Archive for March, 2006
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
The largest concentration of Sri Lankan Tamils outside Sri Lanka is in Canada. More than 250,000 Tamils live in Canada now. Of these more than 200,000 Tamils are in the Greater Toronto area. Toronto is the largest “Sri Lankan Tamil” City in the Global Tamil Diaspora. The Tamil population here is larger than those in North - Eastern cities and towns like Jaffna, Batticaloa, Vavuniya, Trincomalee etc.
It was predictable therefore that
the Human Rights Watch report released on March 15th caused great waves within the Tamil community of Greater Toronto.The 45-page report authored by HRW Advocacy director of Chldren’s rights Jo Becker dealt with fund raising for the LTTE and was titled , “Funding the “Final War:” LTTE Intimidation and Extortion in the Tamil Diaspora”.The report focussed on London in Britain and Toronto in Canada. The Tamil Diaspora in these two Countries amount to nearly half of the total number of Tamils living in the West.
The reaction among Canadian Tamils was manifold. Though the LTTE and its minions try to project an impression that the community is 100% behind the LTTE the truth is different. About 15to 20% are hard core tiger supporters while another 10 to 15% are firmly opposed to the LTTE. The rest are of many mindsets. Most feel strongly as Tamils but differ in their degrees of support or opposition to the LTTE. Many do not support the tigers on every issue but generally support the Tamil cause and feel that they are necessary to combat the Sinhala state. Others disapporove of tiger actions but are equally or more opposed to Sinhala racist ideology. Some have “Canadianised” strongly and are just not bothered about anything concerning the “ole” country.
So when the HRW report was released the various strands in the community reacted differently. This response was of two kinds. One was openly articulated and public while the other larger response was among the people themselves and kept private. This column has repeatedly referred to a vociferous pro - tiger minority hogging the megaphone and posing off as the sole voice of the Tamils within the Canadian Tamil Diaspora. This phenomenon was once again present.
An organization calling itself the Canadian Tamil Congress issued a stinging press release. Earlier there was an outfit claiming to represent Canadian Tamils that called itself the FACT. (Federation of Associations of Canadian Tamils). This outfit was clearly identified by the USA and Canadian authorities as a tiger front. Thereafter the FACT went out of circulation and in its place there arose the CTC. In keeping with typical LTTE style the CTC accused the HRW and Jo Becker of bias and pooh poohed the report.
The CTC also held a press conference that was attended largely by Tamil “community representatives”. In fact the 70 to 80 Tamil “community leaders” vastly outnumbered the genuine media representatives present. Significantly enough the much maligned HRW sent a representative as an “observer” to the press conference but was refused admission. The press conference was used by many speakers to attack the HRW and Ms. Becker personally evoking cheers and applause from the “packed” audience.
What was astounding about the tiger and pro - tiger response to the HRW report was the brazen attempt to deny the whole thing. Every member of the Tamil Diaspora knows that fund raising goes on. Many Tamils do give money willingly to the LTTE. Some are “pressured” to give more. Others are coerced into giving. While some Tamils have never been asked for money almost everyone knows of at least a few instances of money being collected and the intimidation involved.
A rational response by the tiger and pro - tiger elements could have been to “admit” to a little bit of fund raising going on but deny that it was widespread. They could also have said that the money was raised for humanitarian purposes and not to fund the LTTE war chest. On the question of intimidation they could have denied it and said action would be taken against anyone found guilty if evidence was presented.
Given the fact that fund raising along with some force and intimidation in some instances does exist within the community attempting to deny the obvious was like the Tamil saying about trying to conceal a whole pumpkin in a plantain leaf of rice. Yet this exactly was what the pro - tiger sections tried to do.Instead of being on the defensive and engaging in intelligent damage control the tiger minions went on the offensive and took on the HRW and Ms. Jo Becker crudely and rudely.
This flagrant attempt to deny the obvious , discredit the HRW and distort reality did not go down well with many members of the Tamil “Silent Majority”. What was mostly resented was the pro - tiger elements trying to interprete the HRW report as affecting the entire community. It was not. The HRW report affected only those supporters and workers of the LTTE engaged in fund raising. It did not affect the community at large in any way. In fact the report brought to light the pathetic predicament faced by Tamil Canadians at the hands of some of their “imagined” kinsfolk. Many Tamils found their non - Tamil colleagues being sympathetic and considerate towards their plight after details of the HRW report became known.
It was apparent that the LTTE and its minions were in a state of “disconnect” with the bulk of Tamil Canadians. Most Tamils were a little upset but not unduly troubled by the HRW report . The uppermost thought in their minds was that this publicity could make the tiger cohorts go “slow” or go “soft” in their fund raising.
[Prime Minsiter Paul Martin visiting Markham’s Cedarwood Public School, in the aftermath of 2004 tsunami, where about two-thirds of the student body is Sri Lankan - CP]
While most Tamils do feel strongly about the Tamil plight and recognize the need for fund raising they resent the heavy handed, rough methods of the fund raisers. Many are sympathetic towards the “boys and girls” bearing arms for the Tamils but hate these parasitical fund raisers.
Adding fuel to this resentment is the fact that many Canadian Tamils are suspicious about the bona fides of some of these LTTE fund raisers. They are also uncertain as to how much exactly is actually going to the LTTE in Sri Lanka. It is an open secret that many Tamil businesses are funded by the local LTTE. Tiger acolytes also engage in direct wholesale business using money collected from the people. In order to corner the market and drive out competition a large amount of money is used to undercut others. This “subsidy” is from the people’s donations.
Several tiger fund raisers have been given houses, cars and even paid salaries out of money collected here. There is also much corruption and several operatives without any overt source of income are living iit off grandly. Some top tiger operatives have often been “fired” on charges of graft by the movement.Also some senior fund raisers are given 10 to 20% commission of money collected as an incentive. There is no accountability.
So the ordinary people remained unruffled even as the tiger operatives careered around like headless chickens. Though the LTTE was trying to make out that a great calamity had befallen Canadian Tamils most members of the community were privately happy that those professing to represent the LTTE in Toronto had been given a jolt. There was also hope that the tigers would be careful at least in the future not to harass or intimidate Tamils. Many people were prepared to donate to the cause but resented the intimidation and corruption.
One of the most comical responses came from LTTE political Commissar Suppiah Paramu Thamilselvan who denied fund raising abroad. Funny if the LTTE does not get money from the Diaspora where then does it get its money? Furthermore Thamilselvan charged the HRW of not approaching them to get the LTTE side of the story. LTTE political affairs committee member and self - styled Toronto Tamil spkesperson Nehru Gunaratnam also lamented to the media that community leaders had not been interviewed and only alleged victims had been interviewed.Does the LTTE expect the HRW to interview them about the victims and not the victims themselves?
[Ms.Jo Becker, at a Toronto presentation of report titled “Living In Fear: Child Soldiers and the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka”, in December 2004 - Pic by Tamil Canadian]
In any case Thamilselvan was not correct in saying the HRW had not contacted the LTTE. According to HRW circles the researcher /writer Ms. Jo Becker had sent more than one e - mail to Prabakharan alias Pulidevan the head of the LTTE peace sscretariat requesting a LTTE reponse to some questions . These were ignored. She had also contacted Santhan the head of the British Tamil association in London.The BTA is the British Pro - tiger organization. He had declined to be interviewed. He also refused to arrange for a meeting with LTTE ideologue Mr. Anton Balasingham.
In Canada Mr. Sittampalam president of the World Tamil Movement was interviewed. The WTM like the FACT is an accredited front organization of the LTTE. Mr. Sittampalam denied that the LTTE was active in Canada or that money was being raised on its behalf. Mr. Sittampalams response was duly recorded in the HRW report with a commentary note that testimonies from the Tamil community dispute this assertion.
Thus it could be seen that the HRW did make an effort to get the LTTE version of events too. Mr. Thamilselvan is not telling the truth when he says the tigers were not contacted by the HRW. The LTTE by ignoring the HRW has by default lost a good opportunity to present their side of the picture.Likewise Mr. Nehru Gunaratnam is also wrong in saying that the so called community leaders were not interviewed because the WTM president was interviewed. Perhaps Mr. Gunaratnam does not regard Mr. Sittampalam as a Tamil community leader.
One of the biggest challenges posed by the HRW to the LTTE was the ready availability of its report in Tamil. In 2004 December when the report on Child Soldiers in the LTTE was released the HRW made it available in Tamil. This was the case now also. The full report was available on the net and also hard copy. Though the LTTE media took great pains to criticise and condemn the report without publicising its contents to the Tamil people many went direct to the web and downloaded it. Copies were made and distributed.Other community activists also distributed copies to those who needed it.
Thus most people in the Tamil Canadian community who wanted to read the report had obtained a copy by the end of the week. With the LTTE media thundering against the report many people were eager to read it themselves. The HRW report was perhaps the most widely read “document” among Canadian Tamils in recent times that was critical of the LTTE. Many recognized in the report’s anecdotal evidence , similiar experiences they personally underwent themselves at the hands of fund collectors . Soon people were talking excitedly about the hated tiger fund raisers being exposed. Some said” if they (HRW) had contacted me I would have told them more”.
Once again the “disconnect” between the LTTE activists and ordinary Tamil people became blatantly visible. While the people were appreciating and endorsing contents of the report among themselves the tiger minions were ranting and railing against the HRW and denying that fund raising was going on. The fact that the “silent majority” confirming the HRW report could not come forward openly speaks volumes about the “terror ” inflicted upon the community. The HRW report itself explains this clearly. Yet the LTTE too was unable to get any prominent “Non - Tiger” Tamils to speak out against the HRW. Many engaging in the orchestrated anti - HRW campaign are recognized tiger sympathisers and supporters.
With some critics raising questions about the HRW methodology and credentials of Ms. Jo Becker the HRW came out with a press release clarifying those matters. It also highlighted some provisions already mentioned in the report but conveniently ignored by the tiger elements. This statement was depicted as a HRW admission of guilt. The HRW was “backtracking” the LTTE gloated. This was simply not true and served to illustrate the depths to which the tiger acolytes can sink in maligning their perceived opponents. The HRW continues to stand by its report and has not backtracked at all.
The HRW also opened up space on its website for comments and suggestions about the report. Instead of utilising an opportunity to express legitimate , constructive criticism about the report an orchestrated campaign was once again underfoot to malign and slander the HRW and Ms. Becker. But very soon the non - tigers and anti - tigers jumped in to the fray.
It was thereafter a verbal free for all. The report and its contents were forgotten. Totally irrelevant issues were raised. Foul language was used. Charges and counter charges prevailed. It was another missed opportunity for tiger supporters to convey their views effectively. One thing however was clear. The tigers and their supporters have lost the monopoly they once had over cyberspace.The HRW comments section also illustrated the fact that the community had lost its ability to conduct an intelligent, coherent, civil discussion on crucial issues.
The LTTE also launched a massive letter writing cum e - mail signature campaign against the HRW. “model” letters were drafted and copied to be sent to HRW. Though LTTE organs have boasted about 20,000 plus letters being sent the actual number barely exceeded three digits at first. Later the LTTE was forced to take special steps to send letters in bulk. One reason for people being reluctant to petition the HRW was because they knew that the otganization was telling the truth. Also people did not believe the tiger allegation that the HRW had mala fide motives in compiling the report.
While the LTTE smirked in myopic satisfaction about the HRW backtracking it would be pertinent to see what impact the report has had on Canadian mainstream media. Given the prestige enjoyed by the HRW in North America the report was given much publicity. Apart from the wire services reports the CBC radio and main newspapers also gave much coverage. The CBC devoted time to the report in its “Metro Morning” “Current” and “Ontario Today” programs. Ms. Jo Becker and CTC spokesperson David Poopalapillai were interviewed. So too were some Tamil residents including this columnist.
Newspapers like the “Globe and Mail” “Toronto Star” and “National Post” also gave coverage. Editorials were written urging the authorities to ban the LTTE in Canada. The “rightist” National Post urging a ban was nothing new as it has done so in the past. But the bitter lesson for the LTTE was the role of “Toronto Star” Canadas largest circulated newspaper. The Star is a liberal pro - immigrant, pro - minority journal. Yet that paper urged a ban. It also focussed on this fund raising even before the HRW report and had a centre spread article. While giving space to the pro - LTTE rebuttals the “Star” also gave prominence to a little known non - tiger group that welcomed the report.
In its editorial of March 16th the “Star” had a sly dig at those in the community saying that there was no tiger activity in Canada. If that was the case then banning the tigers need not make anyone object the “star” suggested tongue in cheek. If the LTTE acolytes in Canada had any sense they should take serious note of the “Star” leader. The fact that such a reputed liberal newspaper could urge a ban demonstrates how low LTTE stock is with the Canadian mainstream. The writing may be on the wall for the LTTE in Canada if the “Star” response is an indicator.
The security certificate issued against former WTM administrator Suresh Manickavasagam in 1995 cited him as a LTTE fund raiser. That order issued under sec 40 of the Immigration Act was signed by the then Immigration Minister Sergio Marchi and Solicitor - General Herb Gray. It was subsequently upheld by Federal Court Judge Max Teitelbaum. This was a clear instance where the Canadian executive and Judiciary regarded the LTTE as “terrorist” and fund raising as an offence.
After the Sep 11th 2001 twin tower bombings the UN suppression of terrorism act was passed in Canada too. Under this act financing of terrorism was expressly forbidden. The LTTE was listed under this law and funding the tigers was made illegal. Canada also passed a rigid anti - terrorist law called the Anti - Terrorism Act or C - 36.
More than 30 foreign organizations were banned under that law but not the LTTE. Though security agencies had recommended a ban it was put on hold. It was reported then that the former Foreign Affairs Minister Bill Graham had persuaded his cabinet colleagues not to ban the LTTE as the organization was engaged in a peace process and that a ban may affect it.
This was under a Liberal party Government. Now the Conservatives are in power. Two present Cabinet ministers have while in the opposition called for a ban on the LTTE . They are Peter MacKay the Foreign Affairs Minister and Public Safety Minister Stockwell Day.
Interestingly enough these are the two ministers who would have a key role to play in determining which organizations are to be banned under the terrorism act. Mr. Day was foreign affairs critic when in the opposition and consistently called for a LTTE ban.Mr. MacKay called for a ban during the Parliamentary polls campaign but “muted” his views because of pressure from Toronto region candidates.
[L-R] Liberal Candidates Roy Cullen, John Cannis and Jim Karigiannis at a CTC organized debate in Jan 2006 - Photo TamilNet]
Since there is a substantial Tamil voting bloc in about ten to twelve ridings or electorates Conservative candidates including one of Sri Lankan origin did not want to upset the LTTE. This was under the mistaken impression that the LTTE controls Tamil voters in Canada. Once again the vociferous minority hogging the Tamil megaphone had created that illusion. In actual terms this was not true. Except for some hard core tiger supporters most Tamil voters decided independently. These decisions were based on a number of issues affecting them as “Canadians” and not on a single “Tamil” based issue.
The LTTE elements who had been backing the Liberals in the past few elections switched sides this time and expressed support for the Conservatives. This was due to two reasons. One was the realisation that the Liberals were on the decline and that the Conservatives were the favourites. So they jumped aboard the bandwagon.
[Vincent Veerasuntharam, Conservative Party candidate in Scarborough Southwest in Federal Election 2006, paying tribute to Tsunami Victims at a Vigil held in Scarborough Town Centre on Dec 26, 2005]
The second was to influence the Conservatives and prevent harsh action against the LTTE. The electoral verdict however showed that the Greater Toronto region remained Liberal or New Democratic . The Conservatives did not fare well here because of the new immigrant, visible minority vote.
It remains to be seen therefore what the Conservative Government will do. Some weeks ago Mr. Day was asked about this at a press conference and he replied that the matter was being looked into. This was before the HRW report. The situation is different now.
What the report has done is to inform mainstream Canada about the activities of the LTTE and about how a segment of Canada’s population is being victimised by a group claiming to represent them. The issue is about a section of Canada’s population being under “attack” in Canada. This is an assault on the freedom , rights and core values of Canada.
In a sense the issue has moved beyonde the realm of foreign policy. What is at stake here is the violation of the law and basic tenets of human rights. This is now a Canadian issue. The hardhitting Editorial by a liberal newspaper like “The Toronto Star” is an index of how progressive mainstream opinion views the problem. If the LTTE wants to stave off a future ban it needs to undertake a massive damage control exercise.
Unfortunately those who claim to support the LTTE have shown themselves incapable of gauging or meeting the challenge. They have only been able to engage in predictable antics. Accusing the HRW of ulterior motives and colluding with Colombo, denigrating the integrity and efficiency of Jo Becker, Denying that fund raising takes place, attacking people suspected of providing information as anti - tiger or mercenaries, derisively mocking their perceived critics etc. is what they are doing now.These cheap puerile tactics may win them applause among tiger supporters but will not help their cause in any way.
The LTTE has also commenced its usual intimidatory tactics. Many people suspected of helping the HRW are being attacked in their media. Threatening telephone calls are also being made. This columnist too is at the receiving end. Though I was not involved with the HRW report and references to me in the report were taken by the HRW from an open letter I wrote in 1996 the tiger media has started vilifying me. The usual anonymous calls are also on. If this “intimidation” was intended to make me back off it has been counterproductive.
What these elements failed to comprehend was that I had no connection to the report and I had planned initially to remain aloof from commenting about it. I revised my decision and started writing extensively for three reasons. One was the vilification campaign and threats like the challenge issued by the LTTE website “Nitharsanam” that it would slander and defame me if I wrote anything.
Secondly was my disgust at the conduct of some Canadian Tamils denying the fund raising itself and defending the indefensible. Thirdly I was angered by the attacks launched on Ms. Jo Becker and the HRW for having written a truthful report and felt they should be supported publicly. As long as the LTTE launches vituperative attacks I would continue espousing this HRW report.
The LTTE is yet to learn that “Bullying” does not always pay. In December 2004 the HRW released a report on Child Soldiers. A meeting was held at the Scarborough Civic Centre. A gang of pro - tiger hooligans invaded the place and constantly heckled Jo Becker. Even former Ontario premier Bob Rae was prevented from addressing the meeting for a long time. An enraged Rae exclaimed that in his 25 years of public life he had never undergone such an experience.
[Bob Rae Chair and President of Forum of Federations, met S.P. Thamilselvan in Kilinochchi in August 2004]”
But did the LTTE supporters gain anything by this show of force? Instead of being cowed into silence the very same Jo Becker has come out with another HRW report. Still the LTTE supporters continue with their intimidatory tactics. This has resulted in many people coming forward with their experiences and the truth. For the first time perhaps four Tamil persons in Toronto were bold enough to sign an open letter with their real names criticising the LTTE and endorsing the report. More than one person was emboldened to speak out feely to the media.
Realistically however one cannot see the fund raising end unless and until a satisfactory political settlement is reached in Sri Lanka. Those committed tiger supporters as well as Tamils yearning for an end to the oppression of the Sinhala state would keep on giving money for the Tamil cause. This is understandable.
The problem however is in adopting coercive tactics to make people give more or to make those unwilling give.If tiger agents desist from intimidating the unwilling and harassing the incapable and rely only on their diehard supporters for money then there would not be any major problem.
The Tamils who took up refuge in Canada should not be victimised by an organization claiming to represent them.They are now Canadian citizens and bound by the laws of their adopted Country. The Canadian state should extend every protection to its citizens and this includes the Tamil Canadians too.
March 25th, 2006
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
More than fifteen years have passed since Rajani Thiranagama nee Rajini Rajasingham was brutally gunned down at Thirunelvely, Jaffna on September 21st 1989 as she was cycling back home from the Jaffna University. She was Professor of Anatomy at the Jaffna Varsity medical faculty. The 35 year old mother of two daughters was also a human rights activist, feminist, critic of narrow nationalism and opponent of irresponsible militarism. No one has officially claimed responsibility for her killing and several attempts have been made by those close to the perpetrators to deflect blame elsewhere. Despite these moves the people at large know who the killers were though not many dared to say it
publicly.
A decade and a half however fails to erase the indelible memories of Rajani among those who knew her. Her brutal murder has not been forgotten. Whenever the human rights violations of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam are referred to in detail her name always crops up. Whenever the tragic plight of women caught up in Sri Lankas long drawn out “Machismo” war is highlighted her murder is usually focussed upon. Whenever the story of the Tamil liberation struggle going terribly wrong is discussed the murder of Rajani Thiranagama is always an issue cited.
She was truly a heroine of our times and an unforegettable symbol of its enveloping tragedy. As former UN special rapporteur on violence against women and current chairperson of the National Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka Dr. Radhika Coomaraswamy observes: ” Rajani had a vision for her people, the Sri Lankan Tamils. She envisioned a time when they would live in peace and dignity enjoying democratic rights and freedoms. Standing against oppression and brutality in all its forms, she is a beacon of light for a community living in fear
and struggling for self - respect. She will never be forgotten; an icon for everyone in Sri Lanka fighting for freedom “.
One agency that has remembered Rajani is the National Film Board of Canada. The land of the Maple leaf has made a name for itself in the realm of documentary films. “No More Tears Sister” - the anatomy of hope and betrayal is the title of an 80 minute film on the life and times of Rajani Thiranagama
produced by the Canadian Film Board.. It is written and directed by Montreal based Canadian film maker Helene Klodawsky. The narrator Michael Ondatatje the Sri Lanka born reputed author now domiciled in Canada. A novel feature in recreating the life of Rajani is the portrayal of her mother by Sharika the younger
daughter now in her early twenties.
The Canadian feature documentary will have its world premiere at the Hot Docs International Documentary Film Festival being currently held in Toronto. “No more tears Sister” will screen at 9. 45 pm on April 26th at the Isabel Bader theatre and at 7. 30 pm on April 28th at the Innis Town Hall.
Unlike most recreations of a contemporary personality the story of Rajani provided a stiff challenge for the filmmakers. There was very little documentation or authentic correspondence. Many of those who knew her or were associated with her were too scared to be filmed. Moreover filming in Jaffna where Rajani
grew up, lived and died was out of the question because of the political climate. One also supposes that an element of screcy had to be maintained at all times due to the sensitive content and theme of the film.
Despite these problems that would have defeated most film makers of Cinema verite Helen Klodawsky has accomplished her task well. She was fortunate that family members and a few fellow human rights activists and feminists were courageous enough to come out openly. Rajanis parents the Rajasinghams,
sisters Nirmala, Sumathy and Vasuki, Daughters Narmada and Sharika, husband Dayapala Thiranagama and some unnamed activists have all been interviewed and the life of Rajani unfolds on screen through their accounts mainly.
The vivid and perceptive comments made by Nirmala and Dayapala are the chief strengths of the film. The story of Rajani is inextricably inter- twined with that of her elder sister Nirmala a political activist cum feminist in her own right. Rajanis story cannot be told without without relating the story of Nirmala also. In that sense this film is as much about Nirmala as it is about Rajani. Nirmala has broken her long “public” silence on Rajanis death in this film. While not dwelt on forcefully the film leaves no doubt in the viewers mind about the forces behind
Rajanis assassination.
Dayapala Thiranagama comes off very well. Both Rajani and he came from contrastingly different backgrounds. He provides many fresh insights into Rajanis life. The scenes showing Nirmala and Dayapala in conversation are illuminating. A revealing moment of truth for anyone familiar with the rise and fall
of the Tamil liberation struggle would be the one where the comment is made that political activism is no longer the armed struggle but that of upholding
human rights.
The story of Rajani is interwoven with the violence of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. What made Helen Klodawsky the daughter of a concentration camp survivor herself take up this tale? This is what she says - “I wanted to understand how ethnic conflict and national struggles impact women - be they victims of war,
militant fighters or peace builders. I wondered whether there was a feminist critique of both state and guerilla violence It was well known that the Sri Lankan military and the opposition Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam were both guilty of torture, illegal detention, disappearances and extra - judicial executions. I wanted to explore whether women were, on the one hand, torn between loyalties to their ethnic communities and on the other hand the community of women. Did oppressed minority women imagine fighting injustice in different ways than their
male counterparts?
The story of Rajani Thiranagama - her courageous life, unique vision and tragic assassination - offered a compelling narrative to pose many of my questions. Rajanis evolution into a spirited champion of the Tamil peoples rights in the seventies and eighties paralleled the escalation of ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka.
Moved by her peoples complex struggle against ruthless state violence, she believed Tamil militancy was the answer and joined the Liberation movement. But when she witnessed the corruption and cruelty within, she felt compelled to document what she saw and urged her people to resist blind adherence to any leader or movement. Embracing feminism and a belief in human rights, she felt that women in particular were the primary casualties of war.
I believed that by following Rajanis life story and the circumstances surrounding her untimely death, several themes could be explored. Nationalisms anti - nationalism; the lives of women as both participants and innocent victims of war
and the belief in armed struggle vs a critique of militarism.
Though “No More Tears ” is set in Sri Lanka, a similiar story might have been explored in Africa, other parts of Asia, the middle - east, Eastern Europe or Latin America. In the sixties and seventies, Rajani was part of a generation of young political activists in post - colonial societies around the world - activists who dreamed of radically transforming their societies to achieve equality and justice for all. But this idealism continues to be ruthlessly thwarted by narrow nationalist agendas in countless Countries.
Cinematically, I wanted NO MORE TEARS SISTER to reflect the passion and beauty of Rajani’s ideals. Together with my talented team including Francois Dagenais (director of photography)Patricia Tassinary (Editor) and Bertrand Chenier (Composer) I aimed at making a film that is political, feminist and
aesthetic. - DBSJ
[No More Tears Sister, is being screened in London from 22 March, 2006 as a part of the Human Rights Watch film festival. This article was written in April 2005 when the film made its debut]
[TamilWeek]
March 23rd, 2006
“ Funding the War: LTTE Intimidation and Extortion in the Tamil Diaspora” is the title of a 45 page report newly released by the Human Rights Watch organization. The US based HRW report was formally released on March 16th or the Ides of March that spelled out doom to Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar. The report provides a fascinating insight into the fund - raising activities of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the predicament faced by members of the Tamil Diaspora who do not want to contrubute money to tiger coffers.This report was written by Jo Becker, advocacy director of the Children’s Rights Division at Human Rights Watch, based on research conducted by the author in London, U.K., and Toronto, Canada, from October 2005 through February 2006. The report was reviewed and edited by staff in Human Rights Watch’s Children’s Rights Division, Asia Division, Legal and Policy Department, Program Department, and Terrorism and Counterterrorism Program.Because of the significant security risks for Tamils interviewed for this report, the names of most individuals are kept confidential. Some locations and other identifying details are also withheld or changed in order to protect the identity of those who spoke with Human Rights Watch. Some cases reported to Human Rights Watch have been omitted entirely, because it was not possible to describe the reported incidents without putting the individuals involved at risk.A strong feature of the report is the vast array of anecdotal evidence presented. The identities of these LTTE victims are not revealed in the interests of their own safety. Direct attribution would certainly have enhanced the reports impact but it was the safety and security of the people interviewed that was more important.The unwillingness of the victims to come forward openly is by itself a powerful indictment of the fear psychosis exerted over the Diaspora by the LTTE. This however does not detract from the reports credibility in any way and the diligent methodology adopted in compiling this report is patently visible and adds to its strength.
The HRW report has many accounts of experiences undergone by Tamil people living in the West at the hands of the LTTE and its minions. This column is of the opinion that presenting some of these experiences without added comment or interpretation would help make readers understand the various aspects of the problem. Here are some relevant excerpts from the HRW report relating to Tamils in Toronto-
” In late 2005, the escalation of LTTE attacks on Sri Lankan forces and the increase in rights abuses by both sides coincided with a massive LTTE fundraising drive among the Tamil diaspora. In Canada, the U.K., and other parts of Europe, LTTE representatives went house to house and visited Tamil-owned businesses, requesting substantial sums of money, often using intimidation, coercion, and outright threats to secure pledges.
In Toronto, individual families typically were asked to pay between Cdn$2,500 and Cdn$5,000, although some families were reportedly asked for as much as Cdn$10,000. Business owners were asked for amounts ranging from Cdn$25,000 to Cdn$100,000. One Hindu temple reported being asked for Cdn$1 million. In London, many individual families were asked for £2,000 and businesses approached for amounts ranging from £10,000 to £100,000. Individuals and business owners were sometimes told that the money was a “loan” that would be repaid with interest. Others were asked for an outright contribution.
The individuals requesting the funds sometimes identified themselves directly as representatives of the LTTE. In other instances, they indicated that they were from the World Tamil Movement or the British Tamil Association, organizations that are widely believed to be fronts for the LTTE. Some families told HRW that their visitors simply stated that they had been “sent by Prabhakaran” (the supreme leader of the LTTE) to collect the funds. The fundraisers usually traveled in pairs, although some sources told HRW that they had been approached by a group of three or four representatives.
LTTE representatives provided a variety of explanations for how the money would be used. In many of the cases reported to HRW , the funds were sought for “the final war.” Tamil families and business owners were told that the LTTE had a plan for driving out all Sri Lankan army forces from the North and East within two months, and that within that period the war would be over. Others were told that the LTTE was preparing to declare “Tamil Eelam” (i.e. independence) and needed to build its treasury. Some members of the community were also told that the funds were needed to gain United Nations (U.N.) recognition of Tamil Eelam, and that the U.N. would subsequently provide funds to the new Tamil state.
One Toronto family received three visits during one week. The first visit, they said, came from three men claiming to represent the World Tamil Movement.
They said that they had been sent by Prabhakaran to collect money. They had a lot of documents and material, including information about us, such as our phone number and address. When asked what the money was for, they said, “We need to increase our economy. We only have two months to get the Sri Lankan army out. We have all the plans made, but we are asking the Tamil people for final support.”
The men asked the family for Cdn$5,000. “When they asked for the money, they looked at their file. They asked how long we had lived in this house. After we told them, they said, “$5,000.”
After the family refused to give, the men returned two more times. On subsequent visits, the men again stated that the funds they sought were for “the final war.” The men offered to give the family until February 2006 to pay the $5,000, but the family refused.
Several sources indicated that LTTE fundraising efforts intensified in Toronto in December 2005. One Tamil whose job brought him in contact with large numbers of Tamils said he knew of at least seventy or eighty people who had been asked for money and that the majority had given. When asked if the pace of fundraising had increased, he said, “Definitely. Before, there were not that many people who had been visited. Now, everyone is talking about it. I’ve talked to lots of people who have given Cdn$2,000-3,000. They [the LTTE] are getting lots of money, collecting lots of money.”
One Toronto woman said, “In this neighborhood, I talked to everyone and everyone has been visited. Six families.” She believes that the amount that families are asked for varies depending on the assets and income of the family. She said that one family that had paid off their mortgage was asked for Cdn$10,000, while another family with a smaller house was asked for Cdn$2,000.
Another Toronto family told HRW that they were pressed for several thousand dollars. After the family repeatedly stated that they would not pay, the LTTE representatives produced a form and said, “Can you fill this out and write down that you don’t believe in what the LTTE is doing?” The husband refused. He said, “Then they began writing and turned around the form and asked me to sign it.”
In one case reported to HRW , the house of a Toronto family was vandalized after the family refused to pay the LTTE. Although the police were unable to identify the perpetrators, the couple believed that the LTTE was responsible. Fearful of remaining at the same address, the family reportedly moved to a different home.
A Toronto area businessman was visited by the LTTE in October 2005 and asked for Cdn$8,000. He responded that his business was having trouble and he did not have any money to give. Several weeks later, he was visited again at his business by four men from the LTTE. This time they asked for Cdn$20,000. The businessman again indicated that he had no money to contribute. The men responded, “Others have no room to give, but they find a way. This is your duty. You have to help your community from here. This is Mr. Prabhakaran’s request. You need to help start the war.”
The businessman said that when he continued to refuse, the LTTE said, “If you don’t want to contribute, say that you don’t want to.” The businessman again said that he was financially unable to do so. Finally, the LTTE said, “Okay, we understand that you do not want to help us, but you will learn the lesson soon. We understand that you are not considering your wife and your children.” When HRW asked if he was worried about the safety of his wife and children, the man said, “Yes, of course.”
Within the Tamil diaspora, individuals hold a variety of views regarding the Tamil Tigers and their decision whether or not to give financial support is often based on a complex set of factors. As noted above, many are active supporters of the LTTE, and perceive the Tigers as an important and effective representative of the Tamil people and their interests. They believe in the LTTE military struggle for independence in the North and East and willingly provide financial support for “the cause.”
Others within the community do not necessarily support the LTTE’s goals or methods, but give money to protect or enhance their standing in the Tamil community or their business interests.
Some people also provide funds because they have family or property in Sri Lanka and fear negative repercussions against family members or even confiscation of their property if they do not give. They also often want to maintain their ability to visit their families without encountering problems from the LTTE. Some Tamils are told that if they do not pay funds to the LTTE, they will not be allowed to return to Sri Lanka or will have “trouble” when they do.
In other cases, the LTTE suggests that a refusal to give money will put family members in Sri Lanka at risk.
There have been abductions back home of people, businessmen or relatively affluent people who have refused to give them money, and who have all their children abroad, seen to be doing well. And many such people have been abducted. In such circumstances, the action is initiated there. They target a person who has obviously some considerable money and is not in need.
If they have many children or close relatives living abroad, they abduct them, and then the relatives here raise a lot of money and send it back home. And of course such stories then have a huge impact here, and those who feel vulnerable give money without much questioning. This has happened many times over the years, and I personally know of people to whom this has happened.
Pressure is particularly intense for members of the Tamil business and professional community. Many rely on the Tamil community for a significant portion of their business and fear that if they are labeled as anti-LTTE, they will lose customers or clients. One shop owner told HRW , “If I continue to ignore their requests, they might label me as anti-Tiger and tell people “don’t do business with him.”
An attorney told Human Rights Watch, “Most professionals pay, because they are afraid that if they don’t, the World Tamil Movement will give them bad publicity and it will negatively affect their client base.”
At a very practical level, some people agree to give simply because they do not want the hassle of being repeatedly called and visited.
Finally, a portion of the community (according to most accounts, a significant minority) is actively opposed to the LTTE. Some may have initially supported the Tigers’ cause, but have either become convinced that the Tigers can never achieve their goals militarily, or have become deeply disillusioned by the Tigers continuing record of human rights abuses, including the recruitment of children as soldiers and their practice of murdering political opponents. Of this group, some may still give money to the LTTE, because they feel that they have no choice, while others refuse on principle.
A Tamil in London told Human Rights Watch, “I think that most people who are giving money are not giving money for the cause. They give because of fear.” A medical professional in Toronto was visited by the LTTE at his office three times within a ten-day period in late 2005. Each time, he indicated that he had patients and was too busy to talk. He told us, “I heard from other businesspeople that they are asking for money.” He didn’t press for details, however. “Here, you don’t know who you are talking to, whether they are in favor of them or not. “He also said that he had relatives in Jaffna. “We are scared of what happens to them.”
Few individuals dare to refuse directly the LTTE’s requests for money. In this respect, most of the individuals interviewed by Human Rights Watch for this report are not typical in the Tamil community. Individuals who are willing to speak to a human rights organization about their experiences are also much more likely to stand up to the LTTE. In many other cases made known to HRW, individuals gave funds under pressure but declined to speak to us for fear of exposure or possible reprisals from the LTTE.
Many of the individuals interviewed for this report stated clearly that they did not support the LTTE’s methods and refused to give money, and were subsequently not pressed further for funds. One Toronto man who refused to give said, “If you are scared, they will come and sit, but if they know they won’t get anywhere, they will leave.” Another individual said similarly, “If you are scared, they will push; if you are firm, they will back down.”
A firm refusal does not always guarantee that a family will be left alone, however. One Toronto Tamil was visited at his home in January 2006 by two men who identified themselves as representatives of the World Tamil Movement. When the man raised questions about the LTTE and made it clear that he did not support the LTTE, the World Tamil Movement representatives threatened him, saying “We will deal with you. Nee kavanamai iru. Unnai Kavanippom. Nee poorathai parpom.” The man said, “When you repeat this phrase to an English-speaking person, people don’t take it seriously. But for a Tamil person, the implication is that you will be killed.”
Short of outright refusal, many members of the diaspora use a variety of methods to avoid giving money. When LTTE fundraisers come to an apartment building or neighborhood, families that receive a visit will often call their neighbors to warn them that fundraisers are in the area. Many then simply pretend that they are not at home and do not respond when the fundraisers knock.
When fundraisers make contact, the individuals approached will often claim that they are not able to give because of financial problems. They may say that they have invested all of their money into their business, that they are unemployed or make very low wages, or have to support other members of their family. If they are not able to avoid giving entirely, they may use these reasons to negotiate a lower payment.
Such arguments may elicit little sympathy from the LTTE, however. Individuals who have tried these arguments have been told by LTTE fundraisers that they should borrow the funds, make a contribution on their credit card, or even re-mortgage their home.
A lawyer with a Toronto practice reported that from March through November 2005, he had at least a dozen clients who had been pressured to pay money while visiting Sri Lanka. He said, “All of my clients who have been to Jaffna have had the experience. If they go by land, it is a sure case.”
He reported that clients who fly to Jaffna may not immediately be identified, but that word often spreads quickly in local neighborhoods when someone visits from abroad. “Then by the second or third day, someone will come and say, “You should go to the Kondavil office [LTTE treasury].” If you try to avoid him, the man will come again. Then your family says, “You need to go. If you don’t, you will create a problem for us.”
According to the attorney’s clients, they were required to give detailed personal information at the LTTE office in Kondavil, a village near Jaffna town. He said that individuals were often unsure of how much personal information the LTTE already possessed, so were afraid to give any false information.
Some of his clients reported that they were told they could not leave Jaffna until they paid the amount of money requested, and that if they didn’t have the money with them, they should get it from family members in Canada. “If they are told not to leave, people don’t want to take the risk, so they get their family to wire the money.” He was unaware of anyone who was forcibly detained, but said, “The mere verbal order is more than enough to upset them.”Even people who have given contributions while in the West may be pressured to give when visiting Sri Lanka. The attorney said, “If you say that you have given, they say they don’t have a record. They ask, “Do you have a PIN number?” Or they will enter your name and date of birth in a computer and say, “No, we checked, you didn’t give money. You have to give.” In some cases, the LTTE confiscates the passports of visiting Tamils until they pay the requested amount of money.Not every expatriate who travels to the North is pressed to give funds. One Toronto university student who traveled to Jaffna by road in mid-2005 was told at the checkpoint to visit the Kondavil LTTE office in Jaffna within three days. “They said, ˜You must go.” I was kind of scared, so I went there. Some people said if I don’t go there will be big trouble. They said I might not be able to leave.” At the Kondavil office she was asked for personal information. Her impression of the meeting: “The main idea is that they want the money from us.” She told the LTTE representatives that she was still in school, had loans, and was not working. In her case, the LTTE did not press her for immediate funds or a pledge, but informed her that once she got a job, she should start to give. She expressed concern that they would continue to monitor her. “They have my current address, so they can come to my house.”
As word of such stories spreads, many Tamil families reportedly have begun to change their travel plans and even cancel planned trips to visit Sri Lanka for fear of being forced to pay amounts that they cannot afford or are not willing to give. The attorney in Toronto told Human Rights Watch, “Many people have cancelled plans to go, even if they are strong LTTE supporters. I know three or four families who have cancelled plans to go visit.”
The HRW concludes with the following observations -
“The LTTE’s use of intimidation, harassment, extortion, and even physical violence against members of the Tamil diaspora is effectively stifling Tamil dissent regarding on-going LTTE human rights abuses in Sri Lanka. LTTE extortion is also forcing Tamils, including those who do not support the LTTE, to provide financial support for LTTE operations, including its continuing pattern of child recruitment and political killings. Both intimidation and extortion have significantly limited the ability of Tamils in the West who do not support the LTTE’s pattern of human rights abuses to effectively speak out and influence LTTE behavior.
Western governments, although obliged to protect their residents and citizens from such abuses, have done too little in response to the patterns of intimidation and coercion that victimize members of the Tamil community. Governments with a significant Tamil diaspora should take stronger action to protect members of the community, ensuring their right to express themselves on issues of vital concern to their community and to live without fear”.
[Ms.Jo Becker, at a Toronto presentation of report titled “Living In Fear: Child Soldiers and the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka”, in December 2004 - Pic by Tamil Canadian]
The HRW report is a result of painstaking effort. The Human Rights Watch in general and the author Jo Becker in particular are to be commended for a worthwhile effort. [TamilWeek, Mar 19, 2006]
March 18th, 2006
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Gamini Fonseka, if among us still, would have reached the biblical life span of three score and ten on March 21st. This however was not to be as the uncrowned monarch of Sinhala moviedom passed away in 2004. Though Gamini has passed away most of his fans like this writer have not forgotten him. This article coinciding with Gamini’s 70th birthday is a humble tribute to to the memory of a man who lives in the hearts of many.
Sembuge Gamini Shelton Fonseka was born in Dehiwela on March 21st 1936 as the third child of William and Daisy Fonseka; After initial schooling at a Presbyterian institution he went to St. Thomas’s College, Mt.Lavinia. He made his mark there not as a Thespian but as an artist of repute. He was capable of caricaturing school masters mercilessly.
Apart from art young Gamini also excelled in Sinhala language and literature while at college. One of his proudest moments was when he won the Sinhala literature prize when he was in the upper fourth. He received his prize from old Thomian and first prime minister of Independent “Ceylon” DS Senanayake. He was also a good cricketer.
Involved in many a schoolboy skirmish Gamini had to cut short his secondary education early.He then entered the wonderful world of films in a technical capacity. He worked under the legendary David Lean for “Bridge on the river Kwai” and our own Lester James Peiris on “Rekawa”. His association with Lester as an assistant director on Rekawa changed Gamini’s line of destiny forever. Gamini’s first screen appearance was “Rekawa” as part of a crowd. The same man went on to become a crowd puller in later life.
Gamini then acted in an English television series about the antics of an “elephant boy” filmed in Sri Lanka. He was also production assistant.
His first big break in acting came with “Daiwa Yogaya” in 1959 where he played a secondary role. Senadheera Kuruppu and Rukmani Devi were in the lead roles. Then came Lester’s ” Sandesaya” where nominally Gamini played second fiddle to Ananda Jayaratna but stole the show from him with a stellar performance.
It was around this time films like “Adata wediya Heta Hondai” Ranmuthuduwa” “Getawarayo” and “Dheevarayo” exploded on the screen and established Gamini as a box office draw . He proved however that he was not a melodramatic actor singing, dancing and fighting alone by making his mark as a character actor in Lester’s “Gamperaliya” that won the Golden Peacock in New Delhi. Once again Gamini was the “third” to Henry Jayasena and Punya Heendeniya but gave a performance par excellence as Jinadasa.
Titus Totawatte’s “Chandiya” was a milestone. This was perhaps the first anti - hero role of Sinhala cinema. Gamini breathed and lived the part of a tough guy. Titus had a sequel “Chutte”. It was in a way art imitating life because Gamini was in every way a “Chandiya” in real life. Thomians of yesteryear speak volumes about his martial prowess. The benchmark of his fighting prowess was the “historic” encounter with Dehiwela’s “strongman” Karthelis the brother of S de S Jayasinghe.
A major reason for the naturalism in Gamini’s fighting scenes was the man himself. He was a fighter both orthodox and unorthodox. He often got into brawls always or a good cause. One such incident was at Embilipitiya Circuit bungalow when the caretaker and his cronies in an intoxicated state picked a fight with the film crew on location there. Gamini pitched in with flying fists and proved that his macho image was not confined to celluloid alone. He then moved the entire crew at his expense to Tissamaharama.
There was a time when film artistes and technicians were treated rather shabbily by the film makers. Gamini changed all that to a great extent. He fought for their rights and dignity with the film makers, distributors, media , film corporation and government. Yet he was not complacent and remained concerned about their plight.
He was unhappy about the way the various regimes treated and continue to treat the film industry. At his “Rajadakma” Gamini advised artistes to spurn politics and went on to observe “I have worked for both parties but no one has done any good for the film industry or artistes”.
Gamini reached the peak of his popularity in the late sixties and early seventies as romantic action hero. When Sean Connery won over the western world as Ian Fleming’s James Bond in “Dr. No” and “from Russia With Love” Mike Wilson cashed in on the “OO7″craze with a Sri Lankan version. Enter our own man with a license to kill - Jamis Banda. Who else other than Gamini could do justice to the role in “Sorungeth Soru”.
There were other popular roles too with Sri Lankan versions of the famous Tamil “Vallava” film series starring Jaishankar and Manohar produced in Tamil Nadu by Ramasundaram of Modern Studios. Gamini was the mainstay of the “sooraya” film series in Sinhala. ” Soorayangath Sooraya”, “Edath Sooraya Adath Sooraya” “Sooraya Soorayamai” ” Hatharadenaama Sooraya” etc. The action films of old had a simple underlying thread that good triumphs over evil. So Gamini like MGR gave us a happy feeling and inspired all to greater heights.
This success in action movies did not mean that Gamini was playing stereo -typed roles alone. Far from it! He played a variety of roles and proved his thespian skills in many. Two memorable performances were in Lester’s “Nidhanaya” and “Yuganthaya: as Willie Abeynayake and Simon Kabalana. “Nidhanaya” Lester’s masterpiece is the only Sinhala film to be included in the 100 Best Movies of the World list.
There have been several actor - directors who failed when directing themselves. It was a case of underplaying or overacting. One man who performed this dual role creditably was Hindi cinema’s Raj Kapoor (Awaraa, Barsat, Shri 420 etc) In Sinhala cinema Gamini was one man whose acting did not falter when directing.
Starting from “Parasathumal” to others like “Uthumaneni” “Sagarayak Medha” ” Koti Waligaya” “Nomiyena Minissu”etc Gamini played his roles remarkably in those films. At the same time he stamped his arterial mark as director. One cannot place him in the class of an A plus director in Sinhala cinema. But an A minus director he certainly was.
Other noteworthy films where his histrionic skills were strikingly displayed were “Getawarayo” “Hulawali” “Oba Dutu Daa” “Sekaya” “Sanasuma Kothanada” “Weli Kathara” “Sana keliya”, “Deviyane Oba Kohedha?” , “Sekaya” and “Sarungale”. His performances in films directed by him were all fabulous.
“Sekaya” produced by SPM movies and directed by E. Rathinam was a remake of the Tamil classic “Deivapiravi”. Gamini, Rita Ratnayake and Tony Ranasinghe played the roles acted by Sivaji. Padmini and SS Rajendran in the original. I had the chance of seeing both films again in my twenties again. It was then that I marvelled at Gamini’s performance as against that of Sivaji. Sivaji like MGR, SSR etc came to film from the stage. Gamini like Gemini Ganesh came straight to films.
Incidentally both Gamini and Sivaji were greatly influenced by Marlon Brando. Gamini combined shades of Sivaji, Brando, Brynner and Paul Newman. His primary inspiration however was Brando. The Hollywood giant passed away some months ago. Though affected by Brando it must be said to Gamini’ s credit that he evolved his own “fusion” style and distinctive method.
Two English films starring Gamini Fonseka that I have sen are “Sitadevi” and “Rampage”. In Manik Sandrasagara’s “version” of the Ramayana Gamini played a modern Ravana to Bengali actress Mamta Shankar. Rampage was a Moby Dick type of man vs beast saga with an elephant as protagonist. In this Gamini played a planter - hunter opposite Mary Tamm who also acted in Frederick Forsythe’s “The Odessa File”.
Gamini also acted in an Indian Tamil movie “Neelakkadalin Orathiley”. He had two heroines Radha Saluja the Hindi actress and Sri Priya the Tamil - Telugu star. An Indian Tamil magazine review described Gamini as a “Koluk moluk Biscuit Pappa” look alike. What it meant was that Gamini had “babyish” looks alike the child models in advertisements for biscuits. Radha Saluja became a close friend and used to correspond with him for a long time.
Gamini however never acted in a Sri Lankan Tamil film. When reputed writer Senkai Aaliyaan’s “Vadaikaatru” (North Wind) was filmed Gamini was approached for the “Viruthasalam ” character role. It did not work out. But Gamini gave an astounding performance as a Tamil in Sunil Ariyaratne’s “Sarungale”. He played Nadarajah, the Jaffna Tamil clerk in a story that highlighted both the anti - Tamil communal violence as well as the caste contradictions among Tamils.
Among places that “Sarungale” was filmed in was Karaveddy my mothers ancestral village. Gamini himself was very proud of his role in that movie. Once in a conversation before the film’s release he told me personally “any Sinhala man who sees this film will never lay hands on a Tamil again”. Alas! That was not to be and not many years later came Black July 1983.
But one thing that must be emphasised in the case of Gamini Fonseka that he was a man with absolutely no trace of communalism in him. I have had only about four or five conversations with him including an interview for the “Virakesari” in 1978.This is not enough to gauge a man but two lengthy conversations with him convinced me of his bona fides in this respect. But there have been several people intimately knowledgeable of Gamini like his close friend Sivanandhan (now in Canada) who directed him in “Oba Dutu Daa” who vouch for the greatness of the man in this.
A notable feature of Sri Lankan films both Sinhala and Tamil is the multi -ethnic diversity of the industry. Sinhalese, Tamils both Sri Lankan and Indian. Muslims , Malays and Burghers have all contributed to this. The contribution of Tamils to the Sinhala film industry is massive starting from that pioneer SM Nayagam producing “Kadawana Porunthuwa”.Many leading Producers, directors, cinematographers, technicians, studio owners and even some artistes have been Tamils.
Gamini acknowledged and appreciated this immense contribution by the minority communities to Sinhala cinema. He has not been afraid to state this publicly whenever the occasion arises. He did so in the Golden Jubilee celebration and also in what was perhaps his last interview given to Prasad Gunewardene and Stanley Samarasinghe of “Daily News” .One important reason among many for the decline in Sinhala cinema is related to the escalating ethnic conflict. The single greatest blow to Sinhala cinema was the burning of Vijaya Studios along with the film archives. Many Sinhala films including those of Gamini ’s have been irretrievably lost
In conversations with Gamini I have often heard him refer to many of the Country’s problems including the ethnic crisis as having been caused and exacerbated by “third grade politics” “dirty politics” etc. He has often uttered these words in some films too. The more I read of what transpired in this Country in the Donoughmore era and the post - Independence years the more I am inclined to agree with Gamini. Contemporary politics of which I have enjoyed a ring side view as a journalist has only strengthened that viewpoint. Even now the selfish, irresponsible conduct of our so called leaders demonstrate that we are on accelerating towards doomsday.
He has acted opposite many actresses but the one with whose chemistry Gamini hit it off best was Malini Fonseka. Two others who paired well with Gamini were Jeevaranee Kurukulasooriya and Veena Jayakody. According to Gamini Sandhya Kumari was the most beautiful actress he interacted with while Malini was the best. The best actor according To Gamini was Joe Abeywickrema - not himself. The best director who brought out the best in Gamini as director was Lester and Gamini himself.
This article is to honour the memory of a man whom I loved as an actor, appreciated as a director, admired as a politician and above all respected as a decent human being. Gamini the actor on the Sinhala silver screen became an important part of life in childhood. This is the kind of relationship one has with actors , singers, writers and sportsmen. The impact of films and film stars in the South Asian region is Phenomenal. Childhood impressions in that sense are indelible.
My formative years as a Sinhala film fan were heavily influenced and shaped by Gamini Fonseka. To me and millions of other like minded people Sinhala cinema was personified by Gamini Fonseka for a long, long time. Notwithstanding the brilliant creators of our times who have elevated the standards of Sinhala films one is unable to imagine or visualise Sinhala cinema without thinking of Gamini Fonseka. Sinhala cinema was certainly not Gamini Fonseka but without Gamini Fonseka there was no Sinhala cinema either.
Belonging to a middle class Tamil family living then in Colombo I was drawn into the world of films at an early age. The staple diet of this film fascination was naturally Tamil - MG Ramachandran, Sivaji Ganesan, Gemini Ganeshan, SS Rajendran, Ranjan etc were the Tamil cine heroes who enthralled me then.
But I was indeed fortunate that despite my Tamilness I was equally attracted to Sinhala movies from an early age. This affinity for Tamil and Sinhala films itself was viewed as something unusual at St. Thomas’s Prep or STC Mt. Lavinia where I studied in the sixties. Few Sinhala or Tamil kids saw Sinhala or Tamil films in those schools then. But then I was indeed lucky to savour Tamil, English and Sinhala movies from a very young age.
As children we were enamoured greatly of action movies. “Fighter” actors were relished as opposed to “character” actors. So MGR , Jaishnkar, Anandan, Ravishankar from Tamil movies along with Charlton Heston, John Wayne, Yul Brynner and later Clint Eastwood were my childhood favourites. As far as Sinhala films were concerned there was only one and that of course was Gamini.
Gamini Fonseka entered my life when I was about eight years old. The place he did so was a movie theatre in Maradana bearing his own name Gamini. “Ran Muthu Duwa” was my first Sinhala Movie. The family went to see it for two reasons. One because it was the first Sinhala technicolour film. Secondly to see the famed underwater scenes made possible by Mike Wilson.
Gamini along with Jeevarani, Shane Gooneratne and Joe Abeywickrema starred in it. Gamini’s acting, dancing and fighting captivated me. I was well and truly hooked. I never ever recovered.
The song and dance sequence ” Pipee pipee Renu Natana” remains fresh in memory even now. I still remember the melody and some of the poetic lines like “Apey watte mal pipila meemassen wikvela” and “Rana giraw Kumbura udin mal mal gamanak giya” etc.
My admiration and fondness for Gamini’s films grew over the years. Initially the attraction was mainly the fight scenes. Gamini brought a refreshing naturalness to those scenes as opposed to the artificiality in South Indian ones. It was later that one learned to appreciate the finer points of his acting.
There was hardly a Gamini Fonseka film that I missed in the sixties. This was due to a woman Mary Caroline who was then a domestic helper at our home. She stayed with the family for about seven years. Mary was an avid Gamini fan. So I would accompany her every month to Sinhala films in general and Gamini Fonseka films in particular. This was how I managed to see so many of his films in my childhood. “Chandiya”, “Soora Chowraya” and “Sorungeth Soru” were some of my favourites then This is how Gamini Fonseka became a permanent part of my childhood memories. He remains there forever.
A break with Sinhala movie going came in the early seventies when my family moved to Jaffna. I returned with a vengeance to “Sinhala chitrapati”after we shifted back to Kurunegala and then Colombo. One recalls wistfully the hours of enjoyment at the Jupiter, New, Modern , New Imperial theatres in Kurunegala and Roxy, Saphire, Elphinstone and Gamini in Colombo. Not only did I see new films but also several old ones when re - screened.
I remain to this day a firm Sinhala film aficionado not only of quality films but also of those masala movies. Lester, GDL, Nihalsinha, Siri Gunasinha, KAW, Pathiraja, Sumithra, Tissa, Vasantha , Dharmasiri , Parakrama and Prasanna took Sinhala cinema in a new direction away from shackles of Bombay and Madras. But for sheer entertainment one cannot forget the “popular” films of Cinemas, Ceylon Theatres and people like Yasapalitha, Tampoe, Morais, Dev Anand etc too.
Gamini straddled both these worlds with ease. He was both an “arty” actor of powerful serious movies as well as a ” melodramatic ” star of popular cinema too. He was artistically appreciated and commercially valued. For two decades and more Gamini was the uncrowned king of Sinhala cinema. He made his mark as both actor and director. In the process he helped liberate Sinhala cinema Indian constraints and gave it fresh perspective and dynamic direction.
Gamini also elevated the standards of Sinhala cinema and provided it with integrity and self - respect. He fought for the upliftment of the industry and fellow artistes and technicians. Gamini Fonseka is inextricably intertwined with the evolution and growth of Sinhala cinema.
The film reels have run their course. The projector has ceased humming. The curtain has rolled in. The” Gamini Fonseka show ” ended in 2004.The lights are on again but the light has gone out of Sinhala cinema. All that we have are fond memories of the past and copies of his available movies. The memory of this monarch of Sinhala movieland will never cease. Thank You Gamini for innumerable hours of entertainment, pleasure and satisfaction. Thank You again!
(This is a modified version of an article first written in 2004)
March 15th, 2006
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
The Human Rights Watch (HRW) has done it again!
The respected US based organization which brought out in 2004 a comprehensive report on recruitment and conscription of child soldiers by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) has released a new report on the ides of March about fund raising activities by the tigers in the West.
Despite denials by the LTTE the issues of Child soldiers and fund raising by the tigers are well - established facts. The Sri Lankan government and its propagandists try to exploit these problems to their advantage by exaggerated charges, many of them quite unbelievable.
It has been left to organizations such as HRW, Amnesty International etc to focus attention on these issues in a credible and intelligent manner.
LTTE fund raising in Sri Lanka and abroad is well - known. The Tamil Diaspora ,dispersed in many Countries from Australia to Zambia , has for long provided material support to the Tamil Liberation struggle. Tamils living in the west being relatively better off financially are a perennial source of revenue.
Milking these cash cows has been two - fold. While some give willingly others have been unwilling and so “milked” ruthlessly through force and intimidation. In order to do this maximum control over the Diaspora is necessary. To facilitate this “hold” terror tactics are practised where all dissent or independence is stifled.
The grip exerted on the community by minions of the LTTE functioning under various “front” aliases is not realised by the mainstream population. What goes on in the new immigrant, visible minorities are not a major concern to the population at large or their governments.
Reports such as the one released on March 15th by the Human Rights Watch are therefore most welcome for shedding light on some dark areas within Western Society. Jo Becker Advocacy director of the HRW who wrote the earlier report on Child Soldiers has written this one too. Becker, as in the case of the earlier one, seems to have done diligent research in compiling this report too..
The 45-page report, Funding the ‘Final War:’ LTTE Intimidation and Extortion in the Tamil Diaspora, details how representatives of the LTTE and pro-LTTE groups use unlawful pressure among Tamil communities in the West to secure financial pledges.
People were told that if they did not pay the requested sum, they would not be able to return to Sri Lanka to visit family members. Others were warned that they would be “dealt with” or “taught a lesson.” One Toronto business owner said that after he refused to pay more than C$20,000, Tamil Tiger representatives made threats against his wife and children.
“The Tamil Tigers are exporting the terrors of war to Tamils living in the West,” says Jo Becker, author of the report. “Many members of the diaspora actively support the Tamil Tigers. But the culture of fear is so strong that even Tamils who don’t feel they have no choice but to give money.”
“Sri Lankan Tamils living in the West fear that if they speak out about Tamil Tiger abuses, they may put themselves and their families at risk,” says Becker. ”Despite the diaspora’s size and potential influence on LTTE practices, the Tamil Tigers’ threats, intimidation, and even violence have effectively stifled dissent.”
A brief summary of the HRW report provides an insight into the history and background of the problem.
” Between 1983 and 2002, the armed conflict between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE or Tamil Tigers) cost an estimated 60,000 or more lives, and was marked by gross human rights abuses and violations of the laws of war on both sides. The war prompted nearly one-quarter of Sri Lanka’s Tamils to leave the country, many fleeing government abuses, creating a Tamil diaspora that now numbers approximately 600,000-800,000 worldwide.
As Sri Lankan Tamils established themselves in Canada, the United Kingdom (U.K.) and other Western countries, the Tamil community became a significant source of financial and political support for the LTTE in its struggle to establish an independent state, “Tamil Eelam,” for the Tamil minority in Sri Lanka’s North and East. While many members of the Tamil diaspora willingly and actively support the LTTE, others have been subject to intimidation, extortion, and physical violence as the LTTE seeks to suppress criticism of its human rights abuses and to ensure a steady flow of income.
Journalists and activists in the Tamil diaspora who openly criticize the LTTE or are perceived to be anti-LTTE have been subject to severe beatings, death threats, smear campaigns, and fabricated criminal charges. In 2005, the LTTE detained two British Tamils for several weeks in Sri Lanka in order to gain control over a Hindu temple in London. Such incidents have created a culture of fear within the Tamil community, stifling dissent and discouraging individuals from organizing activities that are not sanctioned by the LTTE.
The LTTE has for many years pressured members of the Tamil community to provide financial support for its operations. In late 2005 and early 2006, as armed violence escalated in Sri Lanka’s North and East, threatening the four-year-old ceasefire between the government and the LTTE, the LTTE launched a massive fundraising drive in Canada and parts of Europe, pressuring individuals and business owners in the Tamil diaspora to give money for the “final war.” Fundraisers for the LTTE and LTTE-linked organizations went from house to house, and approached businesses and professionals, demanding significant sums of money for their cause. In Canada, families were typically pressed for between Cdn$2,5002 and Cdn$5,000, while some businesses were asked for up to Cdn$100,000. Members of the Tamil community in the U.K., France, Norway, and other European countries were asked for similar amounts.
Individuals who refused were sometimes threatened. Some were told that if they didn’t pay the requested sum, they would not be able to return to Sri Lanka to visit family members. Others were warned they would be “dealt with” or “taught a lesson.” After refusing to pay over Cdn$20,000, one Toronto business owner said LTTE representatives made threats against his wife and children.
The LTTE and groups linked to it such as the World Tamil Movement repeatedly call and visit Tamil families seeking funds. Some families have received as many as three visits in a single week. Fundraisers may refuse to leave the house without a pledge of money, and have told individuals who claim not to have funds available to borrow the money, to place contributions on their credit cards, or even to re-mortgage their homes.
The LTTE identifies Tamils from the West who return to Sri Lanka to visit family members, and systematically pressures them for funds when they arrive in LTTE-controlled territory in the North of Sri Lanka. The assessed “rate” is often Cdn$1, £1, or €1 per day for the length of time they have lived in the West, so individuals who have been abroad for years may be asked for thousands, and told they may not leave until they produce the requested amount. In some cases, the LTTE may confiscate their passports until the money is paid.
Many members of the Tamil diaspora vividly remember government abuses during the war, and willingly contribute funds to the LTTE. They see the Tamil Tigers as a legitimate and important representative of the Tamil people and their interests. They support the LTTE’s goal of establishing an independent Tamil state and the use of military means to achieve that objective.
Other members of the Tamil community do not wish to contribute, either because of their personal economic circumstances, or because they do not believe in the LTTE’s goals or methods. Some support Tamil political parties that have been decimated or marginalized by the LTTE. However, under intense pressure or outright threats, these individuals may be forced to provide financial support for LTTE operations, including its continuing pattern of child recruitment, political killings, and other human rights abuses that have continued, even during the four-year ceasefire. ”
The methodology adopted by the HRW is outlined as follows
” Human Rights Watch conducted research for this report from October 2005 through February 2006, conducting interviews in person and by telephone with members of the Tamil communities in Toronto, Canada; London, U.K.; Geneva, Switzerland; and Dusseldorf, Germany. The focus of the investigation was on the Tamil communities in Canada and the U.K., as together these two countries host nearly half of the global Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora. In both countries, Human Rights Watch interviewed Tamil business owners, professionals, activists, journalists, and other individuals. Most interviews were conducted in English; some were conducted with Tamil translation.
We also talked with representatives of the London Metropolitan Police, the Toronto Police, the U.K. Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the World Tamil Movement, and independent experts. In February 2006 we submitted questions in writing to the LTTE in Sri Lanka regarding the issues covered in this report, but did not receive a response. In February 2006 we also contacted the British Tamil Association by both telephone and electronic mail with questions related to this report, but did not receive a reply”.
Some of the testimonies by those interviewed by HRW are quite revealing and insightful.
“Over the last decade and a half, there have been many incidents like this, mainly against people who attempt to put any ideas against the LTTE or criticism against the LTTE . . . so periodically, there are these attacks to keep the community quiet.” Says V. Loganathan, a German Tamil who was physically assaulted in November 2005 after organizing a memorial service for an LTTE critic killed in northern Sri Lanka .
“I used to openly say how I feel, but now am very careful. People who are open get targeted, so their work is very short. You start something, you want to work for human rights, you want to make changes, but the space is very limited.” says a Tamil activist in Toronto, Canada.
A Toronto woman pressured to pay a monthly pledge to the LTTE has this to say “My brother’s children are in the Vanni [LTTE-controlled territory in the north of Sri Lanka]. The LTTE is collecting money here and using the money to train children to fight and die with the [Tiger] army. The people who collect the money here are living a very good life and drive a nice car. They don’t seem to care that it is the children there who are forced to fight and die.”
A London Tamil, approached by LTTE representatives in August 2005 says “They asked for £2,000. They said, ‘If you contribute here, you can go to Sri Lanka and visit your family. We will give you a PIN number. That number will allow you to move freely in Jaffna. Otherwise, you will have problems. If you don’t pay here, you will pay double or triple when you go to Sri Lanka.’”
Because of the significant security risks for Tamils interviewed for this report, the names of most individuals are kept confidential. Some locations and other identifying details are also withheld or changed in order to protect the identity of those who spoke with Human Rights Watch. Some cases reported to Human Rights Watch have been omitted entirely, because it was not possible to describe the reported incidents without putting the individuals involved at risk.”
The understandable refusal of affected people to come out openly against the LTTE may have reduced the report’s impact. Explicit details of the victims could have added to its value. Nevertheless the meticulous research and documentation that went into the report is discernible. The problem with all its dimensions is encapsulated by HRW.There is an authenticity about it which cannot be dismissed easily.
The HRW has spotlighted the prevailing problem from different perspectives. This is done mainly through direct interviews with affected people though identities are kept secret for obvious reasons. Here are some excerpts -
” The LTTE and its supporters often use family members–both in the West and in Sri Lanka–to convey warnings to dissidents. In Toronto, one activist received a telephone call from a relative saying that an LTTE representative had warned that “If you are not going to control yourself, they will take care of you.”.
A London activist who criticized the LTTE on a radio program was later contacted by his brother in Sri Lanka. The brother had been invited to a colleague’s home, where he was met by two LTTE members. The LTTE reportedly told him, “Your brother should shut up; otherwise it is not good for him.” The colleague later admitted that he had invited the brother to his home under explicit instructions from the LTTE. The London activist said, “My brother is very worried about his own family.”
In many cases, overt or even implicit threats are not necessary to silence LTTE critics. Well-known incidents of killings, assaults, threats, and targeting have prompted members of the Tamil diaspora to police themselves. Relatives often discourage family members from speaking out, worried about possible repercussions, including to family members in Sri Lanka. Continued political killings attributed to the LTTE in Sri Lanka have convinced many Tamils that anyone could be at risk.
One Toronto man involved in a cultural organization that has been repeatedly identified as “anti-LTTE” in the Tamil media described the impact of the LTTE’s control over the Tamil community: “Canada is not actually a democracy because we can’t even open our mouths against the LTTE. People are scared to open their mouths. Only a small minority are willing to open their mouths and do some small, small work.”
In London, a Tamil man who said he was once a strong supporter of the LTTE told us:
“Personally, I supported the LTTE. Ninety percent of our people support them. Most of the people are behind them, even if you don’t take the gun, we support them. But later on, things change and certain groups are targeted. Whoever questions them. We can see their behavior. Whoever asks questions about their activities, they don’t let them live. You don’t have any freedom of speech. I was very quiet for some time, having family in Sri Lanka, so I kept within limits. I didn’t want to expose myself. I can see by experiences that if I do anything, there is a lot of reaction. . . . I’m concerned about my life and my family. The community is very scared.”
A Toronto Tamil who was once targeted for her activity in a multicultural organization, said, “I used to openly say how I feel, but now am very careful. People who are open get targeted, so their work is very short. You start something, you want to work for human rights, you want to make changes, but the space is very limited.”
Mr. Sithampalam , president of the World Tamil Movement has been interviewed. The WTM is the acknowledged front otganization of the LTTE in Canada. Mr. Sittampalam insults the collective intelligence of the Canadian Tamil Diaspora by blandly denying the fund raising. This despite the case of Manickavasagam Suresh, former WTM administrator who was issued a national security certificate on charges of being a tiger fund - raiser.
When asked about the World Tamil Movement’s relationship to the LTTE, Sittampalam told Human Rights Watch, “We are sympathetic to our cause there and because the LTTE is fighting for our rights and in the vanguard we have always campaigned to help them.” The organization’s website prominently features quotes from LTTE leader Vellupillai Prabhakaran.
However, Sittampalam denies that the World Tamil Movement collects funds directly for the LTTE, or for any other organization. He told Human Rights Watch: ” We don’t raise funds, but we canvas and advise people to help our people there [in Sri Lanka] for rehabilitation from the war and the tsunami. . . We ask them to give it to the TRO [Tamil Rehabilitation Organization] or SEDAT [Social and Economic Development Association of Tamils]. Some give to the TRO branch here, or some give bank to bank transactions. People do it individually in their own way.
When asked about reports that representatives from the World Tamil Movement ask directly for money, Sittampalam responded, “I think that is not correct. We are asking them to help these people and send it [the money] themselves.” He also denied that the World Tamil Movement collects money for the LTTE. “We do not say, ‘Give it to the LTTE.’ There are no LTTE here who are asking for money.” This statement is contradicted by numerous testimonies collected by Human Rights Watch.
In a bid to elicit the LTTE viewpoint on the issue a questionnaire was sent to the tiger leadership in Sri Lanka. There was no response. If Mr. Sittampalam , by blatant denial, muddled up an opportunity to present the LTTE case on the subject , the tiger hierarchy has let it suffer through default.
The LTTE is yet to realise that as an organization claiming to represent Sri Lankan Tamils it should present its side of the issue in public fora instead of adopting silence. This “silence” does not help in making the problem go away but serves as a damning indictment.
The HRW report observes that “the LTTE’s dependence on the Tamil diaspora for financial support, and the diaspora’s substantial size and influence, give the diaspora unique potential to influence the LTTE’s policies and behavior, including its human rights practices. However, that potential has been effectively neutralized by the LTTE’s effective use of intimidation and extortion within the community”.
The report also notes the apathy or lack of concern shown by Western Governments and law - enforcing authorities on the matter.” The governments of countries that host substantial Tamil populations have a responsibility to protect individuals from these abuses. However, government authorities admit that responding to such activity has not been a high priority, and they have taken little action to respond. Although fear within the Tamil community has resulted in few individual complaints to the police or other law enforcement, clear patterns of intimidation and extortion should prompt proactive government action, including police investigations, prosecutions, and public outreach to the community to publicize individuals’ rights and avenues of complaint.” points out the HRW in the report.
Human Rights Watch has urged government authorities in Canada and the U.K. to take stronger steps to protect members of the Tamil diaspora from violence, intimidation and extortion. The report recommends the creation of an inter - agency task force to investigate intimidation and extortion linked to the Tamil Tigers, public education campaigns in the Tamil community to publicize relevant laws and available avenues of complaint, establishment of special hotlines for victims of intimidation or extortion, and meetings with the Tamil community to discuss concerns related to LTTE activities.
“This is not just a matter of responding to isolated criminal acts, but protecting an entire community’s right to live without fear,” says Jo Becker. “In a multicultural society, governments cannot treat this simply as a Tamil problem. This is a Canadian problem and a British problem.”
The HRW has also appealed to the LTTE and related organizations to mmediately stop all use of violence, threats, intimidation and harassment to solicit funds from the Tamil community, including among the diaspora and from members of diaspora communitieis making return visits to Sri Lanka;
It also urges them to Immediately stop all use of violence, threats, intimidation or harassment against Tamils who express criticism of the LTTE or organize events or activities independently of the LTTE.
As far as the Tamil Diaspora in the West is concerned the HRW calls upon them “when it is possible without undue personal risk, ensure that funds provided to organizations in Sri Lanka are not directly or indirectly benefiting the LTTE so long as the LTTE continues to commit serious human rights abuses.
It also entreats them to seek opportunities to promote human rights within the Tamil community, including dialogue regarding the community’s role in improving the human rights situation in Sri Lanka.
As the HRW report correctly notes ” many members of the Tamil diaspora do willingly and actively support the LTT; But there are ” others have been subject to intimidation, extortion, and physical violence as the LTTE seeks to suppress criticism of its human rights abuses and to ensure a steady flow of income”. It is these sections who need protection.
Realistically tiger fund raising cannot end unless the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka itself ends through a negotiated settlement with justice, honour, equality and democracy for the Tamil people. Effective steps must be taken however to protect and safeguard people who do not want to give money to the LTTE and this is the underlying focus of the HRW report.
The HRW in general and Ms. Jo Becker in particular are to be commended for this praiseworthy effort. Anyone desiring insight into how the LTTE generates funds overseas from members of the Tamil community and how it supresses free _expression through terror tactics need to read this report.
Meanwhile it is up to the various Governments, Law enforcement agencies, media, the Tamil Diaspora and the tigers themselves to draw their lessons from the report and act accordingly.
The LTTE in particular must wake up to current realities and transform their attitudes and approaches. Western Governments and mainstream media too cannot ignore this problem and pretend it just does not concern them. It is their problem and hopefully the HRW report may help them realise that. [TamilWeek, Mar 12, 2006]
March 15th, 2006
Now that we have a President with a magnificient moustache in Mahendra Percy Rajapakse quoting a Tamil proverb about a moustached man who had a fall may not be inappropriate. “Kuppura Vilunthalum Meesaiyil Man padavillai” (no sand on the moustache despite falling flat ) it goes. The proverbial saying is about trying to save face in spite of a defeat. The man who fell flat on his face boasts that there is no sand caught in his moustache!
The Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) delegation suffered a massive political debacle in Geneva. Apart from failing to achieve any concrete decision on issues outside the Ceasefire Agreement the GOSL was unsuccessful in even effecting changes to the CFA.After taking up the position that the ceasefire agreement was bad in law, anti - constitutional and anti - national security the GOSL has formally accepted and pledged to uphold the same. Furthermore the GOSL has indirectly admitted to its “influence” over the so called Tamil paramilitaries or alternative armed groups and consented to end their operations and also disarm them .
Puerile attempts however are on to distort the actual reality of Geneva. The assertion that the CFA was amended is one such instance. Another exercise is the pathetic bid to separate the opening statement from the joint communique. The opening statement was a victory but the joint statement drafted by Oslo was a defeat is the stance. What is being glossed over is that he joint statement was not evolved in a vacuum. It merely reflected the actual position in the talks. However distasteful it may be for the Sinhala hardliners the reality is that the Rajapakse regime swallowed humble “odial kool” in Geneva.
This does not of course prevent vested interests from trying to propagate an illusion that everything was “Jayawewa” In Switzerland. There are bids to derive vicarious satisfaction from the imaginary discomfiture suffered by the other party.One of these attempts is the disinformation campaign that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil eelam (LTTE) was compelled to participate in Geneva talks due to pressure from USA.
Apart from the public statements by Jeffrey Lunstead and Nicholas Burns , Uncle Sam had supposedly conveyed a stern “or else” message via Erik Solheim to the LTTE. Terrified out of their wits the LTTE went with tucked tails to Geneva is the story plugged by some.
There is nothing one can do if people want to believe such propaganda but the reality was somewhat different. The International community has been equally pressurising the GOSL as well as the LTTE. Rajapakse has been told to desist from moving towards a military confrontation. He has been asked to continue with talks and pursue a political settlement.
The president has also been discouraged about some of his views like disavowing federalism, denying the multi - ethnic reality of Sri Lanka, ruling out the concept of the North - East being the historical habitat of Tamils and Muslims etc. Since Sri Lanka is a sovereign nation in name most of these moves are not publicised by the parties concerned to avoid political embarassment to the government.
In that respect another irritant caused by the Rajapakse regime to the International community notably the USA was the opposition to Norway and the attempt to replace Oslo as facilitator by New Delhi. It does seem unbelievable that Rajapakse failed to realise that Norway was backed by the entire West in general and the USA in particular.
In a sense Oslo is a projection of the USA in this sphere. For reasons of its own , chief of which is a marked reluctance to get its hands soiled once again in Sri Lanka, India is prepared to go along with the current arrangement for now. There is for the moment a convergence between India and the USA on Sri Lanka.
The LTTE position on talks and Norway was welcomed by the West. Its insistence on Norway as the venue for talks too was helpful to indirectly “educate” Rajapakse of realities. Japan’s own ambition to hijack the facilitator role by exploiting the impasse and suggesting an alternative Asian venue may have been very desirable to Rajapakse but was certainly irritating to the others.
While the LTTE by its earlier intransigience on the venue for talks proved helpful in bringing home truths alive to Rajapakse that organization too was criticised for its unhelpful attitude in other areas.. Pressure too was exerted. The difference being that the direct and indirect pressure on Colombo was not highlighted for obvious reasons as opposed to that on the LTTE.
The LTTE is not a sovereign nation but an entity that has acquired belligerent rights. If Colombo continues to be obstinately stupid , Tamil Eelam could be a reality in the future but as for the present it does not have any international support or recognition.
The LTTE however deserved public chastisement for its own blunders felt the international community. As noted in these columns earlier the USA is performing the “hard talk” (Bhetha) role in this peacemaking exercise. Hence the harsh comments by Lunstead and Burns.
Why did the international community particularly the USA single out the LTTE for such harsh comments? The fault lies in the LTTE itself. The tigers extricated themselves from earlier messes and came out with the Interim Self - Government Authority (ISGA) proposal. Whatever the merits or defects of this proposal it deserved discussion and debate.
But Chandrika Kumaratunga upset the thambili cart exactly at this juncture. She whipped up a campaign against it and went on to dissolve Parliament. An alliance was formed with the “national socialist” Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna on a hawkish platform.
After winning the elections Kumaratunga was ready to be flexible on the ISGA but found herself shackled by the JVP. The end result was that nothing worthwhile happened. Even the tsunami tragedy failed to bring about unity. The GOSL was badly exposed as being discriminatory towards the tsunami affected North - East.
The P- TOMS took a long time to evolve but never got off the ground thanks to the JVP and the Supreme Court decision. It appeared that Colombo was increasingly incapable of addressing the needs of the North - East through existing structures.
The International Community is no lover of the LTTE. Even Oslo makes love to Kilinochchi through necessity and not through ideological affinity. The LTTE with its intolerant neo- fascism and anti - democratic authoritarianism is repugnant to the West and even other democratic developing nations.
It regards it as being “terrorist” with some countries legally proscribing its activities on their soil. Nevertheless the International community “tolerates” the LTTE and is prepared to engage in “limited” business with the tigers. It also encourages Colombo to interact with the LTTE .
This has led to predictable resentment in Southern Sri Lanka, Why are these countries asking us to be flexible with the LTTE while being rigid with other terrorist entities is their grouse. On the other hand LTTE and pro - LTTE elements are disappointed that some countries have banned the LTTE while promoting the tigers in the peace process. Despite these misgivings the International community is acting on certain principles and set plans with regard to Sri Lanka and its self - made ethnic crisis.
The first of these is the unity, territorial integrity etc of Sri Lanka. At the same time the IC wants the minorities particularly the Tamils to have their rights restored in a democratic, pluralistic federal or quasi - federal set up. As far as the LTTE is concerned the International community abhors its current attitudes and approach. Yet it is prepared to do business with it for certain reasons chief of which is that the tigers through their tactics and methods have thrust themselves on to centre stage and made themselves virtually indispensable.
They have developed themselves into an effective fighting formation capable of retaining territorial control. They have proven their strength in both offensive and defensive operations. They have demonstrated their destructive power through operations like the Katunayake attack. By eliminating Tamil leaders and terrorising others into submission or insignificance the LTTE remains the chief if not sole representative of the Tamil people. Engaging the LTTE in a peace process therefore becomes imperative.
The west would hope for two things. One is for the LTTE to transform itself into an acceptable democratic entity over a period of time. The other is for it to fade away or lose its power gradually even as the peace process develops further. A “leadership change” too may be on the cards if possible.
A major reason for the West’s leniency towards the LTTE is due to recognition of the fact that the root cause of the Sri Lankan problem lies in Sinhala chauvinism and resultant policies. Though Sinhala revisionists would have us believe that the Tamils are the aggressors impartial analysis decrees otherwise.
Historically the victims of Sinhala oppression have been the Tamils. The cry for separation and armed struggle arose because of this. The LTTE is only a virulent by - product of this. The emergence of the national socialist JVP and Sinhala supremacist JHU help reinforce these beliefs. The election of Mahinda Rajapakse on a chauvinist mandate is another pointer.
So for the west or even India to crack down on the LTTE and leave the field clear to the Sinhala fascists and chauvinists is simply not on at this point of time. This is something the Sinhala hardliners fail to understand and if recent history is an indication never ever will. The best friends of the LTTE are the Sinhala chauvinists. If there is one segment of Sri Lankan society that is not under LTTE threat it is this chauvinist element. The LTTE needs them badly.
The western nations also understand that the LTTE cannot be a direct threat or danger at any time. The historical evolution of the Tamil liberation struggle never regarded the West as an enemy but always as a friendly force. The violence of the LTTE would not be deliberately directed against the west though accidents or unintended consequences may occur.
In that situation the violent methods of the LTTE do not pose a direct threat to the west. The threat if any is on par with the reprehensible ideology of the Sinhala chauvinists. Though the LTTE may be banned in the USA and Britain no hard action is likely to be taken against its members for the time being.
What the LTTE or even its opponents have failed to realise is that it is the plight of the suffering Tamil people that is of paramount importance. The fundamental truth is that despite 25 years of armed struggle the Tamils are yet to get their rights. The tigers for all their proud boasts of negotiating from a position of strength have failed to win any meaningful rights, worse still is that the armed struggle has caused much upheaval in Tamil society, destroyed its economy, brutalised values and dispersed it demographically to the South and various parts of the globe.
If the Tamil predicament is to be resolved it can only be done through a political settlement. For that credible negotiators are needed. The LTTE is the only force available now. So despite doubts and misgivings the International community wants to work with the LTTE. So the LTTE is being accepted not because of its merits but only due to concern for the overall Tamil plight. The more the fighting continuing the more Tamil refugees will reach the West.
With the west realising that the LTTE is there to stay and cannot be wished away, its approaches are being reoriented. The most important reappraisal of these being the accommodation of the LTTE in its scheme of things. Given the corruption, poor governance and mismanagement of the war the West and even India have come to realise that Colombo is never going to win the war. Actually the Country is coming apart and continuing the war can only lead to de facto dismemberment.
It is to prevent division that the West took an active interest in the peace process. Opposing division does not mean suppressing the Tamils.Unfortunately the Sinhala hardliners are yet to understand it and are ranting and raving against Oslo and by extension Washington.
The West is now concerned about restoring stability to Sri Lanka. The deteriorating trend has to be arrested and reversed. To do that there should be an absence of war even if a genuine peace is not guaranteed. For this the LTTE has to be engaged in a peace process. To keep the tigers in the process some concessions at least had to be made.
This is what Chandrika Kumaratunga and Lakshman Kadirgamar failed to comprehend due to personal reasons. This is what Ranil Wickremasinghe , Milinda Moragoda and GL Peiris understood so thoroughly and followed through.. This is what the Sinhala hardliners failed and fail to understand even now.
The peace proces initiated by Wickremasinghe succeeded to some extent in containing the LTTE for a period of time. Kumaratunga upset this delicate equilibrium and ousted Ranil. One whole year passed after the April elections in 2004 but nothing tangible was achieved.
The tsunami averted the LTTE going to war but the state failed miserably in alleviating the affected tsunami victims of the North - East. The stagnation reinforced the view that alternative structures were needed to address the problems of the North - Eastern people.
The time was ripe for the ISGA proposal of the LTTE to be examined seriously. It is a moot point as to whether the ISGA would or could have been accepted in the form it was presented. The climate however was conducive for the concept being accepted with some modification and diligently implemented. For one thing some commitment on human rights, pluralism and democracy would be necessary.
The LTTE was becoming more acceptable as a “strategic partner” of the Sri Lankan government in the bid to stabilise Sri Lanka and invigorate its economic growth. This entailed a substantial share of the economic cake to the North - East too. For this the ISGA had to be set up under the LTTE.
The LTTE was on the threshold of new power and respectability when it committed the first of its three great recent blunders. Foreign minister Lakshman Kadirgamar was assassinated. This resulted in grave doubts being cast about its reliability. You do not assassinate the foreign minister of a regime with which you are partners in a peace process.
One consequence of this was the limited European travel ban.Even more than the ban was the serious dent caused to the refurbished image of the LTTE in International perception. Erik Soheim’s spontaneous outburst”This is insane” upon hearing of the incident speaks volumes of the negatve impact caused.
The second big blunder was the enforced boycott of Presidential elections in Tamil areas by the LTTE. This affected Wickremasinghe’s chances of victory. It is no secret that the west was rooting for Ranil. Besides it was Wickremasinghe who could have helped usher in the ISGA with the LTTE at its helm.
Instead of supporting Wickremasinghe the LTTE had ensured that a Sinhala hardliner won. Had Rajapakse won without a boycott it would have been a different scenario altogether. But now Wickremasinghe had lost due to the tigers.This was not conduct becoming of a would be strategic partner in shared governance. Besides the methods used to enforce the boycott was anathema to the West.
The third colossal blunder was the undeclared war of the LTTE. Velupillai Prabakharan assures Rajapakse in his great heroes speech that he would grant him time. Yet with the EPDP killing two tiger supporters in Neervely a so called “peoples war” was launched against the security forces.
Though the LTTE was overtly and covertly involved the blame was shifted on the people saying a civilian militia called the Tamil resurgence force was retaliating against a pervasive security force presence. With claymore mines exploding few believed the LTTE was not involved.
The LTTE hit an all time low in irresponsibility by claiming that the people and not they were responsible. Similiarly it had disclaimed responsibility for the boycott saying the people were to blame. By saying the civilians were attacking the security forces the LTTE exposed the people to security force retaliation. It was now “open season” on the Tamil civilians.
The Rajapakse regime was cunning enough to use armed Tamil groups in unleashing state terror on the Tamil civilians.While the security forces were being commended for their restraint in the face of provocation by the LTTE “paramilitary” personnel aided by security forces targeted civilians suspected to have LTTE links.
At least 65 persons went missing or were abducted. 43 were killed. Almost all of them were supporters of the LTTE or were related to tiger cadres. This created a fear psychosis and over 16, 000 persons sympathetic to the LTTE fled the Govt controlled areas and sought refuge in the LTTE areas. The so called “peoples war” fizzled out.
The most important lesson for the LTTE in this was that there was no international outcry against these deliberate targeting of Tamil civilians. It was as if the tigers had brought it upon the people by crediting the people with the earlier violence. Even blatant human rights violations like the murder of Joseph Pararajasingham in the Cathedral during Christmas mass and the gruesome execution of five innocent youths in Trincomalee went uncondemned.
It was this “peoples war” debacle and its consequences that impelled the LTTE into going for talks on the ceasefire. Anton Balasingham openly admitted that the leader had “climbed down” (Irangi Vandhu) only because of the plight of the people. It became very necessary for the LTTE to bring an end to the violence unleashed on civilan supporters by the security force aided armed Tamil groups.
It was also necessary to utilise the breathing space gained to seek an end to this so called “paramilitary” phenomenon. The very same LTTE that ignored the CFA provisions and unleashed violence on civilian supporters and members of the non - tiger groups was now demanding that the ceasefire be upheld. The roles were reversed.
The International community realised that the LTTE had been given a stinging blow. This served their plans as tiger arrogance had been taken down a peg or two. If Mahinda Rajapakse was taught a lesson by the LTTE on the importance of Norway and Erik Solheim the paramilitary operations had brought the LTTE down to earth also.
The climate seemed conducive to grant the tigers an opportunity to redeem themselves. To their credit the LTTE availed themselves of the second chance.
This decision of the LTTE to go for talks on the ceasefire was given a boost by an unexpected quarter. The story circulated in Colombo that the LTTE was given a stern message by the USA through Erik Solheim is only partly true. There was certainly a message but it was not entirely one - sided. The message was of three components.
Firstly the LTTE was “requested” to attend the Geneva parley with a proviso that the International community would back its demand that the paramilitaries be de - fanged. It may be recalled that almost all recent statements by the International community had referred to the need for controlling or curbing the armed groups.Thus the paramilitary question was like a quid pro quo .
Secondly the LTTE was informed that any attempt to disrupt the peace process and unilaterally resume war would be severely condemned. Moreover if the LTTE did start a war then the International community would be duty bound to strengthen the Sri Lankan security forces to its pre - ceasefire level. Also any perceptible shift in the balance of forces in the LTTE’s favour would be redressed immediately by the International community.
Thirdly the LTTE was assured that the International community would try and persuade the GOSL to implement whatever agreed upon in Geneva. If Colombo defaulted or went back on the agreement the International community would take a serious view of it. This could result in other creative solutions within the parameters of broad policy being considered. This of course ruled out division but was open ended on a greater role for the LTTE.
Thus the LTTE went to Geneva motivated by its own self - interests as well as due to International pressure. The tigers did not go to Geneva because Uncle Sam had sent shivers down their spines as alleged by some. International pressure was on both sides though for strategic reasons the USA came out hard on the LTTE for public consumption. The lesson for Colombo in this is that it should comply with all what it agreed to in Geneva.
Unfortunately the GOSL does not seem to have grasped these realities and is engaged in subverting and defaulting on the promises made in Geneva. As pointed out in these columns last week the regime is in not prepared to throw away what it regards as its trump card in combating the LTTE. The GOSL in keeping with the conduct of various regimes in the past will continue pating lip service to the Geneva agreement while sabotaging it underhand.
Of crucial importance in this enterprise would be a provocative strategy aimed at making the LTTE “quit” in disgust. This it is hoped would absolve the Government and lay the blame squarely on the tigers.From Karuna faction violence to the Amendment controversy a grand design to provoke the LTTE and undo Geneva can be detected.
What is important for the LTTE is to realise the gravity of the situation and not be suckered into a trap. The LTTE has just managed to come out of the International dog house because of its readiness to participate in Geneva talks.
The LTTE which undermined itself greatly in International perception due to blunders like the Kadirgamar assassination, enforced boycott and peoples war is now in the process of rehabilitating itself through Geneva.
It would indeed be a terrible mistake for it to get irritated or provoked by Colombo and the Sinhala hawks to unilaterally withdraw from Geneva talks as urged by a vocal section of its supporters.
Instead it should stay the course in Geneva and not lose sight of its objectives. Whatever the speculation in media circles about Geneva the LTTE should not announce withdrawal.The tigers must press for the de- fanging of the armed Tamil groups as pledged by the government in Geneva.
This also entails a strict guarantee by the LTTE that it would not conduct an assassination spree against unarmed non - tiger groups. The state if it really has concern for these “paramilitaries” should absorb them as regulars in the army and station them elsewhere.
It is important to realise that de- fanging the paramilitaries does not mean abandoning them or handing them over to the LTTE. It is only the violence unleashed by these groups that should end during the peace talks and not the physical survival of these groups.
It is also necessary to distinguish between the political role and military roles of these groups. While military functions should end they should be free to do politics as they wish. In this respect all claims by the LTTE about who and who comprise the so called paramilitaries should be carefully analysed.
The GOSL pledge in Geneva of curbing the paramilitaries is something it cannot go back on.The LTTE should canvass for international support in pressuring the GOSL on this. The tigers would do well to avoid getting entangled in diversionary controversies like “was the CFA amended or not debate” and focus on tangible results.
Hopefully what the LTTE should do in its own interests and in the interests of the Tamil people is to participate fully in the Geneva talks.By doing so it would at best achieve its aims or at worst expose the regime . By participating in the peace process the LTTE can become the “strategic partner” that the West wants it to be.
Whatever the ultimate outcome of Geneva the tigers would not lose if they stay and only if they stay the course without quitting as in the past.By exercising patience the LTTE can achieve results which it can never aspire to through war.The ball is in the LTTE court.
March 12th, 2006
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
The Geneva conclave between the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) - facilitated by Norway with assistance by Switzerland - is over but the shouting is yet to subside.
If one were to ignore the diversionary post - Geneva cackle and focus only on the joint statement released by Oslo seven points are of relevant importance.
Firstly there is the joint renewal of an earlier commitment by the GOSL and LTTE to respect and uphold the ceasefire.” The government and the LTTE are committed to respecting and upholding the ceasefire agreement, “the statement says.
Secondly there is the joint affirmation of a commitment to cooperate with the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission.Both sides “ reconfirmed their commitment to fully cooperate with and respect the rulings of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission,” the statement emphasised.
Thirdly there is a joint reiteration of adhering to ceasefire agreement provisions. The statement notes “The government and the LTTE are committed to taking all necessary measures to ensure that there will be no intimidation, acts of violence, abductions or killings.”
Fourthly the tigers have guaranteed that there would be no violence against the security forces or police. “The LTTE is committed to taking all necessary measures to ensure that there will be no acts of violence against the security forces and the police” says the statement.
Fifthly the GOSL has guaranteed that no armed group other than security forces will carry arms or carry out security operations. “The government is committed to taking all necessary measures in accordance with the ceasefire agreement to ensure that no armed group or persons other than government security forces will carry arms or conduct armed operations.” the statement says.
Sixthly both sides have agreed to meet again at the same venue in two months.The Swiss government will again host the talks. “The parties requested the Swiss government to host the next round of talks in Geneva from April 19 to 21 this year.”
Seventhly the SLMM is required to monitor and report on the implementation of agreements reached at the next round of talks. “The SLMM will report on the implementation on these agreements at the next session of talks.” the statement observes.
There were discussions on various subjects including child combatants etc. But as far as the statement goes no new decision seems to have been arrived at on these matters.. Also there is an acrimonious debate going on about the status of the original ceasefire agreement. Were the decisions reached in Geneva amendments to the ceasefire or not? is the question.
Against the backdrop of earlier post - ceasefire decisions in Thailand, Norway and Japan not being incoroporated or recognized as amendments to the ceasefire , whatever decision taken in Switzerland too cannot be regarded as amendments.If Geneva decisions are to be elevated to amendment status then all those earlier ones including the Oslo commitment to explore federalism should be regarded as amendments too.
Furthermore a close scrutiny of Geneva decisions reveal that these decisions do not change or transform the original CFA in any way. There has only been a renewal of commitment to the CFA and certain provisions. Decisions have been reached to help implement efficiently some CFA provisions. Guarantees have also been given to prevent impediments to the CFA recurring. In that respect the Geneva decisions if implemented on ground will strengthen the ceasefire.
It must be stressed however that in order to identify deficiencies in the CFA and its implementation and sugest remedies a review of the CFA would be necessary. It may not be comprehensive and deal with only some aspects but nevertheless a review and reappraisal is necessary . “Strengthening” is possible only if the existing agreement is examined and weaknesses are discovered. To argue therefore that the CFA was not discussed at all in Geneva is equally facetious as the argument that it was amended there.
In any case one party to the Geneva confabulations cannot unilaterally determine whether the CFA was amended or not. Such conclusions if they are to be binding can only be bilateral and with the facilitators concurrence. Any one is at liberty to inform the press or issue press statements about their respective interpretations but they require acceptance by the other party to be truly valid.
A case in point is the elaborate charade conducted by Mahinda Rajapakse’s regime prior to the Geneva parley. A massive media campaign was on to inform the Country that all sorts of issues were going to be discussed and held training sessions on many issues. The LTTE kept on repeating that only the issue of strengthening the ceasefire was on the cards in Geneva.The Governments “preparations” became redundant when Erik Solheim delivered a knock - out blow by asserting at commencement that only the issues about implementing the ceasefire was on the agenda.
The diversionay debate about the CFA being amended is superficially “legal” but in reality it is “political”. The Rajapakse regime is caught in a contradiction between precept and practice. Rajapakse comes to power saying he will replace or change the ceasefire but goes along with the CFA after assuming office. This in turn has resulted in puerile exercises to envelop reality in illusion.
The vulgar build - up to Geneva was one such attempt.Trying to get the term “ceasefire” instead of ” Ceasefire agreement” being included in the joint statement was another. The post - Geneva announcement about the CFA being amended is yet one more try to distort perceptions among his voters and allies.
Legal arguments are being paraded to suit political imperaives.It appears however that the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and Jathika Hela Urumaya have not been gullible. Likewise the bulk of Mahinda’s voters too though taken in by his tough posture on the ceasefire at the Presidential hustings are not likely to be deceived again.
The single biggest outcome of the Geneva conclave is not what was mentioned explicitly in the press statement but the implicit commitment provided by Mahinda Rajapakse that his government would abide by the ceasefire entered into by the UNF government with the LTTE. Of course by not attempting to change or replace it when he was Prime Minister Mahinda accepted the CFA tacitly. But he could palm “blame” for that on Chandrika.
After Rajapakse became President the buck stopped right at his desk. With the participation of a GOSL delegation authorised by Mahinda at the Geneva talks and the so called “consensus” reached there the new President has demonstrated clearly that he is bound by and committed to the ceasefire agreement. The “hocus pocus” prattle about the status of the ceasefire is only a sideshow stratagem to divert attention away from this salient aspect. Rajapakse in this is like a magician sidetracking his audience with a lot of chatter about various things while his deft fingers suceed in pulling wool collectively over its eyes.
Adhering to the ceasefire under normal circumstances is positive and not negative. Since Mahinda came to power by describing the ceasefire as treachery but is now sticking to it he is in a difficult position.He has to be seen “distancing” himself from the CFA on the one hand while doing everything possible to keep it going on the other.
If demonstrating its bona fides to the international community is of importance to the LTTE the Colombo regime regards the Sri Lankan people at large as the constituency it needs catering to. Illustrating this priority vividly was the press - conference after the sessions. Though there were many representatives of the International media there was little attempt to address them. Instead much of the allotted 20 minutes was devoted to statements in Sinhala and Tamil by Bogollagama and Ashraff for Sri Lankan TV.
Speakingof Bogollagama reminds one of another media related matter.Many attempts were made to undermine the LTTE by sections of the Sri Lankan media while the talks were in progress.Some for instance whipped themselves up into a frenzy over the LTTE releasing Balasingham’s opening statement to the press. “Foul” they cried alleging that the LTTE did not play by the accepted rules.
What these rants and raves left unsaid was the explanation proffered by the LTTE when Oslo raised this issue at the insistence of Colombo. Balasingham cooly pointed out that it was Colombo which broke the ground rules first. He referred to the various media interviews given by Bogollagama the official GOSL spokesman in Geneva prior to the talks. This was a breach of etiquette agreed upon the LTTE said. It was this travesty that necessitated the LTTE releasing its statement unilaterally it was pinpointed. The end result was the abrupt cancelling of Bogollagama’s “unilateral” press conference on the first day proving that the LTTE position on this was a valid one.
The GOSL’s response to the LTTE releasing its statement by coming out with its own statement had another consequence. It revealed that the GOSL stance as articulated by Nimal Siripala de Silva was that in the eyes of the Rajapakse regime the current ceasefire was detrimental to national security and sovereignity, illegal and anti - Constitutional. This revelation was perhaps the most glaring contradiction of them all.
Here was a Government engaging in talks about strenghening a ceasefire agreement it described in seriously negative terms. Even if the decisions reached in Geneva were accepted as ceasefire amendments those conclusions have little bearing on the GOSL criticism of the CFA about issues like national security, sovereignty, legality and Constitutionality.
Thus Rajapakse going along with the CFA is one more instance where Ranil Wickremasinghe has been proven right on the question of the ceasefire.. Politically this could be detrimental to Rajapakse and hence the pathetic attempts to distort reality. Fortunately for him the UNP instead of exploiting this opportunity is busily inactive being preoccupied with its own infighting.
At the inception of the talks Anton Balasingham observed that it would be better to avoid “acrimonious bickering” in the sessions. He also reportedly told Govt delegates that it was a political and not legal forum. Yet the bickering that subsided to the level of a limited agreement being reached in Geneva has now surfaced again after the conclave. In spite of the heated exchanges threatening dire consequences it does not seem likely that the “amendment” issue would prevent both sides from meeting again in Geneva during April.
What is likely to affect the fragile relationship however is failure to honour or implement the decisions reached in Geneva. Let it not be forgotten that similiar decisions have been reached in the past too. Erik Solheim says that the outcome in Geneva exceeded his expectations. May be so. The real test however is not in arriving at a joint decision but to carry it through. Both the GOSL and LTTE have claimed that they have scored a victory in Geneva.
Boasting of success now is premature. Let us not forget that there is a sense of deja vu in all this. We have passed through this path before. In fact many, many times. The very fact that Geneva talks became necessary and required both sides to reiterate their commitment to what was agreed four years ago is by itself proof that mere agreements are worthless as the paper they are written on unless and until they are adhered to faithfully.
Anton Balasingham addressing the Tamil media claimed it was a diplomatic victory. In 2002 he said the same thing after the ceasefire agreement was signed. The statements made after GOSL - LTTE meetings in Thailand, Norway , Germany and Japan too were very very optimistic. Yet what happened? After repeated assertions about significant progress being made at the various rounds of talks tiger political commissar SP Thamilselvan turned around and called them a profitless waste of time. Thereafter the LTTE quit talking saying nothing concrete was being achieved. The tigers accused the GOSL of not honouring commitments made in the CFA and at the talks .
There is very little change in the situation even now. In fact it has even taken a turn for the worse with the JVP and JHU gaining more clout with Rajapakse. The new President is also surrounded with notorious Sinhala hardliners. Against that backdrop one cannot see certain commitments and obligations being honoured at all. Take for instance the high security zones. It was not discussed this time but earlier during Wickremasinghes time some decisions were arrived at. Yet they were not honoured because the then Jaffna military commander Sarath Fonseka took a tough line. That was that. Now the same man is overall army commander. The writing is on the wall.
It is one thing to agree but entirely a different matter when it comes to implementation. It is easy to promise but difficult to deliver. The past experiences and historical memories of the Tamils can only make them suspicious of easy pledges. There are many examples of political perfidy in the distant and recent past.
There has also been the legal dimension. In Sri Lanka there has been a marked departure from many other countries where the Judiciary goes the extra male to protect the rights of the minorities. In Sri Lanka with a few honourable exceptions the legal system has failed the minorities many times. The Kodeeswaran case is a notable example.
In recent times too there are many such instances. Bindunuwewa massacre , Mailanthanai massacre , Trincomalee bus stand statue incident , bodies floating in Western province waterways etc are some of these.Another instance is that of the P - TOMS. After protracted discussions the GOSL and LTTE signed a document to set up a humanitarian structure to rehabilitate the tsunami victims. The JVP went to courts and now the P-TOMS is virtually abandoned.
The International community welcomes Geneva talks. The first phase was only about the ceasefire. Yet the hope is that both sides will honour the commitments given and proceed further till substantive issues of power sharing are discussed. The current talks are seen as confidence building measures. For these hopes to be realised there isa preliminary obligation to be fulfilled. Both sides must honour the guarantees given in Geneva.
What undermines the credibility of these mutual guarantees is the element of ironic absurdity. The LTTE has been saying that it is not responsible for the recent violence against the security forces and Police in the N - E. The tigers say that the people are on the upsurge and that it is a peoples war. But now the very same tigers are providing a guarantee that no such attacks will occur.
On the other hand the GOSL guarantees the disarming of other armed groups and also prevention of operations. The LTTE has been accusing the GOSL of backing these groups descibed as “para military” by the tigers. The GOSL has been denying responsibility saying these groups are independent functionaries. But now the same GOSL is guaranteeing the de - fanging of these groups.
What this demonstrates is that both the LTTE and GOSL were being economical with the truth when they disclaimed total responsibility for the respective acts of violence perpetrated against security personnel and tiger cadres.By agreeing to curb the violence both sides are tacitly admitting that they can control it. The underlying weakness in this situation is that both sides are required to control covertly what they have been denying overtly.
There are also ambiguities in the statement that may be potentially detrimental in the future. The LTTE is asked to guarantee that security forces and Police will not be harmed. But there is no such explicit reference to the members of non - LTTE groups. The general provisions of the ceasefire are invoked to cover these elements. Memories are short. These ceasefire provisions did not prevent the LTTE from unleashing attacks on these Tamil groups in the past. Without a specific assurance as in the case of security forces there is no restraint on the LTTE. In fact if the GOSL does disarm these groups they then become sitting ducks.
The Geneva statement stipulates that except for GOSL security personnel no other group will be allowed to carry arms or engage in armed operations. It is assumed that these provisions apply to the non - tiger groups alone. Yet there is ambiguity. The status of the LTTE in this sphere is not specifically outlined. The disarming clause could be extended to the LTTE also. There is no explicit reference excluding the LTTE. This could open a Pandora’s box. Already “Col” Karuna is insisting that the LTTE has to be disarmed and that his men will carry arms as long as Pirapakaran’s men do so.
“Col” Karuna’s protest cannot be seen as a maverick, solo performance. It appears to be more of an orchestrated exercise.It could be the beginning of a calculated attempt to obstruct the Geneva decisions being implemented. The inherent weakness in the agreement reached in Geneva is that the GOSL has promised something it may not want to deliver. If Colombo does deliver then Balasingham’s claim of a victory may ring true. But the reality is that this is a pledge Colombo wont or cant deliver. It is somewhat like the earlier promises on the high security zones.
The only “successes” the armed forces have been able to achieve in recent times have been through the manipulation of the so called Tamil “paramilitary” forces. This is a sad indictment of the security forces but nevertheless an incontrovertible fact.Balasingham in his opening statement charged the Government of aiding and abetting the EPDP, PLOTE, EPRLF, KAruna faction and a Muslim “Jihad” group. During discussions the political adviser stated that the ENDLF was also involved. Balasingam grouped the EPDP, ENDLF and Karuna faction together. He also referred to the revival of deep penetration squad operations.
The Tamil “paramilitaries” in the East have succeeded in driving the mainstream LTTE away from GOSL controlled areas. Moreover Karunas men have penetrated LTTE areas , ambushing and launching attacks on the LTTE directly. If full scale war erupts the Karuna cadres will be a great asset to Colombo.Tamil paramilitaries in the North have killed and abducted over a hundred supporters and sympathisers of the LTTE. This resulted in over 16,000 tiger supporters fleeing to the LTTE controlled Wanni. The “peoples war” of the LTTE was thwarted by these operations. Though deserving highest condemnation from a human rights perspective there is no denying that it was this brutal campaign that ended the so called “peoples war”.
Against this backdrop it is highly unlikely to expect the GOSL to genuinely disarm these groups or completely prevent armed operations. With the LTTE being untrustworthy and a roused Sinhala polity influenced by the JVP and JHU the chances of Karuna or Douglas having their “military wings” clipped seems impossible. A realistic expectation could be the curbing of these groups for a period of time. There could be a temporary lull. Expecting anything further is unlikely because Colombo knows that the Tamil groups are an asset that it cannot afford to let go of.
The LTTE however is campaigning excessively on this issue proclaiming that the Government will de-fang the Tamil groups. If and when this expectation turns sour the situation would certainly deteriorate. Violence could recur. The LTTE could also take the high ground on this because the tigers will initially honour their commitment. This is due to circumstances. The truth is that the LTTE sponsored “Tamil resurgent force” violence petered out because of state - sponsored repression through Tamil groups. The LTTE was dealt with its own currency. Thus the LTTE called off its campaign long before Geneva. By agreeing to curb the violence it has only made a virtue out of necessity.
Given this background it does seem a case of counting chickens before hatching to claim success in Geneva. Dovish promises by hawkish entities are uncharacteristic and usually unreliable. The litmus test will be in genuinely implementing the respective commitments. The coming weeks before the second round in Geneva will be a probationary period.
According to the statement the SLMM will be monitoring progress and report on it at the next session. If significant progress is registered the process could proceed to the next stage. If developments are negative the second round of Geneva talks could pave the way for war.If the assurances given at the first round are flouted constantly a question mark may loom large over Geneva soon. [TamilWeek, Mar 5, 2006]
March 5th, 2006