Archive for April, 2006
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Another New Year dawns!
Puthaandu Vaalthukkal.
Subha Aluth Avuruddhak Wewa
Happy New Year
This April new year according to the traditional 60 year astrological cycle will be called the “Vyaya Varusham”. Once again the Kuyil – Koha will sing and the Oonjal – Onchilla swing as Sithirai – Wap unfolds.
With bombs killing innocent civilians and mobs burning people alive the new year celebrations seem a hollow farce. The ceasefire brokered by the much maligned Norwegians has despite its flaws averted bloodshed and destruction on a large scale for four years. In spite of the mutual bickering by politicians and politicised persons the ordinary people on both sides of the ethnic divide have certainly had the benefits of peace.
Now everything seems shaky. A president elected on a hardline mandate surrounded by hawkish secretaries, commanders and advisers on one side.A self – appointed national leader in command of a ruthless military machine on the other.A silent majority yearning for lasting peace and justice caught in the middle. Will the fragile peace crumble? is the question as both sides prepare for war while mouthing platitudes of peace.Hopes of a war free “vyaya” new year seem slender.
Heralding the “puthu Varusham” on that melancholy note let me return to my favourite grouse at the commencement of each traditional “aluth avuruddhu”. Its all about my pet phobia – the subtle and not so subtle moves to divide the Thamizh people on a religious basis at the beginning of each April new year.
[Pic: Sunrise in Thalaiyadi, Vadamaratchi, Jaffna District]
Look at the opening lines of a news story in a Colombo English daily.” Special arrangements have been taken by the police to maintain law and order during the Sinhala and Hindu New Year season by deploying an additional force of more than 400 policemen and 60 special emergency radio communication units in the Greater Colombo area.” it says.
Once again the Colombo media rides its hobby horse. It is “Sinhala New year” for the Mahajathiya but only “Hindu New Year” for the Sulujathiya.When it comes to the Sinhala people the new year is portrayed as being for both the Buddhists and Christians. When it comes to the Thamizh people the New Year is depicted as being for only the Hindus and not the Christians.
This may seem a trivial issue but it bothers many of us at this festive time. This April new year is one festival that is common to an overwhelming number of Sinhala and Thamil people in the Island of Sri Lanka. What is saddening and maddening is the recurring phenomenon of widespread attempts to divide the Tamils on a religious basis on this happy occasion.
[Pic: Sunset in Negombo]
With very few exceptions most Sri Lankan media in English and Sinhala refer to the April New Year as Sinhala and Hindu New Year. Instead of saying Sinhala and Tamil new year the reference is to Sinhala and Hindu. If the yardstick for this is the fact that Christian Tamils cannot subscribe to a Hindu new year then by the same token it is equally inapplicable to Sinhala Christians too. If so it should be Buddhist and Hindu New Year. Assuming an overarching Sinhala identity on the one hand and denying the same to Tamil on the other smacks not only of double standards but possesses designs to divide the Tamils on account of religion.
[Pic: Sunset in Koonithivu, Muthur]
Granted that the calculation of years on the basis of a 60 year cycle has its roots in “Hindu” astrology. It is also a fact that Christians following Western custom regard Jan 1st as the New Year.The reality however is that Jan 1st has become “universal” over the years. Buddhists, Hindus, Muslims and Christians all celebrate Jan 1st as New Year. The Christians may have their Watchnight services but nowadays most places of worship have special ceremonies to mark the occasion.
It is the 365 day cycle after Jan 1st that is followed by everyone in Sri Lanka and the world in practice. The April New Year has become more of a cultural event. The world is awaking up to the reality that all of us have multiple – identities and that the notion of “one land, one language, one race , one culture, one people” etc are outdated. All of us have different identities, interests and spaces. Multiple and plural are the realistic terms of the present and future.
[Pic: Sunrise in Galle]
The custom of having two new years is but one example of this “multi” in ourselves. As far as Tamil Christians were concerned the introduction of Christianity through Westerners did result in many following or aping their practice and customs. Neglect of our traditional cultural values was a regrettable legacy. Post – Colonialism however has brought about a fresh reappraisal There has been a conscious effort to identify with all things Thamil. The Post – Independence politics has accelerated this desire.
Thai Pongal and Sithiraip Puthaandu are seen as Tamil cultural festivals and not as Hindu festivals. If one were to go to our rural or semi – urban places one would find some Christians also participating and enjoying these festivals as their own. These festivals open up Tamil cultural space. It is however less pronounced in the cities.
Three things are now affecting this pleasant commonality. The state of affairs in the Country and modernisation is restricting the time devoted to the common cultural space in these festivities. The limited time makes people focus more on religion than the social aspects.
Secondly there is an increasing tendency on the part of Hindu Tamils to transform these cultural festivals into religious ones. This is notably so in the case of Thaipongal which was a non – religious event.
Thirdly the rise of religious fundamentalism among Christians particularly the new converts is creating a situation where people are abhorring and shunning these festivals as ungodly and pagan. Thus the cultural roots and legacy of us all is being undermined.
A Western missionary who served in Lanka once issued a call to “Ceylon” in poetic language. In that he envisioned a noble future for this Land where the races would blend and the people would march in unison to the beat of a single drum. Today in this environment of strife that vision seems a mirage.
Yet hope springs eternal. Even if we cannot ascend to sublime heights we can at least not descend to despicable depths. Even if we cannot unite on the basis of a broader identity let us not divide ourselves further on narrower identities.
It would indeed be a sad day for all of us if we gradually get pushed into singular grooves instead of living and experiencing this vast legacy of humanity to which we are all heirs .
Nearly sixty years have passed since Independence. We are yet to assume a true national identity. We have not transcended our imagined sense of ethnic community.
If this regressive process gains strength we will become Buddhists and Christians and Hindus and Christians. That day is still to dawn.
Until then (God forbid) we are Sinhala and Tamils enjoying our common legacy of April New Year. The “Sithirai” New Year is for Sinhalese and Tamils in Sri Lanka. It cannot be for Sinhala and Hindu only. This sustained effort to prolong this “divide” by the Sri Lankan media deserves the strongest possible condemnation. [Pictures Courtesy of HumanityAshore.org]
April 13th, 2006
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Thirukkonamalai or Trincomalee saw large scale violence being unleashed against Tamils following a series of claymore mine explosions directed against security personnel deployed in the district.While the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam organization was suspected of being responsible for the claymore attacks , members of the armed forces and Police along with gangs of Sinhala speaking hoodlums were behind the systematic assault on Tamil lives and property.
The anti – Tamil violence was gradually brought under control due to firm action by President Mahinda Rajapakse following a telephonic message by Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh who urged the Sri Lankan head of state to ensure the security and safety of Trincomalee Tamil civilians.According to preliminary reports at least 16 people had been killed and 64 injured in the latest round of Trincomalee violence.
With district state machinery in total disarray and members of the public in a state of panic gathering exact information about the happenings in Trincomalee posed much difficulty for journalists seeking truth .It was however possible to piece together a cohesive picture of what had happened there from details provided by officials and residents who requested anonymity for obvious reasons.This report compiled within a short time under difficult conditions is based on preliminary information and is subject to change if and when further details are available.
With Sinhala and Tamil new year being around the corner Trincomalee town was buzzing with activity as people went about their festive shopping on the 12th of April. Though the district had seen much violence over the past few days the historic coastal town with a Tamil majority seemed quite normal due perhaps to approaching “Aluth Avuruddhu” and “Puthu Varusham”.
The previous day had seen a claymore mine attack on a navy vehicle at Kanthalai killing 12 persons. On the 12th morning another claymore attack on a Police vehicle at Kumburupiddy near the Vipulananda housing scheme had killed two Policemen. Additional security personnel were deployed in Trinco district and town on account of the attacks .Despite additional security personnel and Police being stationed in the town because of increased violence ordinary people went about their business without much bother.
An explosion shattered the calm at about 3. 45 pm in the vegetable market dominated mainly by Sinhala vendors. A group of Army and Navy personnel seemed the target. Initially it was thought that a grenade had been thrown but later it was discovered that a bomb parcel attached to a bicycle had been triggered off by a remote device. Naturally the tigers were suspected of being responsible for this and the previous attacks too.
The explosion saw about five persons getting killed and another eight being injured. Among those killed were a Sinhala soldier and a Sinhala woman. Among those injured were two navy sailors of whom one succumbed to his wounds later.
Some army and navy personnel then began opening fire at random. Many civilians were injured and a few killed. It is reported about five were killed and over twenty injured in this melee.
People began scattering from the area and the town began shutting down. Within ten minutes of the market attack a group of unidentified men believed to be naval personnel in civils threw three grenades at Tamil shops in the town. According to residents the grenades exploded within a ten minute period roughly between 4.00 pm and 4. 10 pm. One of the grenades exploded in a provision shop and killed and injured about five to eight Tamil people there.
With these attacks most Tamil businesses began putting up shutters and ordinary civilians consisting of Tamils, Sinhalese and Muslims began fleeing to their homes. The town was fast becoming deserted except for Army, Navy and Police personnel.
Around 4. 15 pm saw trucks trundling in to the heart of Trincomalee town. Gangs of Sinhala speaking youngsters got out brandishing weapons like swords, clubs, knives, rods etc. They were all in civils. These hoodlums then went on the rampage. Though some media reports refer to enraged people engaging in spontaneous violence all evidence points to a well – planned assault by gangs of hoodlums.
There is also no evidence of communal clashes as mentioned in some quarters. The armed assailants were Sinhala speaking while the unarmed victims were Tamil speaking. There were no riots as alleged by some. It was essentially one sided with the Sinhala gangs going on the rampage while the predominantly Sinhala army, navy and Police simply watched or in some instances assisted the marauders.
The gangs themselves consisted of disparate elements according to some residents. Some were security personnel in civils. Some were Sinhala homeguards. Some were activists and supporters of the Jathika Vimukthi Peramuna and Jathika Hela Urumaya in the district. Some were members of a Sinhala supremacist organization.Some were criminal elements from the market area and coastal settlements.
The violence unleashed was of two kinds. In one type the gangs began scouring the streets of Trincomalee for Tamils.Whenever they got hold of one the gangs began assaulting the victim mercilessly.They also wrecked any Tamil owned vehicle they got hold of If some sections were engaged in crimes of passion others were involved in crimes of profit..
With Tamils abandoning businesses and fleeing for safety after the three grenade attacks these elements began targeting those enterprises.Gangs began systematically looting and stripping these shops of their merchandise. The “spoils of war” were then loaded into trucks and lorries and taken away. While at least one vehicle was seen going into the dockyard naval camp other vehicles were taken to Sinhala residential areas in suburban Trincomalee.
Once the business places were looted the gangs began setting them on fire. Though Tamil shops were the only targets at least two Sinhala owned places including a bakery were also caught up in the spreading fire. It is said that the bakery caught fire when a Tamil owned pajeiro inter – cooler was set on fire in front of the premises. It is estimated that around 25 shops and a few houses were ablaze by dusk.
Unconfirmed reports said that a few Muslim shops were also looted and burnt. Some Muslims too were attacked the unconfirmed reports allege.
While all this was going on the Police and security personnel simply watched and waited. Some navy men were seen actively involved in the lawlessness. Security personnel also chased away Tamils or encouraged them to flee from the area saying “we will look after your property. We will bring them under control”.
The violence was initially in places like main street, clocktower road, central road and north coast road. Soon it began spreading to areas like Linga nagar, Orrs hill, Anbuvalipuram etc.Gangs also began stopping vehicles at Abhayapura and Anuradhapura road junctions and beat up Tamils. A fuel outlet run by the Indian Oil Corporation was also reportedly torched and employees attacked.
According to unconfirmed reports two Tamils on a motor cycle were killed and burnt near the Anuradhapura road junction. Another Tamil was hacked to death in Linga nagar according to another report.
The people in Tamil areas like tenth ward, Linga nagar, Orrs hill, Pallanthottam, Thirukadaloor, Veeranagar, Bharathypuram, Selvanayagapuram, Anbuvalipuram, Paalaiootru etc were in a state of panic and prepared to evacuate from their homes in anticipation of anti – Tamil violence. Tamils in Trincomalee town were huddled up in their homes ready to flee at the first sign of danger.Some had fled the town to other places in the district. Many sought refuge in places of worship and public places during night.
There were three related reasons for Tamil fears and anxiety. Firstly they had seen anti – Tamil violence underway and feared the worst. Secondly they had heard threats from the Sinhala gangs about “cleansing” (Suddha koranda)Trincomalee of Tamils permanently. Thirdly they knew the security personnel would not protect them and may even participate in the violence.
The Sinhala – speaking violent elements were now gathering in full force in Trinco town and suburban junction areas. Liquour and Kassippu was being consumed. The plan seemed to be that of launching a systematic anti – Tamil campaign at night. Many rogue elements among security personnel were expected to join the mobs by night.
The idea was to attack and drive the Tamils away from Trincomalee town and suburban areas. The plan was to disperse Tamils from Trinco and herd them in refugee camps elsewhere.Trinco was to be “ethnically cleansed “. It was widely suspected that several “higher ups” were supportive of this plot.The armed forces and Police in Trincomalee were at worst to participate actively in this campaign and at best look on as spectators.
The newly elected Trincomalee urban council chairman Gowrimuhunthan and Tamil National list Parliamentarian Thurairatnasingham were also bottled up in their residences but kept track of what was happening through other residents.
Thurairatnasingham first informed President Rajapakse’ s coordinating secretary of the situation but no remedial action was taken. He along with other TNA parliamentarians in Colombo alerted Police and defence authorities but there was no improvement in the situation.
The new Swedish Monitoring mission chief Maj – Gen (Retd)Ulf Hendricsson was in Trincomalee at the Naval eastern command headquarters when the violence began. The monitors were also informed of the situation by Tamil civilians. The ordinary people rely heavily on the SLMM and entreated them to visit the violence afflicted areas. But the monitors said that function was not part of their mandate and that the monitors’ lives could not be endangered.
With talk of an ethnic cleansing campaign at night circulating in Trinco the Tamils were frantic with fear. Their hope in the SLMM was shattered. It was at this point that the Trinco Tamils turned to India. In spite of the pro – tiger elements criticising India at every turn and accusing their intelligence agency of being behind every bush in the North – East, the helpless Tamils had no other resort than to appeal to India at a time of desperate need.
Thurairatnasingham was able to contact deputy high commissioner Manickam and appraise him of the situation. Other Tamil MP’s in Colombo also appealed to their High Commission friends. Though it was past normal office hours the Indian diplomats worked swiftly. New Delhi was urgently alerted.
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh got on to the telephone and commenced a one to one dialogue with President Rajapakse. Singh expressed concern over the recent landmine attacks on services personnel and commended the Government for its restraint. He urged that the situation be defused through dialogue and expressed hope that the Geneva talks will be held as scheduled. He also conveyed his sympathies to the dead soldier families.
Premier Singh however cautioned Rajapakse that whatever the provocation by the LTTE the civilian community should not be harmed. He urged that the Police and security forces should protect all civilians regardless of race or religion. He told Rajapakse that the reports he was getting suggested that Tamil civilians were being victimised in Trincomalee. He “requested” Rajapakse to take special care to protect them and not let the situation detetiorate.
Singh also reminded Rajapakse of India’s strategic interests in the Region particularly the Oil tank farm leased out to India. He promised all assistance if required to quell the troubles in Trinco.
The “pragmatic” Rajapakse got the message. Orders were sent out to Trinco that the violence should be brought under control immediately. Rajapakse also despatched Investment promotion minister Rohitha Bogollagama, North Central chief minister Berty Premalal Dissanayake, Former Naval chief and current joint operations command head Daya Sandagiri and IGP Chandra Fernando to Trinco with explicit instructions that the situation be rectified and civilians protected.
Things began to move. For the first time a Police curfew was declared in Trinco.Security personnel in Trincomalee were reluctantly perhaps compelled to control the situation. Still none of the mob members were fired upon or arrested. But shots were fired in the air intermittently to disperse the violent elements.
Slowly and steadily the hoodlums were dissuaded from their ethnic cleansing project and sent away from the town. Though tensions remained the situation was brought under control. Thanks mainly to India the security of Tamil civilians was safeguarded and the ethnic cleansing calamity averted.
Singh’s telephone call to Rajapakse reminded political observers of the 1983 situation where former Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi telephoned JR Jayewardene personally and sent foreign minister Narasimha Rao to Sri Lanka. The Lankan Govt began taking steps to quell the 1983 July violence only after India stepped in.
Manmohan Singh however deserves praise for acting quickly to help preeempt the escalation of anti – Tamil violence in Trincomalee. Indian diplomats in Colombo who acted promptly too are to be commended for their speed and concern.
Meanwhile Trincomalee town was in darkness as electricity board and urban council employees were at home in fear. Many Tamils were stranded in different places and family members worried for their safety not knowing their wherabouts. At the time of this article being written the death toll in the latest round had reached 16. Around 65 people were injured. Of these a few cases were serious. The victims of this violent spree were Sinhalese, Tamils and a few Muslims.Around 15 to 20 vehicles were destroyed or badly damaged.
The situation in Trinco had become tense after attacks were launched against the LTTE by paramilitaries . It is reported that about 20 Karuna faction men are staying at the EPDP office in Trinco. The assassination of Trincomalee Peoples forum president Vannitasingham Vigneswaran in a high security area on April 7th is attributed to paramilitary elements backed by the security forces. The LTTE has also complained of navy attacks on them.
Despite denials by the LTTE it is widely believed that the tigers chose to retaliate by launching attacks on the security forces and Police. On April 11th a landmine attack on a Navy truck in Kanthalai saw 12 men being killed. On April 12th morning a claymore mine atached to a tree at Kumburupiddy on the Pulmoddai road saw a Police truck being hit. Two cops were killed and two injured. Then there was the vegetable market claymore mine killing a soldier and sailor in addition to civilians.
It is suspected that a plot was hatched to teach a lesson to the Tamils and tigers by launching a reprisal attack on Tamil civilians if and when the tigers struck again. The moment came when the cycle claymore exploded. Since preparations had already been made a swift attack commenced. A combination of security personnel, homeguards, political activists and criminal elements was involved in the violence.
This was no spontaneous outburst but a pre- meditated operation. The timing was decided indirectly by the LTTE. The situation may have worsened into an “ethnic cleansing” campaign but for President Rajapakse who in turn was influenced to do the right thing by Premier Manmohan Singh.
The Tamil civilians of Trincomalee are living amidst great danger. The LTTE bombastic rhetoric and irresponsible attacks only exacerbate the danger. Sadly for Tamils their self – imposed sole representatives provoke the security personnel into retaliatory violence. But the self – described protectors are nowhere to be seen when ordinary people are victimised.
At the height of the Trincomalee violence the LTTE district Political Commissar Elilan was interviewed by the Canadian Tamil Radio (CTR). Elilan was asked about the steps taken by the tigers to protect the Tamil people. “This is in Government controlled areas. We cannot do anything” he replied.
This then is the sad situation. The LTTE can infiltrate Government areas to attack the armed forces but will not or cannot do anything to protect the helpless Tamil civilians facing violent reprisals. Why attack then and let the helpless civilian face the wrath of the Sinhala elements?
Likewise the state and its security forces along with the Sinhala hardliners have still not learnt their lesson. Unable to get back at the LTTE the Tamil civilian is being unfairly targeted. The Rajapakse regime must realise that civilians must be protected at all times and that a state must keep its security forces under control.
Meanwhile The Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) in a communique strongly condemned the violence that erupted in Trincomalee town yesterday and called on the government and the LTTE to use their influence to calm down the different communities to avoid any further escalation of violence.
“The level of violence that erupted in Trincomalee today reflects the worsening situation in the entire country which primarily stems from the mistrust which currently prevails between the two parties”, the communique said.
“Several serious attacks on Government soldiers have taken place over the last few days and this morning two policemen were killed in a claymore mine explosion north of Trincomalee.
At this stage the LTTE denies any involvement but SLMM head Major General Ulf Henricsson, who was visiting Trincomalee yesterday, hopes to meet LTTE political wing head S.P. Tamilselvan, today to discuss the attacks and the current situatation prevailing in the area. There is a real danger of the violence that erupted yesterday spreading throughout the country resulting in more innocent people dying if the two parties do not act quickly to bring the situation under control”, the communique said.
Related: The Buddha Statue and Tamil Solidarity in Trincomalee
April 12th, 2006
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on April 12th evening telephoned Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse to express concern over escalating violence in Trincomalee diplomatic sources said.
While expressing his sympathies about security personnel killed and injured in the claymore mine attacks in the district over the past few days the Indian Premier explicitly informed President Rajapakse that urgent precautions sahould be taken to ensure that the lives and property of civilians are protected.
Mr. Singh was referring specifically to the violence in Trincomalee town and suburbs where Tamil civilians were being targeted by Sinhala mobs aided and abetted by security personnel.
The anti – Tamil violence was sparked off by a grenade explosion in the vegetable market in which many Sinhala persons including two security personnel were killed. Security personnel then went bersek firing at random in Trinco
Thereafter mobs went on the rampage targeting Tamil civilians and businesses.with the support of security personnel mainly comprising members of the navy.
At least 14 were killed and 45 injured in the violence.
A fuel service station run by the Indian Oil Corporation was torched at Anbuvalipuram and employees attacked.
Tamil politicians and community leaders made urgent representations to Indian High Commission authorities in Colombo about the anti – Tamil violence and sought Indian intervention to for their protection.
The issue was given high priority by the High Commission which informed New Delhi of the seriousness of the situation.
This resulted in Prime Minister Singh telephoning President Rajapakse.
Singh urged Rajapakse to ensure the safety and security of civilians in Trincomalee immediately. He expreesed particular concern over the plight of Tamil civilians because of reports that Sinhala mobs backed by Sinhala security personnel were targeting them.
Singh also promised all assistance required by Sri Lanka to curb the violence. He emphasised that despite the provocation the situation should not be allowed to deteriorate further as it may lead to widespread communal conflagration in the Country.
Rajapakse assured Singh that the situation would be brought under control. The Lankan president urgently despatched Investment minister Rohitha Bogollagama and Joint security chief Daya Sandagiri to Trincomalee. The violence began subsiding thereafter with a curfew being declared and security personnel firing in the air to disperse mobs.
Singh’s telephone call to Rajapakse reminded political observers of the 1983 situation where former Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi telephoned JR Jayewardene personally and sent foreign minister Narasimha Rao to Sri Lanka. The Lankan Govt began taking steps to quell the 1983 July violence only after India stepped in.
Manmohan Singh however deserves praise for acting quickly to help preeempt the escalation of anti – Tamil violence in Trincomalee. Indian diplomats in Colombo who acted promptly too are to be commended for their speed and concern.
The elections to the legislature in Tamil Nadu state is to be held in May this year.
Meanwhile the Colombo “Daily Mirror” referred to the Manmohan – Mahinda telephone call in a front page report. The report stated as follows:
” Following the spate of grave violence in Trincomalee yesterday President Mahinda Rajapaksa informed Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh about the attacks.
During a telephone conversation between the two leaders, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh condemned the attacks and conveyed the regrets of the Indian Government to President Rajapaksa.
The President’s office in a communique said President Rajapaksa told Mr. Singh of the recent spate of attacks on the security forces personnel and in return he received the condolences of the Indian Premier.
The statement further added that the situation in Trincomalee was under control and that Minister Rohitha Bogollagama and North-Central Province Chief Minister Bertie Premalal Dissanayake were in Trincomalee to monitor development in the region.
Police Chief Chandra Fernando was also sent there by the President to strengthen the law and order situation in the troubled area.
Related:
-Anti-Tamil Violence wreaks havoc in Trincomalee
Other:
-Manmohan Singh – First ‘Non-Hindu’ PM of India
April 12th, 2006
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Today the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi or ITAK has been reborn as the political party representing the Tamil National Alliance. The TNA is now the shameless slave of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in the name of Tamil nationalism. Despite this sorry situation the politically beleaguered Sri Lankan Tamils have virtually no choice other than to support the TNA or ITAK at electoral hustings . This is both to express ethnic solidarity as well as register protest against the oppressive activities of the state and its repressive organs.
This collective mindset is very visible in regions where Tamil identity in general and Tamil security in particular are vulnerable. In such situations the Tamil people are faced with only a hobson’s choice. This was and is clearly manifested in Trincomalee where Tamils have shown massive solidarity in the past. The Tamil people of Thirukonamalai town, electorate and district have continually supported the FP and later the Tamil United Liberation Front. Now they are firmly behind the ITAK when it comes to elections.
The Local authority elections held on March 30th recorded a remarkable victory for the Tamil National Alliance candidates contesting under the aegis of Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi . They won the Tamil majority Trinco UC and Pradeshiya Sabha and the “Tamil” seats in other councils. In Verugal PS they were elected unopoosed.
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchchi (ITAK) won one seat each in Kantalai PS, Seruvila PS, Morawewa PS, and Kinniya UC, two in Thamplakamam PS, three in Kuchchaveli PS and 4 in Muttur PS in addition to capturing power in the Trincomalee UC (10 seats), Trincomalee Town and Gravets PS (06) and Verugal PS (07 seats-uncontested).Total number of councillors in the thirteen local authorities including two urban councils and eleven PS is 118. Of these ITAK members number thirty – six.
Different sections will interprete the results in different ways. What cannot be ignored or glossed over is the fact that Tamils in Trincomalee displayed great solidarity in voting for the ITAK. This is basically due to the Trinco Tamils feeling under threat . The polls are one way of ventilating their pent up emotions. Also in a multi – ethnic society such as Trincomalee the act of voting becomes almost a sacred duty.Failure to do so would result in other forces filling the vacuum.
The insecurity and political resentment felt by Trincomalee Tamils are both historical and contemporary. Trincomalee was a pre- dominantly Tamil speaking region at the dawn of the 20th Century. Tamils were the leading community. Yet state sponsored colonisation schemes and other planned settlements began altering the demographic structure drastically with outsiders being brought in. A comparatively lower birth rate along with an outward flow in Tamil migration saw the Tamil population ratio decrease. The escalation of the ethnic conflict accelerated this process.
With the protector deity of Trincomalee Lord Koneswarar himself under siege in the name of security his worshippers are thoroughly demoralised. There has been consistency in the efforts to de – Tamilise Trincomalee. There is a “Panchabalavegaya” in this project. Bureaucrats, Politicians, businessmen, Buddhist clergy and armed forces comprise this five – pronged force which seeks to “Sinhalaise” Gokanna.
The results are quite visible. Mudalikulam is now Morawewa;Kumaresan Kadavai is Gomarankadawela; Pankulam is Pankulama;Vilankulam is diwulwewa; Kallaru is Kallara;Thambalagamam is Thambalagamuwa; Kanthalai was once a Tamil region. Today the PS has one Tamil member only . Tamils on the whole are now in certain pockets only. The main roads now run through newly “sinhalaised” areas. The premier Tamil stronghold is the town and gravets area. Even there Tamils are fast becoming ghettoised.
The underlying reasons behind clashes of communalism are very often attributed to commercial conflict. The Trincomalee market is an example. The “market gang” consisting of Sinhala elements slowly took over the original market. Originally Sinhala commerce was confined to fish only but gradually began enlarging. They were strongly backed by the bureaucrats, armed forces and clergy.
Strangulated Tamil business interests in a rear – guard action tried to develop their own market in a Tamil neighbourhood. Tamils strongly supported a TELO backed Independent group led by Periyapodi Sooriyamoorthy in the nineties.He made it his mission to construct a market. Yet it was not allowed to function. N- E Governor Gen. Asoka Jayawardena used his powers to prevent its opening. Once again security was cited as an excuse. Adding insult to injury was the assault on Sooriyamoorthy in public by a security official.
[Photo TamilNet]
If these are past reasons for Tamil insecurity the present has its own crop too. Chief among them is the Bus Stand Buddhist statue. Last year a larger Buddha statue replaced overnight a smaller one near the three – wheeler stand in mysterious fashion. It was on Urban Council property and had been done illegally.LTTE backed Tamil organizations whipped up protests.Violence pervaded the atmosphere.The state responded not by taking steps to remove the controversial statue but by bringing in additional security personnel to protect the statue and curb peoples protests.
The problem here was not the erection of Buddha statues itself but the motives and manner of such erection. The erection and construction of Buddha statues in public places or unde r Bo trees has in many instances transcended the realm of genuine piety and devotion. There are many instances of these comprising a political project. The Buddha statues are very often symbols of intrusive supremacy.One realises that the vast majority of Buddhists in the Country have nothing to do with this political Buddhism and are appalled by the blatant abuse of Buddha statues. They are however voiceless in the face of this “mahajathiya” juggernaut attempting to crush the “sulujathiya”.
High level meetings were held to resolve the situation. At a meeting attended by N- E Governor Tyronne Fernando, Minister Maithripala Sirisena and Deputy – Minister Dilan Perera an assurance was given that the statue would be peacefully removed and deployed security personnel gradually withdrawn. It was also decided that the Attorney – General’s advice be sought. After a series of meetings the AG dept filed a plaint in the Trincomalee courts seeking removal of the Buddha statue. Within days a fundamental rights plaint was filed by a Buddhist prelate against the AG. The Chief Justice himself heard the case and delivered a controversial ruling.
The “Tamilnet” of July 19th 2005 reported the case as follows:
” On the instrustion of Supreme Court Justice Sarath N Silva, Attorney General (AG) withdrew the case filed by him in the Trincomalee District Court last month seeking a declaration that the Buddha statue which was erected in the Trincomalee bus stand vicinity is illegal.
Consequently Venerable Dehiowitta Piyatissa Thera, chief priest of the Chinabay Sri Bodhirajamaha Vihare withdrew the Fundamental Rights petition he filed against the AG. The AG also agreed to withdraw the letter instructing the Urban Development Authority (UDA) to take steps to remove the Buddha statue, legal sources said.
The AG did so on the instruction of the Chief Justice when the FR petition came before the bench comprised the three Justices including Mr.Nihal Jayasinghe and Mr.Nimal Gamini Amarathunge..
Counsel Mr.S.L.Gunasekara who appeared for the petitioner argued there are several unauthorized structures of statues and temples of other faiths in Trincomalee. The AG has filed action in the Trincomalee District Court only for the removal of the Buddha statue erected in the bus stand premises. Hence this violates the fundamental rights of the petitioner.
Mr.C.R.De Silva, Solicitor General appeared for the Attorney General submitted to court that the government has filed the case to reduce tension in the town following the erection of Buddha statue. He further submitted to court that the AG has also taken steps to remove other unauthorized religious structures in the Trincomalee.
However the Chief Justice instructed the AG to withdraw the case filed by him in the Trincomalee District Court as he has no authority to interfere in civil matters and to issue instruction to government agencies.
Thereafter the petitioner withdrew his FR petition.
The Prelate in his petition alleged that the AG had directed the UDA to take steps under Section 28 of the UDA Act to remove the Buddha statue. The AG had referred the statue as the bone of contention in the Trincomalee district.
The petitioner further stated the AG and his department had instituted a case in the Trincomalee District Court seeking the declaration that the statue was an illegal structure in order to have the statue removed on that basis.
The petitioner further said although there were around 17 illegally erected religious statues on State lands in Trincomalee out of which seven were Hindu Kovil, six churches or Christian statues, AG had directed UDA to remove only the Buddha statue.
The petitioner alleged the selective and discriminatory conduct was in violation of the Article 12 (1) and (2) of the Constitution. The removal of the statue would preach peace and cause irreparable loss and damage to the Buddhists in the area. The petitioner sought two interim reliefs: – A stay order preventing the removal of the statue by the UDA and to stay the proceedings in the Trincomalee District Court, legal sources said. ”
Thus the Buddha statue incident assumed grave proportions. Tamils began feeling that they could not rely on assurances given by the state. True justice too seemed out of the question. The “panchamahabalavegaya” was too powerful.There was a deep sense of grievance.
Veteran Tamil politician and Trincomalee district Parliamentarian Rajavarothayam Sambandan aptly described the situation in Parliament on July 20th 2006. The text of his statement read out in Parliament was as follows
“Mr. Speaker,
“I wish to raise the following question relating to a matter of public Importance viz:- The situation that has developed in the Trincomalee Town, and the Trincomalee District consequent to the installation of a statue of Lord Buddha under the cover of darkness on 16 May 2005, without permission from any authority, on land belonging to the State/Urban Council,Trincomalee close to the fish and meat markets and liquor bars, in an environment wholly unsuitable for the veneration of Lord Buddha.
“This statue of Lord Buddha was clearly not installed at this location for purposes of worship.
“The motive for this act was the promotion of conflict between the people of different races and religions.
“This act was part of a concerted plan to destabilize the situation in Trincomalee, and disrupt the conclusion of any measure relating to the implementation of post-tsunami activities that could help in promoting confidence amongst the people in the Northeast; the ultimate objective of this act being to impede the furtherance of the peace process.
“The vast majority of the people looked upon this as an act of unwarranted aggression.
“There was a demonstration, a hartal, against this act in Trincomalee. Sporadic acts of violence occurred at different places in the ensuing days.
“Additional contingents of armed forces, 100% Sinhala in composition, and additional Police Forces, more than 98% Sinhala in composition were brought into Trincomalee and stationed on duty in substantial numbers in thickly populated areas of Trincomalee town. The Trincomalee town and its outskirts presented a picture of being under military occupation. The Tamil people feel insulted and humiliated by this unwarranted oppression. The innocent are being punished for no reason.
“A government team consisting of the Leader of the House and Minister, Hon. Mithripala Sirisena MP, Hon. Tyronne Fernando Governor Northeast Province, Hon. Dilan Perera MP Deputy Minister, and Mr.Harim Pieris Presidential Advisor and spokesman met with the Tamil representatives at Trincomalee on 25th May 2005. The following assurances were given:-
1.Legal action would be instituted in court for a declaration that the installation of the statue was illegal.
2.Legal action would be instituted through the Urban Development Authority for the removal of the statue.
3. There would be de-escalation in the presence of the armed forces and police, progressively returning to a situation as in normal times.
Legal action was instituted in the District Court of Trincomalee as per the first assurance.
No action was instituted as per the second assurance.
The presence of the armed forces and the police has continued to be more or less the same.
“A grave incident occurred in Trincomalee on 10th July wherein four unarmed persons, including LTTE cadres and civilians were gunned down and killed. On behalf of the Tamil National Alliance I issued a statement in regard to the said attack. I forwarded a copy of the said statement to Her Excellency President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga with a letter urging immediate action. I table the said letter and statement and request that the same be included as part of the Hansard.
“On the 13th of July 2005 a Fundamental Rights application filed in the Supreme Court in regard to the legal action instituted in the District Court regarding the unlawful erection of the Buddha statue was taken up for hearing before Justices Shiranee Thilakawardane, Nimal Gamini Amaratunga and Salim Marzook. The media reported that during the hearing Justice Nimal Gamini Amaratunga posed the question as to whether “anyone had the right to erect on state land, a Buddha statue thus committing an unlawful act, and in regard to the said matter, claim relief in court stating that his fundamental right had been violated”. The hearing was adjourned till 18 July 2005.
“On 18 July when the case was taken up for hearing before Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva and Justices C.N. Jayasinghe, and Nimal Gamini Amaratunga the same was concluded on the footing that the Attorney General would withdraw the action filed in the District Court and that the Petitioner would withdraw the Fundamental Rights application filed in the Supreme Court.
“This decision completely negated the decision taken by the government pertaining to the Buddha statue.
“The Sunday Observer of 17 July reports that “On receipt of intelligence reports concerning the possible subversive involvement of a leading political party in the south, in the recent disturbances taking place in Trincomalee, the government has initiated a full probe into the entire range of incidents in the area during the last few weeks”. The report continues, and I quote, “Attempts are also made by certain political forces to involve lower ranking elements of the armed forces too in these subversive activities”.
“In the context of the Armed and Police forces being almost entirely Sinhala in composition, these subversive activities place the Tamil people in Trincomalee in the most vulnerable position.
“All persons taken into custody during the recent unrest were Tamils. Though Tamils have been the victims of violence at the hands of the Sinhalese, not one Sinhalese person has been arrested. The law and order enforcement machinery in Trincomalee is very heavily biased against the Tamils.
“Yet another statue has been unlawfully erected recently on the Kantalai Tank Bund Road, though all the Members of Parliament in the district were opposed to such installation, barring one. This is yet another step in the concerted attempt to disturb the situation in Trincomalee.
“Such a lawless situation does not portend well for peace and stability in the Trincomalee District nor in the whole of the Northeast.
“Since independence, the Tamil people have been consistently betrayed by every arm of the government.
The Tamil National Alliance calls upon the government to respond to the following questions: -
1. What steps will the government take to honor the assurances given by the high-ranking government delegation in regard to the removal of the Buddha statue?
2. What steps will the government take to bring to an end the subversive activities being presently carried on in Trincomalee by forces with a vested interest in disturbing and destabilizing Trincomalee and the NorthEast?
3. What steps will the government take to relieve the Tamil people of the oppressive presence of the excessive Armed and Police forces, and to ensure impartial implementation in the enforcement of law and order?
Sambandans questions are yet to be answered comprehensively. Meanwhile the heavily guarded Buddha statue continues to remain still. Nobody worships the barricaded Buddha surrounded by well armed security personnel. The statue instead of evoking peace and tranquilty has been turned into a source of tension and insecurity.
While not wanting to hurt the sensibilities and feelings of all true Buddhists the point however harsh has to be made that the Buddha statue erected illegally at the Bus stand area in Trincomalee is today perceived as a symbol of Sinhala – Buddhist supremacist oppression. It stands above the law and is maintained through force. Every Tamil in Trincomalee sees it as a totem of aggression.
The Buddha statue issue resonated strongly in the local polls campaign. It was perhaps the single biggest issue that galvanised Tamil voters into supporting the ITAK. The ballot provided an avenue to express their solidarity in protest.There was no LTTE pressure or campaigning here. After victory several councillors have gone on record that priority would be given to resolving the issue. The Buddha statue has succeeded in firmly uniting the Trincomalee Tamils at the local authority polls.
April 8th, 2006
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Vanniyasingham Vigneswaran a Tamil political activist about to be appointed as a Tamil National Alliance national list Member of Parliament was assassinated in Trincomalee today friday April 7th.
Vigneswaran a senior employee at the Bank of Ceylon was shot dead by two unknown persons as he was entering the Bank of Ceylon main branch office on inner harbour road where he worked.
Vigneswaran the president of the Trincomalee district Tamil peoples forum was the driving force behind the local polls election campaign in Trincomalee where the TNA contesting as the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi had recorded a massive victory.
An announcement was to be made in the evening appointing Vigneswaran to the national list vacancy caused by the murder of TNA list MP Joseph Pararajasingham at the St. Mary’s cathedral during midnight mass on Christmas day last year.
Vigneswaran was entering his office from the front entrance when two men wearing helmets had accosted him and fired at point blank range. He was instantly killed.
The bank office was located in a high security area in Trincomalee in close proximity to the harbour. There were two security posts outside the bank one of which was only fifteen metres away from the spot where Vigneswaran was killed.
The Trincomalee Police Superintendent’s office and the harbour Police headquarters were at the back of the bank premises.
The naval headquarters was also very close to the bank and the whole area was closely guarded. The shooting took place at about 9. 30 am.
The killers reportedly escaped from the area on a motor cycle without being challenged in an area teeming with any security personnel and sentry points.
The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam political head for Trincomalee Elilan has pointed to the intensive security around the area and charged that the security apparatus and Paramilitaries were responsible for the killing.
TNA parliamentarians upon hearing of the killing rushed to the well of the house and engaged in a protest demonstration. They shouted slogans accusing the Government of responsibility for the killing.
The speaker WJM Lokubandara adjourned siitings because of the tumult at 10. 10 and resumed again at 10. 30. The TNA however continued their protest . The house was then adjourned without the emergency debate being conducted in full but the emergency was extended for another month.
Vigneswaran who hails from Nainatheevu in Jaffna , married in Trincomalee and has been living there for more than 30 years. He was a senior employee at the bank of Ceylon .
As president of the Trincomalee district Tamil peoples forum it was Vigneswaran who spearheaded the protest against the illegal construction of a Buddha statue at the Trinco Central bus stand precincts. The hartals were called off after assurances were given by the Government of President Chandrika Kumaratunga’ These were subsequently dishonoured and the statue remains still.
The Buddha statue incident figured prominently in the recent local authority elections in Trincomalee. Vigneswaran was the driving force behind the TNA campaign and used the statue issue to mobilise Tamil votes. As a result the TNA won handsomely in the dfistrict and captured control of both the Trincomalee urban council as well as the Pradeshiya sabha.
The newly elected councils were planning to give top priority to the resolution of the Buddha statue problem.
Vigneswaran was to be rewarded with the Tamil national list MP nomination. The announcement was to be made later in the day but the killers struck first.
Vigneswaran’s safety was under threat last year when two grenades were flung at his residence in Anbuvalipuram by a Tamil speaking youth. Vigneswaran was not at home then.
With the LTTE and TNA accusing the state of having a hand in the assassination political observers expressed concern about the fate of the Geneva talks. [transCurrents.com]
[TamilWeek Apr 2, 2006]
April 7th, 2006
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
The University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) has alleged that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) organization has faked the alleged abduction of seven Tamil Rehabilitation Organization (TRO) personnel at Welikande on the Batticaloa – Polonnaruwa border in two separate incidents on Jan 29th and 30th of this year.
The UTHR (J) in the special report No 20 released on April 2nd titled “Terrorism, Counterterrorism and Challenges to Human Rights Advocacy” has cited sources close to family members of one abducted person saying that the LTTE has told them not to worry as the missing persons were safe with the LTTE.
The UTHR report refers to the TRO abduction incident in the following manner – ” An example of the resulting anarchy is the alleged abduction of 10 TROworkers in the Batticaloa District about the end of January (first two and then reportedly another released). The facts around these abductions remained murky and appeared on the surface a complex plot involving several actors, with the connivance of the state security apparatus at local level.”
” But now UTHR(J) can confirm that the TRO abduction drama was staged by the LTTE immediately before the Geneva meeting to force the paramilitary issue to the forefront of the talks. According to a reliable source close to a family member of an abducted TRO employee, the family was assured that he is safe and not to worry, as all the abductees are safe with the LTTE. But the family was warned not to leak this information. ”
” Further, we understand that the release of 3 abductees along with rumours that some of the abductors spoke Hindi was also calculated to point the finger of blame at the Karuna faction (which is aligned to the ENDLF). This was meant to detract from the Government’s insistence that the abductions were the work of the LTTE. The released abductees were forced to relate a story implicating the security forces and the Karuna group.”
” This also explains LTTE fronts quickly becoming silent in demanding the release of the TRO abductees. We withhold further
information on the ordeal of family members and other information which led us to our finding for the sake of the safety of the families. But in the interests of peace and accountably, this information needs to be brought into the open.”
While the UTHR charges that the TRO abduction was a LTTE drama the TRO and various other pro – tiger organizations have continued to agitate for the release of the abducted persons. Instead of being silent on the issue a series of staggered protest demonstrations urging the release are currently underway in many areas of the North – East.
The State , security apparatus and sections of the media have been sceptical of the abduction from the time it was announced by the TRO. There have been overt and covert allegations that it was a “stagemanaged operation” by the LTTE to draw place the Government in an embarassing position during the Geneva talks.
The LTTE and pro – LTTE elements have refuted this accusation and continued to insist that the Karuna faction in association with the security forces were responsible for the abduction. They have campaigned continuously for the release of the abducted people.
The UTHR (J) assertion that the TRO personnel were not really abducted and that the LTTE staged the drama for propaganda mileage is very likely to strengthen the stance adopted by those doubting the bona fides of the entire incident. Likewise LTTE and pro – LTTE circles are likely to criticise the UTHR (J) report severely and accuse the organization as done earlier of working against “Tamil Nationalism”.
The reputed and highly credible human rights organization Amnesty International issued an urgent action release on March 10th expressing concern over the safety and possible “disappearance “of the abducted persons. The AI release is reproduced here in full -
Sri Lanka: Fear for Safety/ possible “disappearance”
PUBLIC AI Index: ASA 37/007/2006
10 March 2006
UA 55/06 Fear for Safety/ possible “disappearance”
SRI LANKA Kasinathar Ganeshalingam (m), aged 50, Director of the Tamils
Rehabilitation Organization (TRO) and Co-ordinator of Pre-School Education
Development Centre, North-East Province
Kathirkamar Thangarasa (m), aged 43, TRO Driver
Thanuskody Premini (f), aged 25, Chief Accountant for TRO in Batticaloa town
and Student
Shanmuganathan Sujendram (m), TRO Accountant, Mankikkavasar Children’s
Home
Thambiraja Vasantharajan (m), TRO Accountant, Batticaloa
Kailayapillai Ravindran (m), aged 26, TRO Accountant, Vipulananda Children’s
Home
Arunesarasa Satheesharan (m), TRO Accounts Trainee, Vellavali
“Kasinathar Ganeshalingam, Kathirkamar Thangarasa, Thanuskody Premini,
Shanmuganathan Sujendram, Thambiraja Vasantharajan, Kailayapillai Ravindran and
Arunesarasa Satheesharan, all employees of the Tamil relief and development
charity, Tamils Rehabilitation Organization (TRO), were abducted in two
separate incidents in late January 2006 in eastern Sri Lanka. It is feared that
they may have “disappeared” and there are grave concerns for their safety.
On 29 January, Kasinathar Ganeshalingam, Kathirkamar Thangarasa and three
female TRO employees were driving from the town of Batticaloa in eastern Sri
Lanka, on their way north to the TRO headquarters in the town of Kilinochchi in
northern Sri Lanka. According to two TRO workers who were later released, at
about 8pm they saw a white Toyota Hi-Ace van following their vehicle. They were
stopped and subjected to checks at the Sri Lanka Army checkpoint at Welikanda,
on the borders of Batticaloa and Polonnaruwa districts, and saw the white van
parked behind their vehicle. When they moved a short distance from the
checkpoint, the white Hi-Ace van came behind them, overtook their vehicle and
stopped them. An unknown number of armed men got out of the van and assaulted
both Kasinathar Ganeshalingam and the driver, Kathirkamar Thangarasa, tied them
up and dumped them in the back of the TRO vehicle. The TRO vehicle was then
driven for about three hours and finally stopped at a camp in a jungle area at
about 11.30pm. The five TRO staff members were held overnight in the camp. The
women, who were reportedly held separately from their male colleagues, claim
that they heard the two men being beaten by their captors. The following
evening at around 9pm, two female staff members, Punniyamoorthy Nadeswari and
Sithiravel Sivamathi, were released, taken to the nearest main road and put on
a bus by their abductors, who warned them not to speak to anyone about what had
occurred. A third female TRO staff member, S Dosini, was released later.
However, Kasinathar Ganeshalingam and the driver, Kathirkamar Thangarasa, are
still missing.
Five more TRO employees apparently “disappeared” on 30 January in similar
circumstances in the same area. At 4pm, 15 TRO staff members were travelling
from the organization’s Batticaloa District office to the town of Vavuniya to
attend a training session, when their way was blocked by a white van
approximately 100 metres after the Sri Lanka Army checkpoint at Welikanda.
According to those who were later released, the white van had previously been
following them. Five armed Tamil-speaking men, aged between 20 and 25,
reportedly got out of the white van and boarded the TRO vehicle. One of them
dragged the driver out of his seat and then drove the vehicle to a jungle area.
All 15 of the captives were then blindfolded. Thanuskody Premini,
Shanmuganathan Sujendram, Thambiraja Vasantharajan, Kailayapillai Ravindran and
Arunesarasa Satheesharan were removed from the TRO vehicle and the remaining 10
were taken back to the main road and released. The released TRO workers
reported that when one of the abductors shouted out that there was a police
jeep ahead, another of the abductors replied that this would not present a
problem to them. Before the 10 TRO staff members were released, they were told
by the abductors that they should prepare the funeral rites for the five
remaining abductees.
The TRO has stated that it has filed police reports with the Batticaloa Police
Station and some of the relatives of those missing have attempted to file
police reports. Police took statements from the two young women who were
released, who were kept overnight at the police station in Batticaloa. The
National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) also investigated and took statements
from the two women but have not to date made their findings public. The TRO
staff have continued to cooperate with the authorities and the NHRC.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
The government and the LTTE met to discuss the implementation of the cease-fire
in Geneva on 22 and 23 February. The abductions of the TRO workers, which took
place shortly after the two sides had agreed to meet, were interpreted by some
as an attempt to derail this renewed effort to put the peace process back on
track. However, the talks in Geneva went ahead as planned and both parties
reiterated their commitment to respect the cease-fire agreement. They agreed to
meet again in Geneva from 19 to 21 April.
The TRO is seen as being closely affiliated with the LTTE. However, it is a
legally registered Sri Lankan charity and its mission is to provide much needed
relief, rehabilitation and development for the people of the northeast of Sri
Lanka. ”
The TRO has also complained earlier about harassment of the returned abductees by the Police. The organization also strongly denied accusations by cabinet ministers Mangala Samaraweera and Priyadharshana Yapa that the TRO was not cooperating with the authorities on the matter. The TRO press release issued on Feb 10th on this subject is reproduced here in full -
“TRO would like to categorically state that it is cooperating fully with all Government of Sri Lanka institutions investigating the abduction of TRO/PSEDC staff.
It is with great dismay and concern that we have read the statements in the media from the Hon. Foreign Minister Managla Samaraweera and the Hon. Cabinet Spokesman Information and Media Ministers Anura Priyadharshana Yapa that the “TRO is not helping with these ongoing investigations.”
TRO has continuously sought out the assistance and urged the Police to investigate this matter fully and professionally. Unfortunately, there seems to a dearth of communication, expertise and professionalism within the police force and between the police, other institutions and the public.
TRO has documented proof of having filed police reports by TRO personnel or facilitating the filing by those victims/witnesses released or their familes (see www.troonline.org for scanned copies documents):
- Batticaloa Police Station was notified 30/2/06 via telephone at approximately 22:00 hrs by TRO of the abductions.
- Batticaloa Police Station at 11:00 am on 31 January 2006 report filed by TRO
- Arjunan Ethirveerasingam petitions Hon. Mahinda Samarasinghe and IGP Fernando to investigate – assurances are given and contact details for TRO are given to the Minister and IGP.
- Interview/statement taken by C.I.D. at Colombo Office on 31/2/06.
- Welikanda on 1 February police report filed by two of the women abducted on Monday (they were released 2 hours after being abducted). TRO Batticaloa Director and SLMM accompanied them.
- Welikanda on 1 February filed by 2 of the mothers of those still being held. TRO Batticaloa Director and SLMM accompanied them
- Vavuniya on 1 February filed by the brother of Ms. Premini. (He is a resident of Vavuniya).
- Batticaloa on Thursday 2 February the 2 pre school teachers Ms. Punniyamoorththy Nadeswari (19 years old) & Ms. Siththiravel Sivamathi (18 years old) who had been abducted on 29 January voluntarily presented themselves at the Batticaloa Police Station at great personal risk to enter a police report and be interviewed. TRO Colombo and TRO Batticaloa facilitated this interview and solicited the services of the Non-Violent Peace Force to accompany the women and TRO personnel to the police station.
The two pre school teachers were detained against their will over night by the Batticaloa Police (23 hours: 15:30 February 2 – 14:30 February 3, 2006) after which they were taken to the hospital (for undisclosed reasons) and then to the courts. This illegal detention of the victims of a crime when they have come forward voluntarily to give evidence is a blatant violation of their fundamental human rights. Such treatment of victims/witnesses by the police may be the reason why some of the other victims/witness have not come forward
- Ms. Punniyamoorththy Nadeswari & Ms. Siththiravel Sivamathi testified before the Human Rights Commission on 8 and 9 February 2006. The pre school teachers were terrified after their overnight stay in the Batticaloa Police Station and, in consultation with their parents, requested that TRO bring them to Colombo. TRO provided safe transit and once in Colombo notified the Human Rights Commission (on 1 February) of the women’s desire to testify.
- TRO has CONTINUOUSLY and without reservation offered its assistance to those investigating the abduction of its staff.
- TRO has attempted to contact the investigators, the IGP Mr. Chandra Fernando, Mr. Mahinda Samarasinghe and many other government officials to no avail. Calls are not returned.
TRO has been cooperative and will continue to do so. All the authorities have to do is make the request. Thus far the request has not been forthcoming.
The TRO phone numbers are: 269 3254, 471 6575
We encourage those who wish to speak with us to call. ”
It is against this backdrop of accusation and counter accusation that the highly respected UTHR (J) has made its own revelation about the LTTE staging this TRO abduction drama. While this claim would be seized on by anti – tiger sections on the one hand in support of their stance and would be disputed vehemently by pro – tiger elements this writer is only concerned about the safe return of the “missing” persons. Let us fervently hope and pray that they return home safely as soon as possible and that the controversy surrounding their “disappearance” should not affect their well – being.
April 5th, 2006
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
[April 5, 2006] The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam delegates attending peace talks in Geneva on April 19th are prepared to fly directly out from Sri Lanka in their own aircraft from Iranaimadhu in the Kilinochchi district to Maldivian Islands capital Male thereby circumventing Katunayake it is learnt.
The proposed move however is predicated on two factors. Firstly the refusal of President Mahinda Rajapakse to provide clear cut guarantees of security to and from the Katunayake International Airport to the LTTE delegation led by its political Commissar Suppiah Paramu Thamilselvan. Secondly the inability of facilitator Norway in arranging for air transport to the LTTE from Iranaimadhu to Male.
Informed sources said that the extreme step of LTTE resorting to its own aircraft in flying out would be deemed necessary only if Rajapakse fails to provide security guarantees or Oslo the air transport.
The LTTE has set up its own air wing and has over 20 small, microlite and sea planes it is understood. Though the LTTE keeps details of its air wing – pioneered by Sornalingam alias “Col” Shankar – a closely guarded secret it is understood that the tigers possess an air capacity far in excess of what is revealed in media reports based on Sri Lankan intelligence sources.
The LTTE political adviser and chief negotiator Anton Balasingham has mooted this proposal to Norwegian Overseas development minister Erik Solheim at a meeting held in London on March 29th. Balasingham however has stated clearly that special air transport arrangements for the LTTE will be required only if President Rajapakse is unable or unwilling to provide adequate guarantees of security for air travel via Katunayake to Switzerland.
If Colombo does not satisfy the LTTE with concrete guarantees the tigers will fly out from Iranaimadhu by sea plane to Male and from there by passenger airlines to Geneva. The LTTE would like Norway to make arrangements for this. If Oslo is unable to do so the LTTE is prepared to fly out in its own planes.
The tigers conducted a “trial run” of the Iranaimadhu – Male sea plane air passage in 2002 when Anton Balasingham and spouse Adele Balasingham accompanied by Norwegian diplomats flew in and out of Kilinochchi from and to the Maldives. The Balasinghams arrived on March 25th and departed on April 24th in 2002.
The sea plane was specially chartered by Norway for this from a Maldives based air taxi service and flown by Canadian nationals.
This was at a time when the ceasefire had just come into force and Balasingham considered travelling through Katunayake to be a security risk. An earlier request to be granted passage through India was rejected by New Delhi.
Erik Solheim will convey the LTTE request to Rajapakse when he and the new special peace envoy Jon Hanssen – Bauer will meet the President on April 6th. The duo will be in New Delhi on April 7th to brief India on developments. They will meet Balasingham on April 8th in London and convey Rajapakse’s response to the LTTE ideologue.
Given the political importance of the Geneva talks Rajapakse is expected to provide the guarantees required by the tigers.
Though the ceasefire is in existence for more than four years the LTTE regards the security situation to be quite fragile at present. The LTTE also wants to avoid any possible danger or embarassment to its delegates led by SP Thamilselvan when they pass through Katunayake.
The LTTE has already expressed protest to Norway over the treatment meted out to its delegates when they returned from Switzerland after the previous round on February 22 – 23rd. The LTTE was not given the customary VIP treatment of earlier times and compelled to undergo procedures and checks like ordinary passengers.
Officials at Katunayake made a hue and cry about some catalogues of arms in LTTE possession as if a grave security breach had occurred. The tigers were held up at Katunayake for over four hours till approval : was obtained from higher authorities to clear the catalogue contraband.
The LTTE luggage was searched intensively and duties were imposed for items like torches and digital cameras.
Sections of the Sri Lankanmmedia highlighted the airport incident and extremist politicians charged that the LTTE was smuggling in dangerous weapons and equipment through Katunayake.
The LTTE hierarchy was miffed over this controversy because it regarded the issue as a mountain being made out of a molehill. The LTTE transports its sophisticated weaponery through its sea division and does not need to smuggle in stuff through Katunayake.
A big fuss was also made when the LTTE wanted its woman wing leader to be air transported to Kilinochchi as she had fallen sick. Earlier she was slated to travel back by road.
The Government has also in recent times refused to provide air transport for tiger leaders from the East to travel to the North.
Given this backdrop the LTTE wants easy passage and smooth arrangements on a VIP basis to be extended to its delegates as was done during the Kumaratunga – Wickremasinghe period.
Another major concern is security. LTTE intelligence suspects a conspiracy to target its delegates in Colombo.It is expected that Tamil “paramilitaries” aided and abetted by influential security officials will carry out the task. The LTTE is deeply suspicious about Defence secretary Gothabaya Rajapakse, Army chief Sarath Fonseka and Defence adviser Kotakadeniya.The LTE would like Mahinda to provide explicit guarantees in this respect.
According to informed sources the LTTE is concerned about travelling through Katunayake because it fears some “covert action” by hawks in the Colombo establishment to sabotage Geneva talks. Since the Government has agred to disband paramilitaries but cannot do so these elements by targeting the LTTE may hope to prevent the second round it is felt.
The LTTE is also concerned that the JVP and JHU may organize a protest demonstration at Katunayake to embarass the tigers. Rajapakse has been requested to provide assurances that such activity will not be permitted.
The LTTE is also worried about how its delegates will be treated on their return in a situation where the Geneva talks collapse. Given the Governments failure on ground to disarm the paramilitares as pledged earlier and the hostilities being whipped up the tigers fear a possible breakdown of talks in Geneva.
What then is the position of the returning delegates? is the doubt. It may be recalled that when talks collapsed in 1990 LTTE political chief Narendran alias Yogi was stranded in Colombo. Yet he was escorted safely back to the North though war had erupted.
President Premadasa and ministerial envoy ACS Hameed were criticised strongly by Sinhala hardliners for this. The hawks felt Yogi should have been incarcerated.
The LTTE is worried about similiar demands being made about arresting its delegation if the Geneva talks do break down. The tigers want Rajapakse to assure safe passage regardless of the position at the Geneva talks.
Balasingham last week told the The Sunday Leader in a careful choice of words that “the LTTE leadership is concerned about the security of their negotiating team at Colombo airport and we have sought assurance of guarantees for the safety and safe passage through the terminal.”
It is understood that the tiger ideologue was refering to the multiple concerns of the LTTE regarding air travel when he said this.
President Rajapakse who was described as a “pragmatist” by LTTE leader Velupillai Prabakharan is expected to agree to the LTTE request and provide required guarantees in word and deed. If he fails to do so the political consequences would be massive.
In the first place the Geneva talks may be jeopardiseed. Furthermore the LTTE avoiding Katunayake and travelling from Iranaimadhu to Male in Oslo arranged aircraft or in their own would be a tremendous propaganda coup for the LTTE.
If the LTTE does fly out in its own air craft it would be a great “victory” for the tigers politically and militarily. Moreover the LTTE may even impress the Tamils, shock the world and infuriate the Sinhala hawks by flying out not from Iranaimadhu tank but from one of the three airfields the tigers have constructed in the North – East.
Given this reality, whatever the hotheads may say, it is very likely that Mahinda will accommodate the LTTE request in a way that would not allow the tigers any excuse to demand and obtain special air transport between Kilinochchi and Maldives.
April 5th, 2006
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
The latest report by the University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) has charged that the cold – blooded killing of five Tamil youths at the Dutch bay beach in Trincomalee on January 2nd was masterminded by the Police Superintendent of the area Kapila Jayasekera.
[Execution spot]
The UTHR (J) released special report No 20 titled ” Terrorism, Counterterrorism and Challenges to Human Rights Advocacy” on April 2nd.
Among the many interesting and controversial disclosures in the report is the revelation that the Trincomalee SP Kapila Jayasekera planned the shooting incident of Jan 2nd 2006 where five Tamil youths were shot dead at point blank range at the Dutch bay beach near the Dockyard road – Fort Frederick road intersection in Trinco.
According to the UTHR report SP Jayasekera was earlier in the Special Task Force and was present at the Kanchirankuda incident in the Thirukovil area where Tamils engaged in a protest demonstration outside a STF camp were fired upon.
The report also alleges that Police Inspector Perera was directly responsible for the cold – blooded execution of five innocent Tamil youths all of whom were born in 1985.
The UTHR(J) states that this information was from sources within the security forces and states as follows -
” Based on information from within the security forces, our sources have identified Kapila Jayesekara, Superintendent of Police, Trincomalee, as having planned the outrage. Jayasekera, we learn, was earlier with the STF in Amparai, and was there during the Kanjirankuda incident in October 2002, when 7civilians were killed by STF fire (Bulletin No.29). Our contacts said that the recent executions by the STF in Trincomalee were carried out by Inspector of Police Perera.”
“Our contacts believe the STF men were inside the trishaw from which the bomb was thrown, and which subsequently went in the direction of Fort Frederick where the STF men are said to have been quartered. The police truck in which they came to commit the crime had been parked in the old police station near the post office, quite close to where the youths were killed.”
“The role of the Police at a high level is also indicated by the fact that even after the magistrate released the bodies to the parents, the Police unit at the hospital tried to prevent them, demanding that they sign a false declaration stating that their sons were Tigers. Policemen are simple persons taught to do a straightforward routine job. When they play up and do something utterly stupid, it means that they have received unprofessional orders from the top and are lost.”
“What the incident amply reveals is that Sinhalese chauvinism is very much alive within the state apparatus and there is little political will to change that. Once more we are confronted by the fact that despite hopes raised in the mid-1990s, there has been no qualitative change in the security forces. If President Rajapakse were serious about peace with dignity, a number of security officials ought to have been interdicted pending the conclusion of an inquiry. As it stands the scandal stinks to
high heaven.”
The UTHR (J) report also explains the background and context within which the incident occurred in the following manner -
“We have documented in our reports and the publication Arrogance of Power that the ‘reconquest’ of Trincomalee has been the focus of the Sinhalese extremist agenda since archaeological fraud at the highest level posited
the long lost Gokanna Vihara of the chronicles in Trincomalee (see Arrogance of Power). The tragedy of the five murdered students goes back to the desultory history of Sinhalese vigilantism unleashed in this cause, which reached terrible intensity in the mid-1980s with overt participation of the security forces.”
“Tamils in the area saw the Ports Authority employee Weerakody as a prime agent in the Sinhalese vigilantism of the mid-1980s. Weerakody, since retired, ran an iron-smith’s shop on Orr’s Hill. As part of the LTTE’s bid to provoke a re-emergence of Sinhalese vigilantism, its gun men shot Weerakody dead just outside his home about 8.00 PM on Christmas eve. The security forces reacted with the kind of alacrity not shown when Tamils are killed, cordoning off the area and conducting searches.”
“According to local reports, Weerakody’s son, who is in the Navy, vowed vengeance. On the 25th evening two Tamil trishaw drivers Vijeyaseelan and Ramanan were taken on hire outside town. Their bodies were found on the 26th morning respectively at the Kanniya – Vilgam Vihara junction and the 4th Mile Post – both places noted for vigilante action against Tamils in the mid-1980s. The following day, 27th, Sunil, a soldier on leave at home
in Sangamam 3 miles from Trincomalee was killed when a grenade was thrown into his home. We believe the killing of the students is a continuation of this phenomenon coupled with the new discretion given to the security forces for local vigilante action.”
“Commentators have pointed to the dispatch of an STF unit to Trincomalee on the orders of H.M.G.B. Kotakadeniya former DIG Police, current defence advisor and stalwart of the extremist JHU (Iqbal Athas in the Sunday Times of 8th January 2006).”.
The UTHR (J) report also recounts the brutal incident briefly. Relevant excerpts are:
“The Tamil youths – Shanmugarajah Gajendran, Lohitharaja Rohan, Thangathurai Sivanantha, Yogarajah Hemachandran and Manoharan Rajihar – all of them born in 1985 – were bona-fide students either in university or on the threshold of higher studies. They had no political connections and used to meet in the evenings on the sea front where the Gandhi statue used
to stand. Nearby was the beginning of Dockyard Road leading to a naval installation and there were a number of navy sentries in the area. The regular meeting of the students had been observed and the plan took shape.
The parties involved were the STF, Navy and the Police.”
“A full version of the incident has been given by D.B.S. Jeyaraj in
TamilWeek, with which our sources are in agreement. We received some additional details, before which we will sketch some essentials.”
“A trishaw came along Dockyard Road about 6.00 PM from which a grenade was thrown at the students, two of whom received minor injuries and fell on the ground. Soon afterwards the area was surrounded by the Navy and the STF unit arrived and the students were not allowed to leave. First they were loaded into the police truck in which the STF arrived. Then they were assaulted, thrown down, made to kneel and shot, two of them through the ear.”
“After a delay, apparently to ensure that the injured died, the victims were taken to the hospital. Immediately the cover up went into full swing, with security spokesmen and the army website, which had been a fairly credible source of violations by the LTTE, claiming that the students were killed by the explosion of a bomb in their possession.”
“How they imagined the cover-up would succeed beats one’s imagination. There was shooting and at that time a number of civilian witnesses were about. Perhaps the security men calculated that they would be too terrorised to testify. In this they have been proved largely right. Their crucial miscalculation was the courage of the Sinhalese DMO, Dr. Gamini Gunatunga, who did the post mortem examinations and testified that the 5 students named above died of gun shot wounds. The two students Yogarajah Poongulaon and Pararajasingham Kokularaj who fell down after the grenade blast were apparently left for dead and survived.”
“There was a delay of about half an hour between the arrival of the STF and the shooting of the students. Perhaps there were some misgivings and arguments about how they would get away with it.”
Meanwhile very little information is available about the progress of investigations into the incident. President Mahinda Rajapakse informed a Tamil National Alliance delegation that it had been done by pro – UNP elements within the armed forces to discredit him He also assured them that a full investigation would be made and the culprits punished.
There were media reports later that Thirteen suspects including eleven STF personnel and two regular Policemen were being detained and interrogated over the incident. There was no report of high ranking men like a SP or IP being quizzed or detained. Thereafter no reports have been forthcoming about the progress of the investigations. The TNA too has not followed up on the incident.
No action has been taken so far against the ex – DIG Police and current Defence ministry adviser HMGP Kotakadeniya who according to media reports authorised the sending of a STF Contingent into Trincomalee with instructions to “be tough”. Kotakadeniya who is also a senior vice – president of the Sinhala Buddhist ultra- nationalist Jathika Hela Urumaya has brazenly admitted to his action . He has gone on record that the act was done with the full knowledge ofDefence Secretary Gothabaya Rajapakse the brother of President Mahinda. This has not been refuted and its business as usual with Kotaka.
In a disturbing related development the family of one murdered youth has complained of sustained harassment in what is regarded as being an attempt to intimidate them. Dr and Dr. Mts. Manoharan the parents of Rajihar a youth killed on Jan 2nd have written letters to President Rajapakse, the Attorney – General, the Human rights Commission and also the UN special rapporteur on Extra – judicial , summary and arbitrary executions.
The Manoharans have said that their family is being continuously subjected to intimidatory pressure from “unknown” elements and desperately appealed for protection and an end to this harassment.
According to sources close to the family members of the armed forces, Police and alternative armed Tamil groups are responsible for the intimidatory harassment. Some of the intimidatory tactics are as follow -
Stones are thrown on the roof, the door is often banged at midnight, helmeted Tamil youths on motor cycles visit the medical clinic and make threatening remarks, threatening calls by telephone are made regularly, visitors to the house are warned not to go there again, the helper who bought provisions for the family was intimidated, the younger brothers going to school are regularly harassed by Policemen etc.
The Manoharans were the most educated of all the parents of the youth victims.They are suspected of being the “inspiration” providing strength to the others in pressing for justice. It is believed that the intimidation is partly revenge for their suspected past role and partly a tactic to terrify them into silence in the future if and when further inquiries are made.
April 4th, 2006
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
In recent times the most talked about Norwegian in Sri Lanka was Erik Solheim. It appears that very soon another of Solheim’s countrymen may compete keenly for that place. His name is Jon Hanssen Bauer, the man appointed as Norwegian special envoy to the Sri Lankan peace process.
Hanssen – Bauer undertaking his first ever official trip to Sri Lanka is scheduled to arrive in Colombo on Monday April 3rd. This visit is primarily a familiarisation tour.He is expected to meet with a cross section of Sri Lankans ranging from the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) during his four day stay here.
Hanssen – Bauer’s predecessor Erik Solheim who is now the Norwegian minister of International Development is expected to be here on Thursday April 6th. It is very likely that Hanssen – Bauer’s stay may be extended further if he is required to accompany Erik Soheim in Sri Lanka . Though Solheim has ceased to be special envoy he remains the cabinet minister in charge of the Sudan and Sri Lankan peace processes.
Being special peace envoy to Sri Lanka for nearly six years it would be unrealistic to assume that Solheim will be relinquishing the reins totally. Given his personal involvement and the time and energy invested that simply is not on. Erik may have taken a backseat but he is certainly going to be the backseat driver for quite a while. In any case Jon does need some time to familiarise himself thoroughly with the complicated Sri Lankan situation.
Erik Solheim himself has been quick to point this out when the new appointment was announced. Explaining that the Sri Lankan project required a great deal of time Solheim stated that he was unable to devote that amount due to his ministerial duties. Solheim said in Oslo on that he no longer had time to work both as minister and as peace envoy, but he would still be very much involved in the Sri Lankan peace process.
“I will continue to work on Sri Lanka from day to day but not from hour to hour.For six years I’ve been able to put everything else aside for Sri Lanka. There has been no day for six years, including Christmas Day or Easter or holiday or whatever, when I’ve not been on the phone with someone in Sri Lanka, day and night,” Solheim said.”You cannot do that and at the same time take on new government responsibilities,” he added.
Though criticised and condemned – much of it unfairly – by various elements in Sri Lanka and abroad there is no disputing the fact that Erik Soheim discharged his duties as special envoy efficiently and constructively. The controversy surrounding him can be interpreted both ways. It could be argued on the one hand that the controversy was due to his faults and also to say on the other that it was because he was doing a good, impartial job.
Whatever his detractors may say Erik Solheim was the glue which kept both sides pasted to the ceasefire and committed to the peace dialogue albeit reluctantly. If Sri Lankans are enjoying the blessing of a no – war situation for more than four years it is mainly due to Oslo in general and Erik in particular.
A complete assessment of Solheim’s role in Sri Lanka can only be made when the Norway facilitated peace process reaches its logical conclusion. Until then we can be thankful for small mercies and the temporary absence of war is one such boon. For this many Tamils remain grateful.
While all Sri Lankans have suffered the consequences of war their respective experiences differ. It is the North – Eastern Tamils who have borne the brunt of past war and would have suffered greatly had war continued or broken out again. Mercifully this has not been so for more than 50 Poya days.
For this many Tamils are thankful to Norway. Erik Solheim in their eyes personifies the land of the midnight sun.Many Sinhala politicians and opinion makers rant and rail against Solheim but for most Tamils he is a great man who has accomplished a humane task well.
The beleaguered Tamils are sorely in need of saviours and Solheim is seen as one. Erik Soheim or most visiting dignitaries seldom meet the ordinary people. They usually meet insincere politicians and opinionated vested interests who parade around as shakers and movers of society.
Had Solheim taken the trouble to meet with ordinary Tamil people instead of the LTTE, EPDP and other Tamil “representatives” he would have been gratified and even overwhelmed by the regard and affection they had for him. Many saw him as the man who would deliver a just peace to the Tamils after a long, long journey.
Now Erik Solheim steps back while Jon Hanssen – Bauer steps forward. This change of roles has in a way upgraded Norwegian involvement. Earlier Erik served as special envoy while the “Government level” participation was by deputy foreign minister Vidar Helgessen. But now Solheim as full fledged Cabinet minister will provide the Government level participation.
Thus the Norwegian role is upgraded. Soheim the cabinet minster in charge of the Lankan peace process is also International Development minister.He wields considerable influence in distributing funds to Sri Lanka. Solheim is also eighth ranking in seniority in a Government of 19 ministers.
What sort of man is Solheim’s successor? This is what Erik had to say of the man stepping into his “sappaathu”. “Mr Hanssen-Bauer’s academic and practical experience mean he is highly qualified. He has engaged in peace and reconciliation work in many countries. I am convinced that he will do a good job for the parties,” Mr. Erik Solheim was quoted as saying.
53 year old Jon Hanssen – Bauer was born in 1952. He will turn 54 on April 5 the the very same date on which the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna commenced its insurgency of 1971.Bauer is a highly qualified man even by Norwegian standards. He got his first degree at Lycée Corneille in Rouen, France in 1972. His Masters (1982) in Social Anthropology was at the University of Oslo with French and History as Supporting subjects.The Ph D equivalent Researcher II was obtained in 1986.
From 1983 to 88 Hanssen – Bauer was at the Work Research Institute, Oslo . He was Research fellow on organisational design, working environment, safety, and human resource development in the oil and gas industry in Norway.From 1988 to 93 he was at the Norwegian Work Life Centre working as Project Manager in industrial development and change.
Hanssen – Bauer moved to peacemaking terrain in 1993 when he joined the Fafo Institute for Applied International Studies, Oslo.Fafo was initially founded and funded by trade unions. Later a partnership with major industries also came into being. At one point the Government stepped in with grants and projects.
Norway’s decision to be a peacemongering nation necessitated a massive outreach into the nooks and corners of the globe. This placed a tremendous burden on its Foreign Ministry. This required therefore was a delegation and disbursement of research and key functions to other agencies and organizations. Even before “outsourcing” became fashionable in the West the Scandinavian nation had begun outsourcing duties, studies and tasks.
The Fafo institute for Applied International Studies became an important component of Oslo’s peacemaking policy. It began providing an input of research and analysis.Apparently Hanssen – Bauer found his niche there. He served in many capacities during his 12 year stint there.
1993 – 1998 Research Director; 1997 – 1998 he was Resident Regional Representative for Fafo in the Middle East and stationed in Jerusalem ; 1998 – 2005 Managing Directorof Fafo; Jon was also from 1994 – 2003 the Programme Director of the Israeli-Palestinian People-to-People Programme. From 1994 – 2005 he was Adviser to the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the Middle East peace process and Palestinian refugees.
He left the Fafo Institute for Applied International Studies, Oslo and took up duties at the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2005.Hanssen – Bauer was Senior Adviser in Section for Peace and Reconciliation, responsible for research and development strategy. Now he is the new Sri Lankan special envoy.
Unlike in Sri Lanka there has been a certain consistency on foreign policy in Norway regardless of changing Governments or bureaucrats. This has been particularly so in relation to overall peacemaking or peace facilitating. Oslo’s Sri Lanka policy is a good illustration.
The Prime Minister may be Jagland, Bondevik or Stoltenberg; The foreign Minister may be Knut Volleback, Jan Peterssen or Jonas Gahr Storre, The Ambassador may be Jon Westborg or Hans Brattskar, the special envoy may be Erik Solheim or Jon Hanssen – Bauer. Whatever these changes policy on Sri Lanka remains the same.
While the substance remains unchanged the style may change in accordance with the approaches and attitudes of the respective players. Solheim for instance was basically a trade unionist and politician.He has been MP for many years. His Sri Lankan assignment was a hands on learning exercise. His strong point was the rapport he built up with Velupillai Prabakharan, Anton Balasingham, Ranil Wickremasinghe, GL Peiris, Milinda Moragoda, Rauff Hakeem etc.
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Jon Hanssen – Bauer has more of an academic background. He is different from Solheim in that respect. But he too has obtained valuable experience and insight into peacemaking through his middle – east assignments. Hanssen – Bauer has also done much research and writing particularly about Palestinian refugees and Jordan.Thus he would be bringing with him a difference to Sri Lanka. It would however take some time for him to build up rapport with the key players.
Like Soheim before him, Hanssen – Bauer will face a stiff challenge by those opposed to the Norwegian role among the Sinhala people. Unlike Solheim his successor’s task has been made more difficult because some of those so opposed are ruling the Country now. Mahinda Rajapakse who wanted New Delhi to replace Oslo is President. Mangala Samaraweera who derisively described Norway as ” a nation of salmon- eaters” is Foreign minister.
Even when “Oslo friendly” leaders like Chandrika Kumaratunga or Ranil Wickremasinghe were in power Norway and its representastives were treated shabbily. When Erik Solheim first visited the Kotte Parliament he was subjected to harsh criticism by some MP’s. None of the big guns in Government or opposition ranks chose to reprimand their colleagues or defend Solheim. As far as I recall only Veerasingham Anandasangaree spoke in support of Norway and Solheim.
One also sees various protest demonstrations against Norway opposite the Royal Norwegian Embassy premises. All these are allowed in the name of democracy but when other such acts are planned against those politicians in power they are banned or prevented. Also no speedy action was taken against those who engaged in anti – Norwegian violence like throwing a bomb at the Embassy premises.
Chandrika Kumaratunga and Lakshman Kadirgamar invited the Norwegians to come in and they came. They did not barge in or impose themselves on us.Yet the same Kumaratunga – Kadirgamar duo turned savagely against the Norwegians in general and Solheim in particular. They did many things to undermine the peace process when Wickremasinghe was Premier. Yet they did not have the guts to say “Quit Sri Lanka” when a new Government replaced that of Wickremasinghe’s.
The JVP breathed fire and brimstone against Oslo. Anything from Norway is taboo the crimson comrades screamed. But when Norway provided a generous grant to the cultural ministry the JVP minister Vijitha Herat was “teeth,lips and tongue” smiles when receiving the largesse. Out of power the JVP is again attacking Norway. Now it is Rajapakse and Samaraweera’s turn. The people are told to oppose Norway but the leaders themselves will be welcoming them.
In that sense those who have been consistently and genuinely opposing Norway involvement are much better. This column does not approve of their stance but respects their openness and consistency. The other hypocrites blowing hot and cold according to their whims and fancies are to be deplored. But if people are really opposed they should take it up with their Government which invited Norway and not attack the Norwegians. Rajapakse and Samaraweera were minsters in the Kumaratunga cabinet which invited Oslo first.They bear collective responsibility too.
Another crucial difference now is the fragility of the peace process itself. In the case of Solheim his initial role was bringing both sides together and help evolving the ceasefire. Thereafter it was continuing the peace process and maintaining the ceasefire. In the early years there was a lot of support for the ceasefire.Now the situation is different.
The Tamil people experiencing a respite from war – oriented violence are for the ceasefire still. But if the vocal supporters of the LTTE are to be believed the ceasefire is on its last legs. Pressure is being generated that the LTTE should go to war. Likewise some Sinhala hawks also clamour for war.
The situation was quite tense until the Geneva talks. It was these talks which helped reduce the tension. But the ceasefire will be strengthened only if what was agreed in Geneva is adhered to. This does not seem to be happening on ground. So despite the Geneva talks the possibility of a collapsing peace is very much on the cards.
Thus Jon Hanssen – Bauer faces a baptism of fire. The JVP – JHU demand for Norway to quit will be gathering momentum in the South. Hardliners on both sides of the ethnic divide will be urging an end to the “flawed” ceasefire. It is amidst this hostile atmosphere that Bauer will have to work. His priority is to appraise himself of the situation and build rapport with the important players. Norway’s facilitatory role is very necessary at this juncture.
The truth is that whatever the posturing and pretensions by some ,the Country does need the Norwegians. The alternative is chaos and war. If Norway is kicked out or pulls out there is no one to fill the vacuum. Neither India nor Japan nor any other Country is prepared to fill in. In any case no replacement is possible without LTTE consent. Kilinochchi as is known roots firmly for Oslo. The Tamil people too want Norway. If the current peace process has any credibility in the eyes of the International cummunity as well as the Tamil people it is because of Norway.
Furthermore Sri Lanka will be made a “pariah nation”if any Colombo regime unilaterally expels Norway. No other Country will come in or be encouraged to come in. Many Sinhala hawks hallucinate that the US will step in and smash the LTTE if Norway is sent out and war commences.
The reality is that despite the impression of acting independently Norway is actually working in harmony with the USA and other key nations on Sri Lanka..With India unwilling to involve itself directly there is a Washington – New Delhi convergence on Oslo being in Sri Lanka .In that context Norway is a US projection into the region and India comprehends this fully.
One of the chief reasons why Norway is often maligned here in Sri Lanka is misunderstanding and suspicion of Osllo’s objectives. The nature and role of Norway’s peacemaking efforts are not comprehended positively. One cause is that the Norwegian role often supplements and complements the objectives of stronger nations in a global or regional context. This is a functional necessity.
This tendency though raising suspicion has on the other hand enabled Norway to become a global player far in excess of its size or strength.Oslo has also been compelled to coopt other agencies or outsource functions to other organizations because of this. The work is too great and the challenge too formidable for Norway to handle it alone. Despite the paranoia Norway seems to have accomplished quite a lot in the International arena.
A seminar comparing and contrasting the Indian and Norwegian roles in peacemaking was held last December in New Delhi . Former Ambassador and current Indian envoy Jon Westborg as well as Jon Hanssen – Bauer were two of the key speakers. The Norwegian approach was clearly explained and presented at the seminar. The Norwegian progress in global peacemaking was duly noted there.
” During the past ten years, Norway has been involved in various ways and to different degrees in peace and reconciliation processes in Asia (Sri Lanka, the Philippines & Aceh), in Africa (Ethiopia/Eritrea & Sudan), in Latin America (Guatemala, Colombia & Haiti), in the Middle East (the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians), and in Europe (Cyprus). Indonesia, Serbia and Somalia could also be added to the list. Norway’s role ranges from official facilitator of negotiations (Sri Lanka and the Philippines), to sponsor of a back channel for secret negotiations (the Middle East), to actor in an international coalition promoting such processes (e.g. as head of the Security Council’s consideration of Ethiopia/Eritrea and Somalia, as member of groups of friends in Colombia and Guatemala, as member of the troika supporting the peace process in Sudan, and as an actor in the Balkans), to supporter of the activities of other actors (Aceh), to provider of humanitarian assistance (e.g. Burma)”.
It was also observed that the Norwegian work for peace and reconciliation has the four following characteristics.
“1.Willingness to make long-term contributions. Norway has a consistent and predictable policy on development assistance and peace efforts based on solidarity and a long-term perspective. There is broad political consensus on foreign policy, which ensures consistency regardless of changing governments. Norway has also a demonstrated the will to talk to all parties in a conflict.
2.Flexible and ample resources. Norway makes both financial and human resources available for peace and reconciliation processes. These resources are also flexible, which enables Norway to become engaged quickly. Coupled with a substantial engagement in development assistance, we do not just support the negotiation process as such, but have also monitored peace agreements and are using development co-operation actively to implement peace agreements and prevent the re-emergence of conflict.
3.Close co-operation with Norwegian and international NGOs. In many cases, Norwegian NGOs have been our point of entry into peace and reconciliation processes. The extensive network that Norwegian NGOs have built through decades of humanitarian work has given access to areas where the official Norway has little or no presence. Norway also co-operates closely with several international NGOs.
4.Amicable relations with central actors in the international arena. Norway has close relations with the USA and good relations with other major actors such as the EU, Japan, Russia, India, Brazil and South Africa. Our position as a major contributor to the UN and our extensive development co-operation give us credibility in the international community. Norway has no colonial past. Our commitment to peacemaking is also perceived to be sincere because we do not have ulterior political or economic motives. Norway is aware that all conflicts are unique and require a tailored approach.”
Norwegian peacemaking diplomacy is not to be seen in isolation but as being integral to global consensus and will. Whatever Norway does has the stamp of international approval and legitimacy. Attempts to sideline or alienate Norway if successful can only affect Sri Lankas relations with the International community. This includes India and the USA.
Let us not forget that Oslo is doing a quadruple role here.Along with the USA, Japan and EU it is part of the quartet nominally in charge of the Sri Lankan peace process. It is the head of the monitoring mission which comprises Scandinavian and Nordic Countries. Norway is also the accredited facilitator of the peace process accepted by GOSL and LTTE. Finally Oslo is also the link between India and the peace process.
It was the Norwegian scholar and visionary Egeland who first had the idea that a small country like Norway might be better suited than more powerful nations to broker peace deals. He argued in his “Impotent Superpower:Potent Small State” book that Norway “had an unfulfilled potential for facilitating, bridge building and being a moral entrepreneur”.He also observed “The United States has big sticks and carrots it can use to mediate, but we are activist facilitators.”
Norwegians are realistic about their limitations. They know that their lack of strategic might diminishes the cutting edge of their peacemaking diplomacy. It is this void that Oslo needs the powerful nations to fill.The examples of Israel- Palestine, Yugoslavia etc demonstrate that. In Sri Lanka too Norway relies on the global and regional power to provide the cutting edge if and when required. This applies to both Colombo and Kilinochchi and may become more visible when a solution is in sight.
This situation also means that the big players want Norway to be here and that anyone going against this expectation will in the final analysis be taking on the world or the so called international community. The national socialists and neo – fascists urging the expulsion of Oslo must wake up to realities.
The controversial interview given to “Tehelka” by Erik Solheim is quite revealing about Norway’s role in Sri Lanka. Here are some excerpts:
Do you believe a negotiated solution is possible, given the history of aborted agreements and failure of peace initiatives in the last five decades between the Sinhalese and the Tamils?
I sincerely believe in a negotiated political solution. The Norwegian government is committed to actively promoting peace and reconciliation internationally. We will continue to give priority to facilitating the peace process in Sri Lanka as long as the parties request our efforts and we see that we can play a constructive role. I hope that the parties gain mutual confidence to take the peace process forward.
Do you think a solution is possible within a unitary state structure?
I take the view that the parties should not be blinded by the use of different terms and find a solution acceptable to all Sri Lankans.
What in your view are the legitimate grievances of Tamils?
There is broad agreement in the international community on support for Tamil rights to some form of self-rule or power sharing within a united Sri Lanka.
Do you agree with the view that trouble started with the controversial Ceylon Citizenship Act in 1948 disenfranchising thousands of Tamils, the declaration of Sinhala as official language, and the subsequent laws in education favouring the Sinhalese etc, resulting in the alienation of Tamils?
Both parties would have a different take on this issue. Norway is tasked to bring the parties to the table and assist them in finding a durable solution to the conflict. We have to be careful in our comments on historical matters, however important they may be.”
This then is the current scenario. The International community is firmly for the unity and territorial ntegrity of the Country. At the same time it wants the suffering Tamil people to share power and gain autonomy. Also the international community wants the current crisis to be resolved through negotiations and not war. Norway in this merely reflects the international community position. Oslo is at this point of time the instrument through which the International community wants the issue to be settled amicably.
It is against this backdrop that the Norwegian role in Sri Lanka has to be viewed.This column has in a broader sense been supportive of the Norwegian role here. When Oslo formally entered the peace process this column opined that” there was no way other than Norway” and welcomed it.
This column is of the same opinion still.I t is therefore in a spirit of positive expectation that this column bids welcome to the new facilitator Jon Hanssen – Bauer on the eve of his intended arrival in Sri Lanka.
[Vigeland Sculpture Park, Oslo, Norway - Picture by HA]
April 1st, 2006
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