable victory in 1994. The TULF given up as ‘defunct’ raised itself up again with five MPs. Batticaloa District had three, namely Pararajasingham, Selvarajah and Thurairajasingham. Joseph himself won handsomely with a tremendous tally of preferential votes.
Realising that he was now the mainspring of the TULF in terms of popular support, Pararajasingham demanded and obtained the TULF parliamentary group leader position. It should have been rightfully Trincomalee district MP Arunasalam Thangathurai’s as he was more senior. Later Joseph rose in TULF ranks to be senior vice -president, making him next in line for leadership.
After 1994 Joseph began getting closer and closer to the LTTE. The very same man who got a journalist colleague to check with the LTTE before taking up an MP position in 1990 was now personally close to the eastern Tiger hierarchy. Apparently his relationship with Karuna was always lukewarm but Joseph and Karikalan, the political commissar got on very well. The LTTE began cultivating him.
Soon Joseph was travelling widely abroad meeting with foreign politicians and officials and human rights activists. He briefed them vividly of the Tamil plight in Sri Lanka with special emphasis on the eastern situation. He participated in many conferences too including the controversial meet organised by former Indian Defence Minister George Fernandes in New Delhi.
With relations improving between Joseph and the LTTE the overseas branches of the Tigers also began warming up to him. Like Kumar Ponnambalam the benign Batticaloa MP too was a regular speaker at LTTE and pro-LTTE meetings abroad. Also the various LTTE media organs were in regular contact with him to get his views on a number of matters regarding the north-east.
Worried man
It is interesting to note that while Joseph was edging closer to the LTTE many of his TULF colleagues like Thangathurai, Sarojini Yogeswaran, Pon. Sivapalan, Pon. Mathimugarajah, Neelan Tiruchelvam etc. were being bumped off mercilessly by the Tigers. Though he kept up a cheerful exterior there was no doubt that he was worried. I remember once Sugunam Akka lamenting to me in his absence Endraikku irundhaalum ivarukku ivangalaal thaan saavu. Naan vayittril neruppai kattikonduthan irukkiren (one day or the other his death will be through them. I go about with fear in my guts). She calmed up when Joseph appeared.
I also recall an incident when the LTTE whisked Joseph and Sugunam away at Vantharumoolai for an impromptu meeting with Karikalan at Thihilaveddai. This led to a lot of wild rumours in Batticaloa. Thereafter they went to Kallar and returned late. Hearing that Joseph had been taken by the LTTE I phoned Batticaloa to find he was safe and sound. He had a request. “please inform my children that nothing happened to me. They may hear of this rumour and get worried.” I obliged him of course. This incident helps illustrate the insecurity of his position vis a vis the LTTE then.
This increased identification with the LTTE may have helped reduce his fears and insecurity in relation with the Tigers. It may also have increased his popularity with pro-Tiger expatriates and media. But it had its flip side too. His persistent refusal to say anything negative about the LTTE publicly and his glossing over the human rights violations of the Tigers reduced his credibility as an independent politician and human rights champion.
In the mid ’90s for example the Canadian Refugee Lawyers Association invited him for a public lecture on the Sri Lankan human rights situation. He made a good presentation with a serious flaw. The violations of the LTTE were not mentioned by him. The question time demonstrated that many Canadian lawyers were unhappy about this glaring omission. Though he visited Canada often after that meeting Joseph was never asked to lecture by that association again.
Close to LTTE
Yet there is another incident I am aware of which throws light on another of the man’s facets. A youth from Batticaloa had made a refugee claim here. One of the main reasons for his fleeing Sri Lanka was persecution at the hands of the LTTE. His lawyer in Canada upon hearing that the Batticaloa MP was in Toronto thought of seeking a letter supporting the claim from Joseph. The client knowing about Joseph’s ‘closeness’ to the LTTE was doubtful whether Pararajasingham would oblige. When Joseph was approached he promptly gave an endorsement letter with a remark ‘keep it confidential please.’ The lawyer and client were pleasantly surprised.
This increasing identification with the LTTE reached its zenith when the TULF as part of the TNA became the virtual political front of the Tigers. This helped them win seats in parliament but eroded their credibility in the eyes of the international community. They were seen as terrorist accomplices by some foreign governments.
One such example was Canada. There was a time when Pararajasingham met with the foreign ministers of Canada in Ottawa on a one-to-one basis. Yet the same man was denied a visa to Canada like many other TNA parliamentarians last year due to their perceived LTTE connections.
Whatever Joseph’s support level among Tamil expatriates his support base in Batticaloa began diminishing too. If the 1994 result was the high watermark in Joseph’s political life subsequent elections saw his popularity declining. In 2000 October, the TULF got only two seats in Batticaloa. It was not Joseph but Nimalan Soundaranayagam, his wife’s cousin who got more preferential votes. Joseph came second with a narrow lead over Selvarajah.
In 2001 December, the TULF contested as part of the TNA. Three Tamils were elected. The first was Thangavadivel the TELO candidate. The second was Krishnapillai of Tamil Congress. Joseph came a poor third. Interestingly, Joseph had ‘lost’ to Selvarajah at first count. A disappointed Joseph left the Kachcheri with his supporters. It was the recount which saw him elected with a razor thin majority.
In 2004 the elections were held a month after the Karuna rebellion. The TNA swept the polls in Batticaloa in what was a rigged election. This was so in the north too. Joseph however had an unpleasant surprise. He had lost. In fact he had only a few hundred more votes than the murdered Rajan Sathiyamoorthy. Comparative novices like Kanagasabai, Thangeswari and Jeyanandamoorthy had been elected.
Against Karuna
Among the prominent politicians of Batticaloa it was Joseph alone who spoke out against Karuna after the split. He condemned the regionalism preached by Karuna and supported Praba in the name of undivided Tamil nationalism. It was a very bold stance but Joseph was only being true to himself as he had always stood for those policies as a disciple of S.J.V. Chelvanayagam. Joseph was close to Karikalan and not Karuna. The former had gone over to Kilinochchi after the split. This too may have influenced Joseph’s position but his genuine Tamil nationalism cannot be disputed.
What is sad however is the silence he maintained over the atrocities committed by the mainstream LTTE to his TNA colleagues after the Karuna split. Rajan Sathiyamoorthy was killed and even his buried body was dug out and half-burnt by the Tigers. Kingsley Rajanayagam who won the election was terrorised into forfeiting his parliamentary seat. Kingsley was later killed by the LTTE. Joseph’s silence in these matters could be understood but not condoned.
Though Joseph lost the parliamentary hustings after 14 years of being Batticaloa MP, he re-entered parliament as a national list MP. Why did the man described once as the ‘uncrowned king of Batticaloa’ lose miserably? Karuna’s men rigging the poll is one answer but there is no denying that his voter base had been steadily decreasing over the past years. Two reasons could be adduced.
One was his total subservience to the LTTE. The TULF was preferred by the people as ‘moderate independents’ and not to become slaves to the LTTE. Joseph in the east and Senathirajah in the north were seen as the two who began selling out the party to the Tigers. The second was due to his image being tarnished through charges of corruption and nepotism. Some of these charges were levelled against him even after his death by his detractors.
All these however do not take way the fact that the man did not deserve to be murdered in this fashion. It does seem obvious that Joseph could not have been murdered without the connivance of sections of the security forces and their minions. Joseph was a marked man by Karuna after the split. Like Sivaram he opposed the regional tide and stood by Pirapaharan. Realising he was a target Joseph avoided coming to Batticaloa unnecessarily.
Yet he did come to Batticaloa weeks before Christmas and stayed there. He had not reached there on Christmas eve. Family members also say that there was no telephone call as alleged in some quarters and that the family always attended midnight mass for Christmas. They had gone to church at about 10. 30 p.m. though the service was to begin at 11. 30 p.m.. Finding the church virtually deserted they had turned back but returned in a few minutes after the arrival of Sugunam’s brother, Robin’s family.
Christmas day
The assassins had first arrived at the St. Anthony’s Church in close proximity to the St. Mary’s Cathedral. They had discarded their military fatigues inside the vestry and moved out quietly in civilian dress. They were tall and darkish. According to church-goers they were not seen before. Moving into the cathedral compound through a side gate they had entered through one of the side entrances to the cathedral at the front. This was when the Pararajasinghams with some others were kneeling at the altar for bread and wine. The choir had full view of the assassins but did not suspect anything.
Even as Joseph got up the assassins moved closer to the altar and the Bishop. Sugunam got up a few seconds later. Joseph who had started returning to his pew paused and turned halfway to allow Sugunam to precede him. It was at this point that the assassins started firing. The congregation, choir and clergy including Bishop Swampillai dived to the floor in panic. Joseph fell down. It is believed he was killed instantly.
Sugunam and seven others were injured in the firing. The assassins then walked down the aisle firing away in the air. According to some reports they got into a waiting three- wheeler which headed out to the security camp located at an old toothpowder factory premises. The Patpodi camp as it is known is the operational safe house of the Karuna faction in Batticaloa town.
Pararajasingham had five police bodyguards with him at the time of the incident. They were standing outside the church with one of them popping in every five minutes to check whether the MP was safe. None of the bodyguards fired back at the assassins. Their explanation was that it may have hit the people. But then they did not fire even after the assassins went outside the church. Furthermore there were no attempts by the guards after the firing to take Pararajasingham to the hospital. Finally Joseph was taken by a nephew in his car and Sugunam by a niece in her car to the hospital. Fellow parishioners helped carry them to the vehicles.
Apart from the official bodyguards the surrounding area usually teems with security personnel. Additional men were deployed for Christmas. When people came to church the area was bristling with men. But when they returned none was seen. In fact security people reappeared only after an hour or two. The intriguing conduct of the bodyguards as well as the mysterious disappearance of the security personnel along with the safe and easy passage by the assassins indicate clearly that the killing was an officially sanctioned unofficial execution.
End of an era
Subsequent events confirmed this further. Leaflets claiming credit in the name of a hitherto unknown ‘Sennan Force’ were widely distributed in Batticaloa. A stack of leaflets were thrown at the front door of the Pararajasingham’s residence too. It became well known that the security forces were distributing the leaflets. A second wave of leaflets were distributed a few days later. An ominous warning in the leaflet was the threatening demand that all eastern TNA parliamentarians should resign or face the consequences. In another significant pointer many of the anti-Tiger media abroad commenced a vilification campaign against Joseph. This was in typical Tiger style but only the roles were reversed.
Thus ended the life of Joseph Pararajasingham. Given the circumstances of his assassination it is the state which stands in the dock. The Karuna faction was only an instrument of death. The brutal manner of Joseph being killed in the church after partaking of communion within full view of the congregation in the presence of the Bishop suggests the depths of depravity.
Whatever his politics, Joseph Pararajasingham did not deserve to die or be killed in this manner. His death will be a great loss to the people of Batticaloa. It fills me personally with great sadness. My condolences to Sugunam Akka and the children and other relatives of Joseph Annan.
May his soul rest in peace!
January 1st, 2006