Archive for May, 2006
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Mahendra Percy Rajapakse now known as Mahinda Rajapakse is perhaps the first Sinhala head of state with a clear and coherent idea of how to resolve the National question also called the ethnic crisis , Tamil issue and Tiger problem. This assertion may run contrary to many assessments that describe Mahinda as being confused and indecisive on how to handle this issue.
This writer too has in earlier columns subscribed to this viewpoint. Evaluating Mahinda’s presidency after six months of being in power provides fresh insight. Rajapakse seems to have definite ideas of why, where and how he is going to arrive at his destination. What he is uncertain about is the when or timing.
This does not of course mean that Rajapakse’s objectives are correct or whether he will be able to achieve them. Another troubling factor is that in the process of trying to achieve these objectives Mahinda may be opening the lid of yet another Pandora’s box. A host of unintended consequences and resultant problems mat arise.
There are also three factors that may inhibit, restrain or even defeat his strategy. Firstly there is the Sinhala domestic constituency. It remains to be seen whether the people will be ready, willing and able to face the consequences of this policy.
Secondly there is the International Community(IC). It is not possible at this juncture to speculate as to whether the IC will go along with Rajapakse or apply brakes and if it is a case of the latter how it would be done. The role of India in this would be of particular importance.
Thirdly there is the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and by extension the Sri Lankan Tamil people. The only certain thing in all this is that the LTTE will strenuously oppose Rajapakse. It may even be that the tigers could be the sole deterrent to a policy which if successful can only keep suppressed the minority communities in general and the Tamils in particular.
In such a situation the vast majority of Tamils are likely to back the LTTE directly and indirectly. Even those Tamils who are not supportive of the LTTE will not oppose the tigers . Only a Tamil segment actively collaborating with the Rajapakse regime will be supportive of the GOSL.
There is a mistaken impression among many that Mahinda Rajapakse like his predecessor Chandrika Kumaratunga or chief rival Ranil Wickremasinghe wants to resolve the National question amicably and equitably. This would entail some form of federalism or quasi – federalism. After all he is willing to go in for maximum devolution within a unitary state it is pointed out. Mahinda himself often makes statements to this effect.
Rajapakse is being circumscribed due to his dependency on the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and Jathika Hela Urumaya it is said. There are also other external pressure groups like the Patriotic National Movement. Like SWRD Bandaranaike 50 years aho Mahinda too is unable to do the right thing by the Tamils due to JVP, JHU and PNM constraints it is argued.
This argument could have been true of SWRDB. He was a Westernised Liberal Democrat who donned the national dress and promoted Sinhala and Buddhism to capture votes. He was one of the pioneering Donoughmore Buddhists. The real Solomon wanted to be just by the Tamils after he had opened the floodgates. He could not as the torrents he had released engulfed him. Literally and metaphorically he was destroyed by the very same forces he unleashed to achieve power.
In Mahinda Rajapakse’s case it is different. He is not play acting when he takes flower baskets and trays to the Pansala. The only time he is play acting is when he sits with foreigners talking about serious political reform.The crucial difference between SWRD and Mahinda is that the latter unlike the former really and truly belives in what may be called the Sinhala Buddhist supremacist ideology. Mahinda is of the same mindset as the JVP, JHU and PNM. He is not their unwilling captive. If that ideology is indeed restrictive then it is a state which Mahinda has willingly chosen and will not come out of.
Rajapakse was born in 1946 but he is in reality the politically quintessential child of 1956 (Panashaye Daruwo) Mahinda believes that the Sinhala Buddhists are the rightful and sole heirs to this Island. The Sinhala Buddhists who have a divine right to this Dhammadeepa have no where else to go. The Sinhala Buddhists being a generous people have allowed other minority communities also to share this land. But they must know their place and behave accordingly. The Sinhala Buddhists are way on top of the pecking order.
The privileged position of the Sinhala people depends on a united and undivided Sri Lanka. For this a strong, centralised State under a unitary Constitution is essential. Some minorities may be concentrated in certain regions. This does not mean that they have special rights or that power needs to be devolved to the periphery. There can be no Federalism. There can be no recognition of any region as a historic habitat of the minorities. There cannot be even real Devolution. Only some de – centralisation for the sake of administrative convenience could be possible.
Rajapakse like most Sinhala Buddhist hawks does not believe that the LTTE will ever agree to anything other than Thamil Eelam. Besides Rajapakse cannot accommodate the LTTE in a settlement even if the tigers are willing to compromise. Even if the LTTE agrees to a united Sri Lanka some form of Federalism or even Confederationalism is necessary. This Rajapakse is unwilling to agree to. This is not a case of Rajapakse being flexible and the Sinhala hardliners being rigid. Mahinda and the Mahajanaya are of the same opinion. He is truly a man of his people in this.
Against this backdrop Rajapakse realises that whatever the time frame of any potential discussions with the LTTE the final outcome can only be a total breakdown. The impasse will surely lead to total war. Mahinda sees himself as the divine instrument that would lead the rightful owners of this Island to complete victory over the enemy threatening Country, Race and Religion. (Lanka, Sinhala and Buddhism)There was much talk of the great liberator “Diyasena” in 1956. Mahinda is Diyasena delayed perhaps by 50 years.
It is well – known that Mahinda is a strong Southern regionalist. Such Ruhunu Consciousness has its own baggage. There is the Dutu Gemunu syndrome where many Sons of the South think they are latter – day incarnations of Rohana. They have to protect the Country and liberate it from its enemies.
Let it not be forgotten that Mahinda never associated himself with any major effort to resolve the national question through federalism under Chandrika Kumaratunga. The excuse is that Kumaratunga ignored him. True! But then this was what Rajapakse wanted. Had Rajapakse really wanted to associate with those efforts I am sure he could have bulldozed his way in. After all when he wanted to be Premier he cut Lakshman Kadirgamar’s throat neatly. When he wanted Presidential nomination he circumvented the Bandaranaikes , did he not?
What has been apparent in the past is Mahinda’s consistency in identifying himself with the forces of Sinhala racism opposing even meagre concessions to the Tamils. There he was at the Buddhist demonstration opposing the Devolution bill in 2000. There he was visiting the fasting Omalpe Sobhitha at Dalada Maligawa. Who was the man behind the JVP action against the P- TOMS.?
Compounding matters further is the treatment meted out to Mahinda in Jaffna in the aftermath of the Tsunami.by tiger instigated mobs. Spoiled rice and excreta pots were hurled at him. Just as JR Jayewardene never forgot the slippers thrown at him in Jaffna Rajapakse also would not forget this insult. Of course Rajapakse can say he has no grudges against Tamils and prove it by saying “My Best friend is a Tamil. Its Douglas Devananda”.
Frivolity apart Rajapakse has very correctly gauged the LTTE to be the primary and effective obstacle to his political aims. He has devised a policy therefore of containing and undermining the LTTE in the short run . In the long run he hopes to launch an all out war to annihilate the tigers. Another important consideration is the IC. The active support of the IC is required to bankroll the economy while war is conducted.These are the defining parameters of Mahinda Rajapakse’s current policy towards the resolution of the National question.
Satisfying or hoodwinking the IC is of crucial importance. The idea is to pay lip- service to certain words , phrases and statements that are music to the IC’s ear. Its like chanting Manthras in a Pooja. The current key words as far as the IC is concerned is peace, talks and peace process. Other Manthras of importance are negotiated settlement, democracy, pluralism, human rights, devolution, minority rights, inclusivity etc.
The important thing to remember is that only paying lip service is required. Keep mumbling the jargon and go through the motions of peace process participation. In order to impress the IC Rajapakse would always appear to be reasonable and flexible. Take the Geneva talks for instance. Mahinda instructs his team to accept the accord. “Porunthuvelaa Enda. Passa Balamu” (Promise and Come. Lets see later).
So the Geneva agreement is signed. But within 24 hours all sorts of new interpretations are given. A fresh stance is articulated. This negates the essence of what was agreed upon in Geneva. The LTTE is humiliated at the Airport. Helicopters are not provided for internal transport thereby causing an unnecessary crisis. Making promises on the one hand in Geneva and defaulting in performance on the other in Sri Lanka is the standard adopted..
In a sense Mahinda is not being very original in this approach. The tragic history of Sinhala – Tamil relations in this Country is replete with such instances. The first Sinhala film(produced by a Tamil SM Nayagam) to be made was “Kadawuna Poronthuwa” or Broken Promise. The breakdown in Ethnic relations is characterised by a trail of broken political promises. That history continues.
So this component of the strategy is quite simple. Appear to be reasonable and flexible and above all amenable to the IC requests. Talking to the Tigers? Yes of course!. Strengthen the ceasefire? Yes Certainly!! But act entirely the opposite in practice. Thus we witness the spectacle of refusing to dismantle the high security zones, we see assassinations of Tamil activists and the blatantly transparent support extended to alternate armed Tamil groups.
While impressing the IC in this manner attempts are made to diplomatically weaken and isolate the LTTE. The most convenient label is terrorist. The LTTE is essentially a freedom movement but some of the methods it uses are “terroristic”. It is easy therefore for Colombo to get the LTTE proscribed internationally in a post – Sep 11th 2001 World. Even here the GOSL is smart. It requests international proscription of the LTTE only for two reasons. One is to pressurise the tigers into participating more actively in the peace process. The other is to protect Tamil expatriates from tiger extortionists.
What is underway carefully and systematically is a slow process through which the LTTE is being driven away into the cold. The tigers are being put in the international dog house. The purpose is long term. The isolation of the LTTE from the mainstream International Community would be of immense help to Colombo when all out war starts. A concerted transnational effort against the LTTE short of deploying actual personnel on ground could very much be on the cards.
Unfortunately the LTTE seems unable or unwilling to transform itself even as a tactic to prevent this phenomenon. It makes all the wrong noises and emits all the wrong signals thereby expediting its downfall. It appears utterly helpless in preventing or even forestalling the impending calamity. Some policies practised by the tigers in Sri Lanka and abroad have proved Counterproductive. It is now experiencing the consequences of such conduct.
Meanwhile Rajapakse is preparing for total war. Shopping lists are being sent out. Diplomatic missions are undertaken to solicit support. Not so subtle efforts are being made to exploit differences among rival nations to stimulate competition in helping Lanka’ s war effort most. Plans are afoot for conscription. A war emergency declaration suppressing press freedom and concentrating power in Rajapakse’s hands is very likely. Those who think Mahinda with the beatific grin is incapable of dictatorial tendencies are in for a nasty surprise. A Bonapartist is on the make.
If preparatory efforts are on for a total war there is overt and covert warfare of a limited nature going on at present. This is another important aspect of Rajapakse’s regime. Overtly it is described as retaliatory and confined to specific objectives. Covertly it is an undeclared, shadow war that is both provocative and retaliatory at times.
Whenever the LTTE crosses the line too much like the suicide bomber attack on Army headquarters or the marine assault on a naval convoy retaliatory strikes are openly announced and implemented. Thus we had the air, sea and land assault on Muthur. Aerial bombardment. artillery firing from Army camps and shelling from Naval gunboats was done incessantly. The second time saw Muthur getting only artillery firing and naval gunboat shelling. Nothing from the air. But Kilinochchi and Mullaitheevu districts experienced aerial bombardment.
The amazing thing about this is that Rajapakse has been able to get way with this. No International opprobrium at a policy which deliberately targets a segment of civilian population as collective punishment. Vicarious responsibility is being imposed upon a people for no fault of their own. The IC through its silence is being perceived as supportive of this. Again Rajapakse has been clever in responding this way only after a grave violation by the LTTE.
Thus the IC sees these acts as a consequence of LTTE behaviour. Both the GOSL and LTTE are guilty of violating the ceasefire and basic human rights. But the culpability of the GOSL is even higher but in a Post – Iraq scenario the Global Policeman acts dumb.
On the other hand there is the covert warfare. On one level it is retaliatory and reactive. Those responsible are Tamil groups like the EPDP and TEMVP (Karuna faction). The security personnel provide logistical support. So if and when a soldier is targeted by the LTTE or pro – tiger militia the alternative armed groups go ahead and bump off civilians suspected of having tiger links. The GOSL propaganda machinery puts the blame on the LTTE or it is attributed to internecine intra – Tamil strife. The IC praises the “Commendable restraint” of the armed forces and the “Buddhist” patience of Rajapakse.
There is also proactive and even provocative violence unleashed by the state. These are of different types and serve different goals. One result of the ceasefire has been the growing influence of the LTTE in GOSL controlled areas. This has created a potential fifth column in these areas. By targeting those supporters of the LTTE and those suspected of being connected to the tigers the people are being driven through fear into tiger controlled area. Thus a potential fifth column threat when open war erupts is being diminished.
There is also the deliberate provocative violence which targets the LTTE or tiger supporters. The deep penetration squads are actively infiltrating LTTE areas and exploding landmines. Civilian supporter Vigneswaran is shot dead in Trincomalee. LTTE senior leader Ramanan is killed in Batticaloa. Muslim groups are being armed and instigated into targeting Tamil civilian supporters of the LTTE in Muthur. Sinhala home guards and criminal elements are being encouraged to engage in anti – Tamil violence with armed forces aiding and abetting.
There are also acts of violence against civilians by armed forces. The Puthur , Nelliaddy, Allaipiddy killings. Manthuvil disappearances etc are but some of these. There are the specific acts against LTTE supporters like businesspersons, auto rickshaw drivers and barbers by Tamil paramilitary outfits like the EPDP. It is interesting to note that EPDP chief Douglas Devananda is a minister in this cabinet. The trail of responsibility goes right up to ministerial level. Not even one person has been penalised so far for any act of violence against Tamil civilians.
All these acts are not individual or random acts of violence. There is method in this mayhem. A clear design is visible. The climate of impunity afforded by the Rajapakse regime and its active encouragement is very much conducive to the violence. What is going on now is calculated state terror. Colombo newspapers spoke of a “Dog response” or “Lion response” when it came to responding to LTTE violence. Naturally the regime headed by the Ruhunu lion chose the lion response. The state terror being unleashed is the Lion response.
This does not mean that the LTTE is blameless. Of course it has to bear much blame. But there are three points to consider. Firstly tiger violence is duly recognized and roundly condemned nationally and internationally whereas the state – inspired violence is neither identified correctly or condemned deservedly. Secondly not all state violence is provoked by the LTTE. Much of it is initiated by state agencies. Thirdly the LTTE is after all “terrorist” outfit being proscribed by the IC. The GOSL is a democratically elected entity that has a greater responsibility to refrain from state terror.
These then are the parameters of Rajapakse’s policies towards the tigers and by extension the Tamils. Against this backdrop is the slow build up of a Sinhala Consensus for war. The farce that is an all party Conference passes resolutions supportive of peace and negotiations for international consumption. Outside the Conference the JVP and JHU and PNM carry on relentless campaigning for war against the LTTE which in practice would be against the Tamils.
It cannot be denied that Mahinda Rajapakse’s task has been made much easier by the LTTE. The tigers by their conduct and posturing have alienated much of international opinion. Erik Solheim rescued them several times and delayed the inevitable international backlash. The LTTE however keeps on blundering diplomatically again and again. Instead of being able to expose Mahinda Rajapakse for what he is the LTTE has succeeded in the impossible. They have managed to make even Mahinda look good in International eyes and get praised for his restraint.
If Mahinda was really keen to free himself of JVP and JHU shackles the easiest course would be to align with the UNP. But he does not do that. Instead he travels along with them. Apart from being ideologically similar Mahinda needs them to make him look moderate. Also they are building up the climate for hate and war. I think a national Government comprising the JVP , JHU and hawks among the UNP will be a reality when open war breaks out. To a man of Mahinda’s Chinthana War will be the best option to garner, consolidate and retain power.
Western media reports refer to Sri Lanka sliding or drifting towards open war. No the Country is not drifting towards war. It is already at war. The killing of more than 500 persons in a single year can be classified as war. If we take the casualty figures from Dec 2005 to May 2006 we find that the figure has been passed. What is happening now is a steady steering of the Country into total war. Both the GOSL and LTTE are doing this for their own objectives.
Both sides help each other indirectly. The targeting of security personnel makes many Sinhala people support Rajapakse. They feel firm action is necessary to combat the LTTE. The targeting of Tamil civilians by security and paramilitary groups makes many Tamil people support the LTTE. They feel only the tigers can effectively counter the state terror.
When Mahinda Rajapakse won the Presidential elections last year on a hardline platform I wrote that it was a defeat not for the tigers but for the moderate Tamils desiring to live in a united Sri Lanka with equal rights. With the rising anti – Tamil violence the moderate middle is diminishing. The International Community has also contributed to this diminution by its own blunders. The Tamil moderates are rendered totally impotent.
Both sides know that their acts help strengthen the other. But they want it because extreme polarisation on ethnic lines is what they require. Sinhala people must rally round the GOSL and Tamil people must flock to the LTTE is the credo. Sadly this is happening now. The middle ground is disappearing. Moderates are perceived as traitors. Armageddon is on the way!
Will Mahinda Rajapakse be able to achieve his objectives and usher in war? if he does so will he succeed in defeating the LTTE and re-structuring the Sri Lankan state under Majoritarian hegemony?
The answer to the first question rests primarily on the Sinhala people and the International Community. Will they go along with the hidden agenda of Rajapakse or recognize the future danger and act preemptorily?
The answer to the second lies in the LTTE. How will it transform its politico – diplomatic strategy and mobilise its military resources to combat the enemy?
Unless the Sinhala people and the International Community recognize the true colours of Rajapakse total war would be inevitable. In such an eventuality the Tamil people will be forced to support or at least not oppose the LTTE.
The war that will erupt would be a terrible, horrible one. Unimaginable destruction and death will be let loose on this Island. Whichever side wins the ultimate losers will be Sri Lanka and her people.
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May 26th, 2006
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Kandiah Ulaganathan known to the world as “Col” Ramanan of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was killed on Sunday May 21st. Ramanan fell victim to a sniper or hidden gunman as he was inspecting the forward defence lines (FDL’s)at Vavunatheevu in the region known as “Paduvaankarai” (Shore of the setting sun) on the west of Mattakkalappu Vaavi or Batticaloa lagoon.
Ramanan was a senior commander serving with the tigers since 1986. Rising from the ranks he has held many different positions within LTTE folds during the course of his tumultous career as freedom fighter. It was only a few weeks ago that Ramanan was made Lt. Col and nominated as deputy – military commmander of Batticaloa – Amparai LTTE by tiger supremo Velupillai Pirapakaran.
“Col’ Bhanu from Ariyalai in the North ern Province is in overall charge for Batticaloa – Amparai districts as Special Commander. Senior tiger leader Nagesh had been appointed military – commander for both districts with Ramanan as his deputy. Both Nagesh and Ramanan are sons of the Eastern soil. In addition to being deputy military commander Ramanan was also supervising the intelligence wing in the region with Keerthy running day to day affairs.
Ramanan had been on an inspection tour of LTTE positions along the lagoon shores from noon that Sunday. He was almost winding up that evening when he reached Vavunatheevu. He was chatting merrily with tiger cadres manning the frontline outposts when an accurate bullet from a sniper’s rifle smashed into his skull.
Even as Ramanan fell his body guards and other tiger cadres at the FDL’s fired away all round hoping to hit the elusive enemy. But it was of no use as the assassin was a solitary sniper lurking on top of a tree in the no man’s land between the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) controlled territory and areas under tiger control. The distance between GOSL and LTTE positions was about 350 to 375 metres.
There were many trees in this space and the sniper had been concealed on the branch of one tree. The trajectory of the bullet which entered the back of Ramanan’s head suggested that say informed Tamil sources. Since Ramanan’s back was turned he would not have had the slightest inkling about what hit him.
The LTTE cadres carried Ramanan towards the interior and applied immediate first aid. Thereafter they rushed him to a nearby medical clinic. But Ramanan was no more. He had died within 15 to 20 minutes of the firing which took place around 5. 30 – 35 pm.
It was apparent from the smoothness of the operation that a cool, efficient assassin was responsible. The LTTE charged the army of being responsible. Given the sniper position’s proximity to the Vavunatheevu army camp and its forward defence lines the tiger accusation seemed valid.It seemed that some member of the special forces with excellent sniping skills was responsible.
But the renegade faction of the LTTE led by former Eastern tiger special commander Vinayagamoorthy Muraleetharan alias “Col” Karuna jumped in with the claim that they were responsible. The Karuna faction is called Tamil Eelam Makkal Viduthalaip Puligal (TEMVP). It has an office at Covington road in Batticaloa town. This is a house that belonged to former Batticaloa Parliamentarian Sam Thambimuthu who along with his wife Kala was killed by the LTTE in 1990.The house was later used by the Eelam Revolutionary Organization (EROS) as an office.
The TEMVP has a spokesperson called Thooyavan. Statements were released in his name that they were responsible for Ramanan’s killing. Later Thooyavan was interviewed by the BBC Tamil Service. He claimed that TEMVP cadres had launched an ambush. First a landmine was triggered and then there was firing said “Thooyavan”. Thooyavan’s answers however did not sound convincing when Ethiraj Anbarasan of “Thamizhosai” probed him about the incident.
The official stance of the Mahinda Rajapakse regime on the question of Karuna and his men is that no alternative armed groups are operating in GOSL areas. The TEMVP office in Batticaloa is a political office. So Thooyavan says that his comrades operating in tiger held areas were responsible.
But anyone familiar with the geography of the area where Ramanan was assassinated will realise that even infiltrating the place let alone operating from there is virtually impossible. This stretch of land has the lagoon one side as border. It is more agrarian with comparatively little forest cover. With the LTTE well – fortified here infiltrating the area from the interior can be ruled out.
Apart from the TEMVP claim there is no information about any landmine ambush or exchange of fire having taken place in the area. Only a lone sniper possibly with a sidekick seems to have been busy. The only way to get into the no mans land would be through the FDL’s of either side. Since the LTTE would not have done so the obvious conclusion is that it would have been from the army controlled side.
The few attacks on LTTE sentries and bunkers in this area have all been launched by persons coming from the Vavunatheevu army premises. Those responsible for such hit and run acts returned to the army camp promptly. In this case too the inescapable conclusion seems to be that the sniper came into the buffer zone from the army camp premises. It does not matter whether the actual assassin was a soldier or Karunas cadre. What matters is that he or she could not have done so without the army factor.
It is on this basis perhaps that the LTTE keeps on saying that the army was responsible despite the TEMVP jumping up like jackrabbits to claim “credit”. Another reason could be the LTTE feeling that even accusing the Karuna faction of such smooth sniping would be infra – dig.
Usually it is the LTTE that has achieved sniping credits like that of Thambirajah Subathiran alias Robert of the Eelam Peoples Revolutionary Liberation Front (Varathar faction) in Jaffna town. It is very possible that there are crack shots within the Karuna faction too.
Even if the actual sniper was not from the Karuna faction three important facts have come to light through this incident. Firstly it implicates the Vavunatheevu army camp in the killing.
Secondly the “responsibility” claim made by Thooyavan from an office within Batticaloa town demonstrates that the Karuna faction is linked to unprovoked anti – tiger violence while being in GOSL controlled areas.
Thirdly the marksman lying in wait for Ramanan to turn up shows that either there was a leak from within the LTTE or that tiger leaders had been very predictable in their routine and movements.
The killing of Ramanan would no doubt have brought much joy to his one time chief Karuna. As stated in these columns earlier Ramanan too was initially aligned to Karuna when the LTTE split occurred. Like many of the Eastern senior tigers like Ramesh, Karikalan, Prabha, Ram and others Ramanan too stood with Karuna when the latter rebelled against Kilinochchi.
It was Ramanan who was functioning as head of the Batticaloa – Amparai intelligence under Karuna when the LTTE cracked. Acting under Karunas orders Ramanan arrested a number of LTTE intelligence operatives including Keerthi who were reporting directly to Pottu Amman. They were detained at Kannankudah.
Yet in what seemed a remarkable “somersault” at that time Ramanan freed those detenues and escaped to the Wanni with them. Others like Ramesh and Karikalan followeed. Kausalyan who refused to throw in his lot with Karuna had already reached Kilinochchi.
It was the deserting of Karuna by these seniors that strengthened Prabakharans hand. It was also suspected by Karuna that Ramanan had always been loyal to Prabakharan and that he had functioned as an “agent” for Kilinochchi. This was realised by Prabakharan himself who warned Ramanan that he would be number one target for Karuna in taking revenge. This warning was given by the LTTE leader to Ramanan during a four hour conversation in 2004 during which LTTE deputy military chief “Col” Balraj was present.
There were other reasons too for Karuna and his followers to be furious with Ramanan. When the LTTE forces under “Col” Sornam launched the Good Friday counter – offensive in 2004 against Karuna Ramanan played a major role in hoodwinking Karuna faction cadres guarding the Verugal river. Some tigers pretended to be switching loyalties and crossed over.
They then turned tables on unsuspecting Karuna cadres. Thereafter others from the Trincomalee side too crossed over. Thereafter all hell was let loose. Many Karuna cadres were shot dead in cold blood and dumped in the Verugal river. Ramanan’s role in this received condemnation.
Then came the Sri Lankan defence establishment’s “betrayal” of Karuna. Soldiers manning points in Koralaipattru North division were instructed to turn a blind eye to mainstream LTTE personnel moving into GOSL areas from the North. A tiger brigade led by Ramanan was the first to enter GOSL areas and cross the Valaichenai – Polonnaruwa road. Suddenly the tigers were in Karuna’s rear. Karuna never expected this to happen . This was a crucial factor in Karuna quitting positional warfare then.
Later Ramanan was engaged in counter – intelligence activity against Karuna cadres, He even came to Colombo for a while to oversee these operations. One such act was the infamous massacre at Kottawa where eight Karuna cadres were shot in their sleep.Another inmate in the safe house had been “turned” into drugging the food surreptitiously and then calling the tigers in.
Another was the manner in which four senior tigresses including Nilavini and Laavanyaa who were loyal to Karuna were captured in Colombo. Ramanan had abducted their close relatives in Batticaloa and then got to these girls through them They were later paraded in a press conference as having escaped from Karuna’s clutches.
Ramanan also played a prominent role in tracking down many of the LTTE cadres who quit after the split. Many youngsters were seized forcibly and transported to the Wanni.
Under these circumstances it seems obvious that Ramanan was high on the Karuna faction list for vengeance. Whichever the hand that pulled the trigger there is no denying that there is much jubiliation in the ranks of Karuna.

Ramanan or Kandiah Ulaganathan like Karuna was born in 1966. He is a native of Palugaamam. Ramanan was one of ten children. The family was agriculturist but did not own much land. Ramanan studied at the Kandumani Maha Vidyalayam in Palugamam and completed his “A” levels but did not get Varsity admission.
Ramanan’s elder brother who joined the EPRLF was the first from the family to join a militant movement. He quit the EPRLF after it began collaborating with the Indian Army in 1987. He then teamed up with the LTTE and was killed in a skirmish with the IPKF in 1988.
Ramanan was first a tiger helper during the period when Aruna was LTTE Batticaloa commander. He joined the LTTE formally in 1986 when Kumarappah was Batticaloa tiger chief.Ramanan was trained locally and not in India. He was of the third Eastern batch to be trained at the Kanchikudicharu jungle base. Ramanan started out as a cadre under the command of Reagan the tiger leader from Vellaveli.
Ramanan’s first battlefront experience was in 1987 when the LTTE engaged in fighting the Sri Lankan army at Ambilanthurai.. It was during the Indian army period that Ramanan made his mark as a group leader . He once led a successful attack on an IPKF patrol in Palugamam with the aid of a single LMG. In another attack led by Ramanan an IPKF bunker in Kokkatticholai was destroyed.
After the IPKF period Ramanan worked closely with Newton in Batticaloa and learnt many intelligence techniques from him. He also joined the first Eastern Tamil infantry division Jeyanthan Brigade Apart from minor skirmishes in the East the Jeyanthan brigade was also deployed at times in the North.
Ramanan too went along and participated in the Pooneryn – Nagathevanthurai attack in 1993 and some of the operational battles of Jayasikurui and Oyatha Alaigal between 1996 – 99. He also received specialised intelligence training under Pottu Amman during these years.
Ramanan functioned as deputy intelligence chief under Nizam for a while. After Major Nizam was killed by a deep penetration assassination squad Ramanan became acting intelligence chief. Later he was made intelligence chief on a permanent basis.
Among two prominent operations planned and supervised personally by Ramanan were the killing of former STF deputy commandant Sahabandhu and the EPRLF paramilitary group leader Razeek. There was also a time when Pottu Amman used the Batticaloa “route” to send bombs and assassins to Colombo. Ramanan was Pottu’s point man in many of these and was intensely involved along with Newton.
Ramanan had a reputation for being tough and controversial. Some of his actions proved counter- productive. Ramanan along with people like Kaushalyan was responsible for the land distribution scheme done by the LTTE in the East. Given his social background Ramanan was against the “podiar” or big land owner system.
Large tracts of land belonging to Tamil and Muslim landowners were seized and parcelled out in small allotments to poor. landless families. Fragmenting productive land along with the lack of a sustainable support system led to most new owners abandoning agriculture and the scheme failing miserably.Today most of these once fertile lands lie barren and the rice bowl of Lanka has become a dust bowl.
Another of Ramanan’s actions which caused much resentment was the destruction of nine Hindu temples in the region. These temples were owned by some feudal upper – class “Vannakkar” families. Ramanan in his zeal for social reform demolished these temples and erected other buildings in their place. In one place a fish market came up on temple premises. This caused much heartburn and finally Ramanan had to be restrained on direct orders from Pirapakaran.
Ramanan was also cruel and hard in inflicting punishment. The fate of one victim who lives to tell the tale is illuminating. This was an Eastern academic once tipped to be Vice – Chancellor of the Eastern University. He was also a close relative of a prominent journalist affiliated to the LTTE. The man was on assignment in Colombo for an International Institution when the Karuna revolt occurred.
The academic was interviewed by a reputed media organization about it. Some of the comments made pointed out that regionalism was a factor in Eastern Tamil politics. The tigers were offended. Later the academic returned to Batticaloa. He was immediately taken by the LTTE to Paduvaankarai.
Ramanan personally was in charge of “interrogation”. The man who was eminently qualified to be a future head of Batticaloa varsity was manacled and handcuffed. One method of inflicting pain was to strap both thighs together and make him walk in chains. Ramanan repeatedly told him that a decision to kill him had been taken on the day of the offensive media interview itself. It was only high – level pressure from various quarters that secured the academics release. He is now living abroad after being warned never to go public about his experience.
This then was Ramanan a man who was no respecter of human life, dignity or values when it came to his goal and mission. A sad indictment of how war and conflict brutalises and distorts values. Ramanan is not a solitary example in that respect.There are many such mirror images of him in the LTTE, Sri Lankan armed forces and paramilitary groups too.
After the Karuna revolt was contained Ramanan was made commander of the Mavadimunmarikottam zone. Then came the recent elevation as deputy – military commander for Baatticaloa – Amparai districts. Even before he could demonstrate his abilities in that command fate in the form of a sniper struck.
Ramanan was posthumously promoted as “Colonel”. He is the fourth tiger and first Easterner to be made Colonel post – humously. The first was Kittu who committed suicide at sea when the Indian navy encircled the ship he was travelling in. Then came Shankar who was killed by a deep penetration assassination squad landmine in Oddisuddan. The third was Raju who died while receiving surgery in Malaysia.
Two of Ramanan’s brothers and a sister are members of the LTTE. In the early nineties the Sri Lankan army blasted his mothers house as retaliation for an operation masterminded by Ramanan. In 2004 Karuna destroyed Ramanan’s own house as retribution for deserting him and going to Kilinochchi.
Ramanan married Vedha , a former LTTE woman militant from Mahiladitheevu.They have two children. His family was staying in Puthukkudiyiruppu in the Wanni. Ramanan’s wife assisted by the Red Cross came over to Batticaloa for the funeral.
Given the current security situation it was not possible to take Ramanan’s body to the Wanni. Special commemorative ceremonies were held in Kilinochchi and Puthukudiyiruppu with people like Col. Balraj, Col. Jeyam , Lt. Col Ramesh . Ilanthitaiyan “Marshall”, KV Balakumaran and Pottu Amman participating. [TamilNet Photo]
In Batticaloa Ramanan’s body was taken in procession and displayed for the public to pay their respects. Black flags and posters appeared. There was also a work stoppage. Yet all these were in LTTE controlled areas and not in GOSL areas.
The final farewell to Ramanan was on May 24th at Thandiyadi. Col. Bhanu, political chief Dayamohan, Womens wing leader Kuveni and TNA Parliamentarian Aiyanendran spoke at the funeral. Though many people from the tiger controlled areas were present those from GOSL areas were conspicuous by their absence. Even Independent Tamil media was not present. This was in sharp contrast to Kaushalyan’s funeral. Kandiah Ulaganathan’s body was finally laid to rest at the tiger great heroes cemetery in Thandiaddy.
One noticeable feature in all this was the absence of a public statement on Ramanan by LTTE chief Prabakharan. I did not see anything of the sort in the media. There is no doubt that Ramanan’s death is an irreparable loss to Prabakharan. His death will not go avenged. That would be the way perhaps that the tiger supremo would mourn the loss of his able lieutnenant.
Related:
- Endless Agony of Eastern Tamils Must be Ended
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Contact DBS Jeyaraj : djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
May 26th, 2006
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Fifteen years ago on this day (May 21st) Rajiv Gandhi was killed at a place called Sriperumbhudoor in Tamil Nadu. He was not prime minister then. An election campaign was going on to elect a new Lok Sabha or Parliament. The Congress led by Rajiv was the front runner. After Rajiv’s death it was a Congress government that assumed office under Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao.
Death came in the form of Dhanu a young Tamil woman from Sri Lanka. Dressed in a churidar she came up to the smiling Rajiv and garlanded him. The chubby, dark – skinned, be – spectacled girl bent low to touch his feet as a mark of respect. Then came the explosion. A bomb strapped to her body was triggered off. Rajiv Ganhi was no more. Eighteen died and many others injured in the suicide bomber attack.
The date of Rajiv Gandhi’s death has poignant significance for me. May 21st is the date of my birth day. Thereafter his memory looms large on each birthday. My birth and his death which happened thirty – seven years later are inter – twined in my consciousness. It is hard to believe that fifteen years have passed since his death.
I recall discussing Rajiv’s death with then “Frontline” Editor Narasimhan Ram on the telephone. Both of us could not believe then that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was responsible. It was a time when influential journalists in Chennai were trying hard to bring about rapprochement between Rajiv and the LTTE. The well – known Tamil poet Kasi Anandan (Kathamuthu Sivanandan) had met Rajiv Gandhi in March that year. The London based financial consultant Arjuna Sittambalam had met Rajiv some weeks later.Both were regarded as pro – tiger emissaries.
It appeared that the stage was being set for some kind of political reconciliation. The Indian establishment at that time was more angry with Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa for booting out the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) than the LTTE which fought the Indian army. Earlier Rajiv had told “Murasoli” Maran that he was prepared to discuss even a “de – facto” Eelam with the LTTE if necessary.
It was against this backdrop that we felt the LTTE would not have committed this murder. I wrote an article then for “Frontline” in which I argued the pros and cons. It was overwhelmingly against the chances of the tigers being responsible. Yet I ended the piece with the line that if the LTTE was indeed responsible the ultimate losers will be the Sri Lankan Tamils.
Sathasivampillai Krishnakumar alias “Col” Kittu then in London argued passionately with me that the tigers were not responsible. He sincerely believed then that his movement was not responsible. It was Kittu acting at the behest of his leader who was instrumental in sending emissaries to meet Rajiv Gandhi.
He was doing so because Velupillai Prabakharan had ordered him to do so. I was quite close to Kittu then and also played a minor role in these efforts. Though I had been critical of Rajiv Gandhi and the IPKF earlier the wisdom of hindsight had made me realise that the Tamils could not afford to be alienated from India in the long term..
Alas! All those hopes and the efforts of those Indian Journalists who in association with Kittu arranged for the meetings with Rajiv were all dashed when it became clearly established that the tigers were responsible for the killing. What has happened thereafter is a progressive estrangement between “Mother” India and her “Eelam” Tamil children. The people of Tamil Nadu in particular were hurt and angry.
Jayalalitha Jayaram swept the polls in Tamil Nadu. The DMK regarded as being partisan towards the LTTE was vanquished. Only its leader Karunanidhy managed to scrape through with 800 vote lead. Jayalalitha followed a hard, strict policy towards Tamil refugees in the state. Even educational opportunities were restricted. Harassment became the order of the day. Thousands of Tamils who preferred to live in Tamil Nadu because of the Tamil ethos reluctantly relocated to the west.
More importantly the Indian public mood changed. India had welcomed Tamil refugees in 1983 and looked after them. Now they were made to feel unwelcome. Sri Lankan Tamils were regarded as having abused Indian hospitality.The LTTE was officially banned. Indian policy towards Sri Lanka changed. No longer was the welfare of Sri Lankan Tamils paramount in Indian calculations. Having banned the LTTE India found itself unable to interact with the Tamils as it had done before. That situation prevails still though some improvement is there.
The LTTE had a golden opportunity to salvage the situation a little in April 2002 when Prabakharan held his famous press conference in Kilinochchi. When Indian journalists raised the issue of Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination the LTTE leader could have been apologetic. Some remorse could have been displayed. This could have demonstrated that the killing was regretted and the tigers were sorry. Instead Anton Balasingham called it a “thunbiyal sambhavam” (tragic incident) and asked journalists not to dig into it. This perhaps made the situation worse.
The killing of Rajiv Gandhi was arguably the single most harmful act inflicted upon themselves by the tigers. Not only the tigers but all Sri Lankan Tamils by extension were affected. Fifteen years later it remains as the biggest stumbling block to better relations between India and the Tamils.
I was in Jaffna when the IPKF – LTTE fighting began. I saw the atrocities and civilian killings first hand. When I returned to Colombo and exposed these in “The Island” I was arrested and detained. It was this and consequent harassment that made me leave Sri Lanka then.
There was a time when my relationship with the Indian High Commission people in Colombo was excellent. I was “Hindu” correspondent then. Other Indian journalists used to call me the blue – eyed boy” of the IHC. Yet my relationship soured because I criticised the IPKF , some aspects of the Indo – Lanka accord and Rajiv Gandhi. I was even fired by “The Hindu” for trying to expose IPKF rapes.
I was for some time very bitter about Rajiv Gandhi and the Indian role in Sri Lanka. But time changes things. Rajiv’s assassination was a shock. However much one may be critical of a person no decent human being would want that person to die or worse still be killed in this gruesome fashion.
As time went on my thoughts about the Indian role and Rajiv Gandhi too began to change. Looking at the predicament of the Tamils now I feel that the Indo – Lanka accord with all its short – comings would have been much better for Tamils in particular and Sri Lanka in general if it had been allowed to be implemented..
The Indo – Lanka accord has provisions that changed Sri Lanka for the better. The accord recognized the reality of Sri Lanka being a multi – ethnic , multi – religious nation and not a mono – ethnic, mono – religious entity as proclaimed by majoritarian chauvinists. It also acknowledged the North – East to be the historic habitat of the Tamils and Muslims.
The accord also brought about the North – East merger. It afforded Official language status to Tamil. More importantly it brought about a scheme of devolution. The Provincial Councils were introduced because of the Indo – Lanka pact. The powers had to be reduced due to the tricky situation of getting it past the Supreme Court. The SC decision was five to four with three of those Judges voting in favour coming from the minority communities.
The Indians had plans of enhancing devolution on a staggered basis. They had obtained an assurance in writing from JR Jayewardene to that effect. One of the changes envisaged was doing away with the concurrent list of powers. But then the Provincial Council was never allowed to function properly in the North – East. Today PC’s are active in the Sinhala areas but not in the North – East for whose people it was mainly intended for.
I recall High Commissioner Dixit, Political secretary Hardeep Singh Puri and information secretary Lakshmi Puri trying to convince me in discussions that the Indo – Lanka accord was the best possible deal that the Tamils could have obtained at that time. Historically it was the highest quantum of Tamil rights recognized by the Sinhala dominated state. “lets work it out and improve it further” they would say. But I would have none of it.
Appapillai Amirthalingam and I were engaged in a heated argument once about the Indo – Lanka accord. I remember him repeating again and again ” I am telling you from experience. The Sinhala state will never accept our rights without outside intervention. We need India to help us. If the Indian army goes off before our rights are ensured our people particularly those in the East and Vavuniya will be finished”.
Belatedly I realise the wisdom in those views. I too wanted the Indians out then. I was happy when the N – E provincial council was dissolved. But what has happened now? After years of strife and sacrifice the Tamil people have not achieved anything tangible. Multitudes have died or been maimed, economy is shattered, people dispersed, values brutalised, culture eroded and dwellings destroyed. Yet the Tamils have nothing.
The LTTE may have built a military machine. But practically it is of no use other than to perpetuate misery , destruction and loss if the LTTE do not go in for meaningful negotiations..Even the LTTE had lost only 711 cadres at the time of the Indo – Lanka accord. Today they have lost more than 19,000.Compared to this situation the Indo – Lanka accord if implemented would certainly have been better.
It is with this mindset therefore that I think of Rajiv Gandhi. Though critical of him then I realise now that he was trying to do the right thing by the Tamils and Sri Lanka. N. Ram now Editor – in – chief of “The Hindu” was to tell me once that Rajiv Gandhi despite his blunders was genuinely sincere in trying to resolve the ethnic problem in Lanka. Other Indian journalists have also told me that Rajiv really felt sorry for the Tamils and wanted to usher in a fair deal for them. I also subscribe to these sentiments now.
Rajiv was the great grandson of Mothilal Nehru. The grandson of Jawarhalal. Son of Indira and Feroze Gandhi. He belonged to what was modern India’s greatest political dynasty. Yet he was reluctant to enter politics. It was the plane accident that killed his brother Sanjay which made Rajiv enter politics. Otherwise he would have been quite content to be flying planes. His mother’s assassination catapulted him into the Prime Minister’s seat.
I was in India covering the momentous election of Dec 1984 when Rajiv Gandhi won with a landslide. It was the biggest margin of victory enjoyed by the Congress till then. With his handsome features and attractive smile Rajiv was India’s darling. He brought modern methods into politics. Initially Rajiv with Arun Nehru and Arun Singh formed a trio at the helm. The three “P”s they were called (Pilotwalla, Polishwalla and paintwalla).
Rajivs mission was to take India into the 21st century. That was not to be but today India has entered that century and is doing gloriously well. The dynasty too flourishes. His widow Sonia is the power that rules India. His dashing son Rahul is an MP. His vivacious daughter Priyanka reminding many of grand ma Indira will be a political force to be reckoned with in the future. Even his sister inlaw Maneka and nephew Varun are in politics though at the other end of the political spectrum.
After Rajiv Gandhi became premier he brought about two praiseworthy political settlements in the domestic sphere. One was the pact with Punjab sikhs and the other the accord with Assamese student activists. It was in the wake of these agreements that he accelerated efforts to resolve the Sri Lankan crisis. He was a man in a hurry and people in a hurry often make mistakes.
He removed veteran G. Parthasarathy and sent the high flying Romesh Bhandari as his special envoy to Colombo. Rajiv made a significant departure from his mother’s strategy when he brought in the militants for talks. Indira and GP kept the militants out and relied on the TULF alone for negotiations. Five militant groups were kept on par with the TULF at the Thimhu talks. Being in haste the originally envisaged extended time frame of the staggered ceasefire was telescoped into short duration. The talks failed but not due to this reason alone.
Later Rajiv got into a “huff” with foreign secretary AP Venkateshwaran which led to the latter’s resignation. This was a great loss as APV was fully cognizant with the Lankan issues. Then came Natwar Singh, P. Chidamparam and even Dinesh Singh as emissaries.. In Colombo it was Dixit who did the spade work ably assisted by the Puris.
It was a matter of touch and go. It was the Indian air drop that prevented Jaffna peninsula being overrun by the Lankan Army in 1987. Had Sri Lanka resisted the air drop of supplies by India things may have been different. India was not taking any chances and had made preparations for such an eventuality.
Even if a de jure Eelam had not come into being a de facto Eelam like that of Turkish Cypris may have been there. But the crafty Junius knew when to bow his head. This Jayewardene did and New Delhi was happy. Negotiations were on and soon came the Indo – Lanka accord. It had its short comings but could have been improved if allowed to work. This was not to be.
Rajiv won the world’s admiration and respect when he went to Colombo to sign the accord. The Tamils on the whole were happy then. I remember writing a piece “Why Tamil eyes are smiling” for the “Island” then. Rajiv had a nasty experience when a naval rating took a swipe at him with his rifle during the guard of honour. Rajiv saw it from the corner of his eye and deftly sidestepped taking the blow on his shoulder instead of head.
When Rajiv returned President Venkatraman defied convention and came to the air port to receive him. “The hazards of waging peace” said Venkatraman aptly describing the situation. If that blow was fatal Indo – Lanka history may have been different. Then came the war with the LTTE. A confident Rajiv said “It will be a short. swift strike. Our boys will be back home soon”.
How wrong he was. The IPKF – LTTE war dragged on. Tamil civilians suffered and many harboured deep antipathy towards India. Finally India was outsmarted when the LTTE aligned with Premadasa to drive the third party out.
Then Rajiv himself lost elections. The Bofors scandal had raised its head. Had Rajiv lived longer this issue itself may have been detrimental to his image. But that was not to be. The explosion at Sriperumbhudoor changed all that and the course of history.
Fifteen years have passed since Rajiv Gandhi’s death. Is not the time opportune now for the “Eelam” Tamils to express their regrets publicly. I am informed by knowledgeable Indian circles that one thing troubling Sonia and the children is the fact that there has been no apology made so far publicly. Private expressions yes but no public or collective _expression. What hurts the family is the fact that Rajiv really wanted to do good for the Tamils.
When the 1983 July violence happened the Anglican Bishop of Kurunegala Rt. Rev Lakshman Wickremasinghe wrote a letter publicly apologising to the Tamils. The ailing Bishop was not in the Country at the time and certainly had no hand in the violence. Yet he spoke of collective guilt and stated his views openly. I speak from experience in saying that Bishop Lakshman’s act helped soothe to a great extent the pain and sorrow felt by many Tamils then.
The truth and reconciliation Commission of South Africa is another example where years of animosity are overwhelmed when frank admissions of guilt and genuine expressions of remorse are stated. Rajiv Gandhi may have been killed by the LTTE and except for a few the Tamil people have had no hand in that, but a collective _expression of genuine regret could certainly help change the current status quo.
Let us remember Rajiv on the fifteenth anniversary of his death for the good intentions and actions taken in pursuance of those. Let us remember him as the man who wanted to usher in a fair deal for Sri Lankans in general and Tamils in particular. Let us commemorate his fifteenth death anniversary with the admission that the accord he signed on July 29th 1987 remains still the best possible settlement to the Tamil national question ever made so far.
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May 21st, 2006
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
The 25 member European Union seems set to list the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam(LTTE) as a terrorist organization. The EU technical committee has already made a recommendation to this effect. The 700 member EU parliament has passed a unanimous resolution calling for a freeze of LTTE assets and finances in Europe. The travel ban on LTTE already in force has been duly recognized. Member states have been asked to do away with the illegal taxation conducted by the LTTE among the Tamil Diaspora. More importantly a total proscription is being actively considered.
The LTTE is already proscribed in India, USA, Britain and Canada as a terrorist organization. In Australia some restrictions are in force. The travel ban and proposed freeze could hamper the movement considerably. A formal listing could affect the LTTE more in Europe.
The Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora is widely scattered among European Countries. It is of sizeable numbers in Britain, Switzerland, Germany, France, Italy, Denmark, Netherlands, Sweden, Norway and Ireland. The EU listing will not affect Switzerland and Norway who are not members. But it could have repercussions in other Countries.
The LTTE relies heavily on the Tamil Diaspora for finance and propaganda. It is unrealistic to expect that all tiger fund raising and propaganda would cease because of the ban. But it could certainly diminish and even become less strident.Also the intended freezing of tiger assets may not be easily feasible because the LTTE does not have anything under its own name.
It is also pertinent to note that despite bans in the USA and Britain pro – tiger activity has not ceased. It has become low profile but has not ended. If there is acommitted and dedicated group willing to take risks and public support is forthcoming then it would be hard to do away with the LTTE. The prevention of Terrorism Act did not eradicate Tamil militancy. It only enhanced it.
What is more important is the symbolism and optics. The Sri Lankan state could depict the ban as a victory for its war against LTTE “Terrorism”. It could seek to undermine the Tamil national struggle as being “terroristic”. The Sinhala hawks could be encouraged by this to pursue the military war more vigorously.
On the other hand an already paranoid LTTE may regard the “world” as incurably hostile to them , quit the peace process and resume full scale fighting.
“The more the international community alienates the LTTE, the more the LTTE will be compelled to tread a hardline individualist path,” warned LTTE chief negotiator and political strategist Anton Balasingham in an interview to the “Tamilnet”.
For at least two years, the Sri Lankan state has been waging a ’shadow war’ against the LTTE, . Balasingham pointed out. “This shadow war has now transformed into a low-intensity war.”
“Emboldened by international support, and especially by further proscriptions of the LTTE, the Sinhala hardline elements will undoubtedly take steps to further escalate the violence and precipitate a war in which they hope to destroy the LTTE,” he said. “If this happens, the LTTE will be compelled to resist.”
“As such [an EU ban] is not going to help bring about peace, [but] will only serve to exacerbate the conditions of war and endanger the lives of Tamil civilians entrapped by Sinhala occupation forces,” Mr. Balasingham further said.
In a situation where the EU ban is being mooted as pressure aiming to bring the LTTE to the negotiating table the LTTE ideologue was constrained to point out that the opposite may happen. Instead of promoting peace it may promote war he points out.
Much as one understands Balasingham’s reasons for articulating this point of view one does wish that he had not expressed it in the way he did. For one thing it strengthens the anti – LTTE accusation that the tigers are warmongers. It also sounds “funny” in a sense because the LTTE itself has been engaging in acts that amount to an undeclared war. The tigers are not in a position to be concerned about war when they themselves are promoting it in stages.
Even more important is the fact that these are matters that should not have been dealt with through the media. Instead of releasing a statement to the “Tamilnet” Balasingham could have made urgent representations to the EU. Instead of bringing it into public domain he could have confined it to the private sphere at least from the LTTE side of things.
What happens in situations like this where the LTTE point of view is communicated publicly is that a tendency of playing to the gallery emerges. The target audience becomes the Tamil people instead of the EU. Communicating through media becomes very often a case of talking at rather than talking to the other pary.
Another negative aspect is that when conflicting positions are made public the sides involved reach a level from which they cannot budge. Any comporomise could be seen as caving in and so losing face. Compromises and flexibility that are possible in private discussions are impossible in public debates.
In the aftermath of Balasingham’s statement it may not be possible for the EU to backtrack even if it wanted to do so. Likewise the LTTE too will find iy difficult to reverse its stance after publicising it. It was this proclivity to go public that complicated LTTE – SLMM relations in recent times. Effective diplomacy is usually quiet. It does not need the media megaphone.
The decision to impose restrictions on the LTTE is based on the EU thinking that the LTTE has engaged in violence, endangered peace and needs to be pressured into participating in talks. It is certainly trues that the LTTE is guilty to some extent in all these. But what saddens and troubles many Tamils (not necessarily “Tiger” Tamils) is the impression that the EU has not been even handed in this.
The text of the resolution reveals a clear contrast. The faults of the LTTE are censured harshly but the faults of the Government are given soft treatment. Even more so is the specific reference to President Mahinda Rajapakse. It is as if Mahinda is striving hard to rise above petty differences and deserves support. The EU displays much ignorance about what is really happening in Sri Lanka.
Mahinda Rajapakse’s security forces and the alternative armed groups aligned to them are also involved in violence. Much of this is against Innocent civilians. The President is complicit in this because no one from the security forces or paramilitaries has been penalised so far. [Photo: Families from the islets have sought refuge in the St. Philips Church following the 13th Saturday Allaipiddy assassinations - TamilNet]
Rajapakse promises justice and commissions of inquiry but nothing concrete is done. This shows that the Government condones such activity. It seems as if the Government is encouraging these acts through its inaction to check or punish those involved. There is a climate of impunity prevailing. For this Rajapakse bears full responsibility. The EU resolution not only ignores this but actually glosses over it and portrays Mahinda in a positive light.
The Rajapakse regime has also bombed and shelled civilians indiscriminately after attacks by the LTTE. This is openly acknowledged to be part of its etaliatory strategy. Innocent Tamil civilians are made to bear vicarious responsibility for the alleged acts of the LTTE. Collective punishment is being inflicted on the Tamil people as a whole. Yet the EU does not seem concerned about this negative aspect at all when it gives a clean chit to Rajapakse.
The EU attitude is most disappointing to say the least from a Tamil civilian perspective. Innocent Tamil civilians are being killed, abducted and jailed. It is this government and its agents who are responsible. Yet there is no open criticism of the Government for this. There is no sympathy shown towards the plight of innocent civilians.The LTTE certainly deserves censure but so does the Government. The EU has erred badly in overlooking that aspect.
Such partiality can strengthen Sinhala hawks like Rajapakse further.Already some Sinhala hardliners are cock – a – hoop with glee about the proposed EU listing. Pro – tiger media is lamenting the fact and pushing the line that with the International Community turning against Tamils the LTTE will have no choice other than to fight. Tamils are being exhorted to rally around the tigers.
What is sad in this scenario is to see how the LTTE has lost within three months the advantages gained through participating at the Geneva talks in February this year. The Mahinda Rajapakse regime through some unethical yet adroit manouevres managed to outsmart the LTTE and erode the advantahe gained. The LTTE through some hasty, ill – advised acts has squandered its advantage away and snatched defeat from the jaws of victory.
The LTTE was in bad shape “diplomatically” in January this year. The consequences of three major blunders was having its effect. The three blunders as stated in these columns on March 12th were the Lakshman Kadirgamar assassination, enforced boycott of Presidential elections and escalation of violence against the security forces in the name of the people.
The European Union had already imposed a “travel ban” on the LTTE after the Kadirgamar assassination. The LTTE was being put on probation. Its conduct was to determine any future course of action the EU could take. A full ban was very much on the cards when the LTTE enforced a boycott and stepped up violence.
The LTTE however had a fairy Godfather. Norwegian special peace envoy Erik Solheim campaigned valiantly for a reprieve through the good offices of Nordic Countries in the EU. Solheim also managed to persuade the LTTE into attending the Geneva talks on February 22nd and 23rd.
Doing so helped the LTTE come out of the international dog house. The LTTE was once again being perceived as a credible partner in the peace process.
The talks focussed on the ceasefire and the violence threatening to disrupt it. An agreement was reached where both sides agreed to end it. The Government agreed to end Tamil paramiltary violence in Government controlled areas and disarm the groups. The LTTE agreed to control violence done by Tamil civilian forces.
Both sides had been arguing earlier that both types of violence were being committed by independent parties. They had no part in this they said. The Geneva agreement was a tacit admission that both sides were capable of controlling the respective types of violence.
At face value the LTTE had gained a victory. The tigers had presented details of the Tamil paramilitaries in each North – Eastern district. The Government was now obligated to crack down on the groups. If that happened the LTTE would have won without firing a shot.
But the Colombo regime had some dirty tricks up its sleeve. The problems started when the LTTE delegation landed at Katunayake. The luggage was ransacked. Catalogues of weapons were depicted as contraband and held up for hours. Heavy duty was imposed on some items brought by the tigers. A big fuss was made in accommodating a woman LTTE member on a helicopter. She had fallen sick and required a quick ride. Even more was the humiliation when media carried stories of this treatment.
Then came the rebuttals. Government personalities and eminent lawyers went on record arguing against what had been agreed upon in Geneva. The Army commander said that no paramilitaries were in existence in Govt controlled areas. The Governments position was that it was required to take action only if such a phenomenon existed. Since there were none “officially” nothing further was required.
This act of denial was accompanied by an ironic development. LTTE cadres and supporters were attacked by Tamil paramilitaries in the North and East. But the state was keeping mum. The International community(IC) was lukewarm. An assurance was given earlier that the IC would exert pressure on Colombo to disarm the Tamil groups. But nothing firm was being done. Incidently the IC that was indignant about the Kadirgamar killing was less than concerned about the horrific murder of Joseph Pararajasingham in Church during Christmas mass.
Another irritant was the refusal of the Government to provide helicopter transport to LTTE Eastern commanders to go to Kilinochchi for consultations with the tiger leader. It was true that Colombo was not legally required to provide such transport. But it was a courtesy that could have been extended without a big fuss. This angered the LTTE further.
Thereafter comenced an absurd drama. Instead of offering the simple choice of direct helicopter transport Colombo was coming up with bizarre offers to demonstrate to the world that they were being flexible/ Private aircraft, sea boats, sea planes etc were offered in stages. The tigers played into Government hands by seemingly agreeing and disagreeing. It was really funny to see all these efforts going on instead of deciding on the easy option of using Govt helicopters.
While these moves were on major violence erupted. The state drew blood when assassins from the Karuna faction lodged in EPDP offices in Trincomalee shot dead Trincomalee TNA political leader Vanniyasingham Vigneswaram. The tigers could have utilised the murder politically by pressurising the IC. Instesd of that the LTTE once again resorted to attacking security forces through claymore mines. When one exploded in the market killing civilians of all communities Sinhala – speaking mobs unleashed calculated violence against Tamil civilians. Security forces did not prevent it.
The next LTTE blunder was the suicide bomber attack on military headquarters which killed nine and injured twenty – seven including the Army commander. The Government retaliated by bombing and shelling civilian areas. But it rationalised the attack by saying only LTTE positions were targetted. This was bunkum but the SLMM and IC seemed to buy the explanation. Meanwhile the tigers came in for much criticism for the suicide bomber attack.
Fresh efforts were made to get the EU ban the LTTE. But the Scandinavian factor helped the tigers. A ban could result in monitoring activity being affected. Finland, Sweden and Denmark were monitoring nations. So the LTTE got a reprieve again.
Then came two colossal mistakes by the LTTE. First was the announcement that the tigers would not attend talks again until the state implemented what was agreed upon in Geneva earlier. Whatever the problems the LTTE should have never abandoned talks. Participating at talks was the way to keep the IC wolf at bay.
The second was the friction with the SLMM and attack on the naval flotilla.The LTTE’s “tactical” friends were the SLMM in this bleak scenario. But LTTE political Commissar sent three undiplomatic, intimidatory letters to the SLMM demanding that they do not accompany navy ships. Then came the attack off Point Pedro where the lives of two monitors were endangered.
Instead of being apologetic the LTTE summoned the SLMM chief and ticked him off. They also issued an ultimatum. Earlier the LTTE had treated both facilitator Norway and the SLMM shabbily by refusing to meet with then. The facilitators as well as the monitors were cheesed off with the tigers. The IC was fully backing the SLMM. An insult to the SLMM was an insult to the International Community.
The Government on the other hand handled its cards well. If the name of the game was “talk while you are killing and kill while you are talking” Colombo played it well It began to campaign ardently for a ban on the LTTE. Colombo was clever enough to say that the ban was only a device to exert pressure on the LTTE to attend talks. The IC bought into that argument.
The early years of the ceasefire saw the IC being extra lenient towards the LTTE on the basis that “carrots” were necessary to keep the tigers in the peace process. But now the thinking seemed to be that the “stick”was needed to force the LTTE into talks. The Sri Lankan Government adroitly pushed this line whih was swallowed hook, line and sinker by the IC.
The paradox in this was that it was the LTTE which would have been on top politico – diplomatically at the second round of Geneva talks. It was the Government that had gone back on its assurances first. The tigers could have exercised patience and driven that point home. It was in the LTTE’s interest to go to Geneva again instead of vacillating.
Unfortunately the LTTE resorted to its familiar method of violence. The tigers are reluctant and impatient to follow acceptable, non – violent , democratic methods of protesting or negotiating. They prefer to hit hard as they believe that force is the answer to everything. As a result the LTTE has lost its moral ascendancy and advantages gained in Geneva.
Complicating matters further is the total absence of tactful diplomacy. The “gung ho” letters sent to the SLMM in the name of Thamilselvan are monumental disasters. The statements released on behalf of the LTTE are often drafted in bombastic fashion. The purpose seems to be that of titillating its irresponsible, jingoistic expatriate supporters rather than conveying its viewpoint clearly with credibility.
Diplomacy is a fine art and in the sphere of international relations every word , phrase and sentence need to be drafted carefully. The nuances are very important. The SLMM respone to the LTTE letters show a lack of communication between both sides. The points made could have been effectively put forward if careful craftmanship went into formulating the missives.
The LTTE has a vast resevoir of talented and qualified Tamils to draw on. There are many ex – diplomats and academics with a background in international relations among Tamil expatriates. The LTTE would do well to consult them or make use of their professional input.
Even now the situation is not irreversible. War is not the sole option. If the LTTE transplants the Maoist dictum of “one step backwards two steps forward” into the politico – diplomatic sphere it has a chance of turning things around.
Firstly it has to swallow some humble “kanji” by apologising sincerely to the SLMM and Norway and withdrawing its demands made of the monitors. The LTTE must guarantee SLMM security and SL Navy security.The tigers must reconcile with the SLMM and Norway.
Secondly it must announce that it is ready to participate in Geneva. The Government and sections of the media may ridicule the LTTE as having caved into EU pressure. But the tigers should not heed it too much. The main thing is to demonstrate to the IC that the LTTE is a credible negotiating partner capable of staying the course.
Thirdly tigers can focus attention on the pathetic plight of Tamil civilians. The bombings, shellings , assassinations and civilian massacres etc. The conscience of the IC should be stirred. This of course requires a reduction if not abstention of violence by the LTTE.
There is also another aspect which if followed could turn the tables on Rajapakse. The LTTE could take the fight to Rajapakse politically by announcing that it is prepared to negotiate with the Government on a federal solution. The tigers must set up a time frame. If the LTTE does that the Rajapakse regime would be exposed. Given the Sinhala “hardline” ideology that sustains this government an invitation to transform the unitary to federal would create terrible fissures within its ranks.
The LTTE may have found it difficult to portray the Governments of Chandrika Kumararunga or Ranil Wickremasinghe as being anti – peace or anti – Tamil. But exposing the Rajapakse regime is being unable or unwilling to accept Tamil rights should be easy. For this the LTTE should challenge Rajapakse politically by entering negotiations even as a tactic. Going in for war can only alienate the tigers further from the IC. It would indeed be a sad day for Tamils if the LTTE fails to expose the true colours of this regime.
Let me conclude this piece with a quote from Randolph Bourne. It was cited recently in an editorial in “The Island”.”Diplomacy is a disguised war, in which states seek to gain by barter and intrigue, by the cleverness of arts, the objectives of which they would have to gain more clumsily by means of war”. The LTTE needs to review and revise its politico – diplomatic strategy urgently.
Related:
- [europal.eu] European Parliament resolution on the situation in Sri Lanka
- E.U. may decide to list LTTE as ‘terrorist’ by Friday
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May 20th, 2006
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
The European Parliament with 700 Members has in a unanimous resolution recommended a total freeze on LTTE assets in all its Member States.
The resolution while reiterating its earlier decision of imposing a travel ban also stated that it was actively considering the formal listing of the LTTE as a terrorist organisation in the EU.
” Recognises that the EU has declared that delegations from the LTTE will no longer be received in any of the EU Member States until further notice, and that the EU is actively considering the formal listing of the LTTE as a terrorist organisation;” it said.
The Resolution called on the European Commission and Member States to freeze the assets of the LTTE associated bank accounts, holdings, companies or undertakings in the twenty – five member states of the European Union.
” Calls on the Commission and the Member States, as part of this process, to follow the example of other countries and to freeze the assets of the LTTE-associated bank accounts, holdings, companies or undertakings in Member States of the European Union” the resolution said.
It also called on the EU Member States to do everything in their capacity to stop all illegal attempts by the LTTE to uphold a system of forced taxation among sections of the Tamil community living in the European Union.
The resolution said that the EU ” Calls on the EU Member States to do everything in their capacity in order to stop all illegal attempts by the LTTE to uphold a system of forced taxation among sections of the Tamil community living in the European Union”
The EU has also censured the LTTE for pulling out of the Geneva talks.
Meanwhile the EU has issued a formal press statement on the resolution. Excerpts of that release are given below:
In its resolution on Sri Lanka, Parliament (EU) strongly welcomes the move by the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE to return to the negotiating table in February, and condemns, therefore, the LTTE’s unilateral refusal to participate in the second round of negotiations in Geneva that were scheduled for April 2006. It urgently calls on the LTTE to resume peace negotiations with the Government of Sri Lanka without delay, to be prepared to decommission its weapons and to set the stage for a final political settlement of the conflict. It severely condemns the renewed campaign of attacks by the LTTE, the high level of human rights violations committed by both sides and the constant breaches of the ceasefire agreement.
MEPs deplore the gross violations of the Ceasefire Agreement by the LTTE through actions at sea, in particular the attack of 11 May on the Sri Lankan naval force, which resulted in many casualties and put SLMM monitors in grave danger. They call on the parties to the Ceasefire Agreement to ensure the security of the SLMM which is an unarmed body invited by both the Government and the LTTE to monitor the Ceasefire
Agreement, in order to allow the mission to fulfil its mandate, and commend the contributing countries, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, for their invaluable work. They call on both the LTTE and the Government of Sri Lanka to refrain from further actions liable to jeopardise the peace process, and in particular attacks on civilians.
Parliament condemns the appalling abuse of children through the recruitment of child soldiers, which is a war crime, and calls on all rebel groups and notably the LTTE to stop this practice, to release those it holds and to make a declaration of principle not to recruit any children in the future. It urges the Government of Sri Lanka to put into place legal measures to prevent and criminalise the practice. MEPs recognise that the LTTE does not represent all the Tamil peoples of Sri Lanka and calls on the LTTE to allow for political pluralism and alternate democratic voices in the northern and eastern parts of Sri Lanka which would secure the interests of all peoples and communities. It strongly condemns the particular repression against Tamil language press and Tamil organisations, and calls for a thorough investigation into the murders of Mayilvaganam Nimalarajan and Dharmeratnam Sivaram, as well as the two employees of the newspaper ‘Uthayan’.
Parliament says Sri Lanka’s recent election as a member of the UN Human Rights Council places an obligation on the government to manifest its commitment to uphold the highest standards in the promotion and protection of human rights. It welcomes the announcement of new memebrs of the Sri Lanka Human Rights Commission and stresses the need for an effective independent investigation into all alleged human rights violations by security forces or armed groups, bringing the perpetrators to justice in accordance with international fair trial standards, and insists that all parties should subscribe to comprehensive human rights agreements as a key element of future peace negotiations.
MEPs urge both sides, as an immediate gesture of goodwill, to cease the use of anti-personnel landmines and to assist in their removal. To this end, the Government of Sri Lanka should set an example by signing the Ottawa Convention and the LTTE should sign the Geneva Call ‘Deed of Commitment’.
Parliament is worried that a deal to share international aid has still not been implemented, and believes that aid sent to Sri Lanka by the EU, and other international donors, in response to the tsunami must benefit the victims of that disaster without regard for their ethnic or religious denomination. It is concerned about the distribution and use of tsunami funds, which have not had the expected impact on the everyday lives of the victims or on Sri Lanka’s recovery. MEPs note that the political gridlock on the ‘Post-Tsunami Operations Management Structure’ has already delayed the release of a further € 50million in aid, hindering reconstruction work in the North and East of Sri Lanka.
Parliament deplores the fact that the demands of heavy defence costs have for many years diverted resources away from urgently needed investments in economic and social infrastructure in Sri Lanka. Finally, it calls on the EU Member States to do everything in their capacity in order to stop all illegal attempts by the LTTE to uphold a system of forced taxation among sections of the Tamil community living in the European Union.
Related:
- [europal.eu] European Parliament resolution on the situation in Sri Lanka
- E.U. may decide to list LTTE as ‘terrorist’ by Friday
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May 18th, 2006
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Diplomatic circles in Colombo have expressed concern about the brief message sent by Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) leader Velupillai Prabakharan to Sri Lankan president Mahinda Rajapakse through Japanese special peace envoy to Sri Lanka Yasushi Akashi.
Though the LTTE leader did not meet Akashi personally the brief “special” message was conveyed verbally to the top Japanese diplomat by tiger political commissar Suppiah Paramu Thamilselvan at a meeting held in Kilinochchi last week.
After discussions on a number of topics the LTTE handed over to Akashi a detailed memorandum listing various acts of violence allegedly committed by the security forces and Tamil paramilitary groups against the Tamil people after the Geneva summit of February 22nd and 23rd.
Thereafter Thamilselvan informed Akashi that the LTTE supremo had a special message to be conveyed to President Mahinda Rajapakse through the Japanese special envoy.
The message delivered orally was curt. According to diplomatic sources in Colombo the message was something like this
” The Government security forces must stop persecuting the Tamil people of the North – East. They must also stop attacking the LTTE. If this does not stop the suffering Tamil people will rise up against their oppressors. The LTTE too will be compelled to retaliate forcefully. If that happens Sri Lanka will face doom”.
Yasushi Akashi though taken aback by the message promised to convey it to President Rajapakse. Akashi however advised Thamilselvan not to be rash and be patient. He expressed the hope that the situation would improve and that the prospect of war would not materialise.
It is learnt that Thamilselvan requested Akashi to keep details of the message away from the media.
Later when addressing media persons Akashi was asked pointedly whether he had any message from Prabakharan to Rajapakse. Media reports say Akashi said “yes” but declined to reveal the contents.
The message from Kilinochchi was conveyed to President’s House through appropriate channels.
Information about the message was kept secret but gradually details about it emerged among diplomats based in Colombo.
The brief message from the Wanni is causing worry to diplomats against the current backdrop of increasing violence in the North – East.
It is not known whether President Rajapakse has responded directly to the Wanni message. Since it was a verbal message conveyed indirectly through Thamilselvan the President is not expected to do so.
But Rajapakse has told at least one top foreign envoy in Colombo that neither he nor the Government was keen on resuming full scale war. He said that he was keen on ushering in lasting peace.
Rajapakse has denied that the security forces were persecuting the Tamil people or unilaterally attacking the LTTE. The president told the envoy that the security forces were only retaliating when attacked by the tigers directly or through proxies.
What is worrying the diplomats in Colombo is the seeming inability of Rajapakse to comprehend the serious intent behind the verbal message. “He seems unconcerned about the gravity of the situation” observed an embassy official.
While being critical of the LTTE for escalating levels of violence many diplomats seem disappointed about the Government’s “tit for tat” policy. They are worried that Colombo does not have any concrete strategy to resolve the crisis other than to engage in anti – Tiger reprisals that degenerate into anti – Tamil violence.
The message conveyed through Akashi is seen as a serious indicator of the situation worsening badly by diplomatic circles.
“Total War seems imminent. The volcano is going to erupt. But no one in power is listening to the rumbling” said a Western diplomat.
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May 18th, 2006
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
The important three day visit undertaken to New Delhi by Sri Lankan foreign affairs minister Mangala Samaraweera from May 8th to 10th has failed to produce any worthwhile results from a Colombo perspective it is learnt.
Samaraweera in a hectic schedule of eighteen meetings interacted with important Indian leaders and officials including Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Foreign secretary Shyam Saran and National security adviser MK Narayanan.
Though news reports in sections of the Sri Lanka media portray the trip as a “smashing success” informed Indian sources said that it was very disappointing from the Sri Lankan end as New Delhi did not comply with any major request made by Colombo.
When Samaraweera tried to explain the Sri Lankan situation to Indian leaders and officials he was informed politely that India was keenly watching developments and was fully aware of what was going on.
When Mangala outlined the steps taken by the Rajapakse regime to counter the perceived LTTE threat he was advised that Colombo should not confine itself to the “here and now” alone but “move beyond” into a meaningful search for a long term solution.
On the question of military assistance to Sri Lanka the Indian position was that they could offer only training facilities to security personnel and supply of non – lethal military equipment. Joint patrolling between both navies was also possible in a non – war situation.
Despite three different requests by Samaraweera that India should sign an Indo – Lanka defence pact with Sri Lanka the Indian side remained polite but non – committal.
Samaraweera explained the reasons for Sri Lanka seeking military assistance from Countries like Pakistan and China. He then asked for Indian assistance in this respect.
India refused to comply but said it had no objections to Colombo getting its supplies from any Country. New Delhi however warned that such dealings should not let any outside agency get a foothold in Sri Lanka that could prove detrimental to Indian interests.Unwarranted intrusion into the South Asian region under the guise of helping Sri Lanka was not welcome it was stated.
Samaraweera replied that Sri Lanka was fully aware of India’s concerns and that extra care would be taken in this to avoid causing irritation or concern to India.
New Delhi also expressed concern about Colombo’s proposal to raise a separate Muslim regiment and about an outside agency allegedly backing the scheme. Given the sensitive security situation in the region this may cause a fresh set of problems it was pointed out.
Samaraweera said that the proposal was only an idea and that it was not likely to materialise.
India also turned down a suggestion by Samaraweera that India should back Colombo’s efforts to exert pressure on the tigers to come for talks by getting the LTTE banned in foreign Countries.
India also reiterated its earlier stance that civilians should not be made to suffer in any action taken against the LTTE by Colombo. Extra care should be taken to protect all civilians in the North – East with particularly Tamils it was emphasised. Protecting Tamil civilians from harm was in the Sri Lankan government’s interests as otherwise they would get progressively estranged it was pointed out.
India also advised Samaraweera that his government should instead of waiting for the LTTE to come for talks initiate unilateral efforts to resolve the crisis.
It was India’s view that the problem could only be solved through a federal or quasi – federal set up in a United Sri Lanka. For this the Government should arrive at a Southern consensus and formulate a broad devolution scheme. Colombo was advised to start forging its own scheme of devolution that was feasible.
Samsraeweera was also told that the Government must work together with the UNP to achieve this consensus.
Mangala in a remarkable “U’ turn informed the Indian side that President Rajapakse despite his adherence to a unitary state in the election manifesto was now willing to explore federalism. He said that the JVP could be persuaded to fall in line in due course.
Samaraweera also agreed to the suggestion that Sri Lanka should cultivate closer ties with Tamil Nadu state in the South.
According to Indian sources the trip was successful to the extent that it enabled Samaraweera to establish contact with a number of key players in India. It was however a failure in another sense because Samaraweera could not get India to agree favourably to the requests made. Moreover India has registered its displeasure of how the Rajapakse regime was mishandling the ethnic problem.
Other:
- Manmohan Singh: First ‘non-Hindu’ PM of India
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May 18th, 2006
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
The European Union (EU) may take a policy decision on Friday May 19th on the question of listing the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) as a terrorist organization said informed diplomatic sources.
According to these sources the decision in Brussels would most probably be that of listing the LTTE as terrorist and proscribing it among the 25 member European Union states.
“The decision seems inevitable. Only a major miracle can reverse or postpone this ” said the diplomatic sources.
Once the policy decision is taken each member state will have to ratify it. Thereafter each EU state could bring in specific legislation individually if it wished so to ban the LTTE within the Country concerned. This legislation would define the rules and regulations governing the conduct of a listed organization within the country.
Only the United Kingdom of the EU has already banned the LTTE as a terrorist organization under anti – terrorism laws in Britain. None of the other EU countries have done so.
The EU has already imposed a “travel ban” on the LTTE in EU countries. The decision came in September last year after Sri Lankan foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar was assassinated in Colombo in August by a sniper in a murder suspected of being masterminded by the tigers.
The EU then condemned the LTTE for using “violence and terrorism” and announced that the tigers would not be made officially welcome in member states. It also called upon member states to review the situation individually and take further steps if necessary to curb LTTE activity on their soil.
No European Country followed up on that proposal but abided by the collective EU decision to impose a travel ban on the LTTE.
When the LTTE came to Europe in February this year to participate in talks with the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) in Geneva the tiger delegation did not go to any other country in Europe except Norway.
Switzerland being officially “neutral’ And “peace maker” Norway are not members of the EU.
The EU action last year was perceived as a warning signal to the LTTE to refrain from violence and engage seriously in peace talks.
Escalation of violence in recent months made the EU actively re- consider the LTTE ban issue again. Britain was in the forefront campaigning for a total ban on the LTTE. It was felt by some EU members that the LTTE had not taken full cognizance of EU warnings and that further action was necessary.
Representations made by Norway from “outside” and three Scandinavian nations “inside” EU helped stave off that proposal on the basis that the LTTE was engaged in a peace process facilitated by Oslo.
It was also pointed out that Finland. Denmark and Sweden were actively engaged in Sri Lanka as ceasefire monitors. An EU ban may restrict scope for further participation it was argued.
The matter was then put on hold and the LTTE got a reprieve.
The issue was reactivated after a woman suicide bomber attack on the military headquarters in Colombo on April 25th in which nine people were killed and twenty – seven including army commander Lt. Gen Sarath Fonseka were injured.
Political observers are of the opinion that a number of factors may have weighed heavily against the LTTE this time.
Chief among them is the pressure exerted by the world’s sole super power on the EU to list the LTTE as terrorist.
Donald Camp, US principal assistant deputy secretary of state for South Asia and Central Asia affairs mentioned this specifically in media interviews while on a visit to Sri Lanka early this week.
” We have encouraged the EU to list the LTTE. We think the LTTE is very deserving of that label. We think it will help cut off financial supplies and weapons procurement and the like.” Donald Camp said.
Sri Lanka has also been waging a quiet diplomatic war in recent weeks to urge a EU ban on the LTTE. Colombo has been telling the Western nations that a total EU ban will pressure the tigers into suspending violence and participating fully in talks.
Both Foreign Affairs Minister Mangala Samaraweera, Peace secretariat director Palitha Kohona and several Sri Lankan envoys to Europe have been involved in this effort.
Palitha Kohona even went to Barcelona recently on a low – key mission to meet with Norwegian special peace envoy Jon Hanssen – Bauer and explain the reasons behind Sri Lankas call for a EU ban
Earlier Norway in an unofficial capacity had campaigned against a full ban stating it would affect the peace process.
Informed sources said that in recent times even Oslo had “lost heart” because of consistent “uncooperative ” conduct by the LTTE.
Norway was disappointed greatly by the refusal of LTTE chief negotiator and political adviser Anton Balasingham’s to meet with Jon Hanssen – Bauer on grounds of ill – health. Norway was informed that the tiger ideologue was “indisposed” from May 8th to 25th due to medical reasons.
LTTE leaders in the Wanni were also not cooperative when Hanssen – Bauer who went to Kilinochchi to meet the tiger hierarchy over vital concerns.
Diplomatic sources also said that the Norwegian minister in charge of the Lankan peace process Erik Solheim was now showing more interest in Nepal than Sri Lanka.
The proverbial straw which broke the camel’s back in this instance could be the May 11th attack on a Lankan naval flotilla by the LTTE and its aftermath say informed diplomatic sources.
The lives of two Nordic monitors traveling on the navy ships were endangered despite the vessels flying SLMM flags as stipulated.
The LTTE also sent harsh critical letters to the SLMM issuing a last warning to keep away from Lankan ships or be prepared to face consequences.
The SLMM responded strongly to the LTTE warning saying they could not be intimidated.
LTTE political Commissar Suppiah Paramu Thamilselvan was uncharacteistically tough when he met SLMM chief Ulf Henricsson in Kilinochchi on May 12th. The LTTE issued a virtual ultimatum then
The SLMM has suspended all naval monitoring until further notice.
It is reported that two of the five Countries involved in monitoring are seriously contemplating a pull out if there is no sign of improvement in the situation. They are concerned about the safety of their nationals. Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland and Iceland are the SLMM members.
With the LTTE’s Scandinavian “friends” losing heart the call for an EU ban gathered momentum and strength.
The European Union strongly condemned the LTTE attack as being “reckless” and jeopardizing the ceasefire. The EU statement further said –
“The LTTE have committed gross violations of the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) at sea in recent days. The attack on a troop carrier and the reported sinking of an accompanying navy vessel is the latest and most severe violation. The known presence of SLMM monitors on board that vessel adds to the seriousness of the violation. The claim by the LTTE that the SLMM has put its own monitors at risk by allowing them to travel on naval vessels is utterly unacceptable. This seeks to negate LTTE responsibility for the safety of monitors. This is a clear violation of the Ceasefire Agreement that requires all parties to take all measures to preserve the safety of the SLMM monitors”.
It was against this backdrop of a stern reprimand that EU ambassador in Sri Lanka , Julian Wilson, told a Colombo newspaper that the question of listing the LTTE as a terrorist organization “was under close review” by the EU.
If the ban is finalized and follow up action is taken LTTE and pro – LTTE activity in many European Countries could get affected. LTTE assets could be frozen and fund raising drastically reduced. Propaganda too could be restricted.
Among European Countries with a sizable Tamil diaspora are Britain, France, Switzerland, Germany, Italy, Norway, Denmark, Netherlands, Sweden, Italy and Ireland.
Some analysts however are concerned about the potential EU ban for three reasons:
Firstly they are worried that the ban instead of pressuring the LTTE into participating more actively in the peace process could actually be counter productive. With the tigers perceiving the “world” to be against them the LTTE could pull out of the talks completely and go for war.
Secondly the “hawkish” Sri Lankan regime under Mahinda Rajapakse could get the wrong signal from the EU move. Colombo egged on by elements such as the JVP and JHU could interpret the EU ban as an endorsement for full war against the LTTE and by extension the Tamils. The present anti – Tamil violence could escalate.
Thirdly Tamils living in European Countries may find themselves unnecessarily harassed and subject to repressive activity through the ban. In a climate where the LTTE enjoys substantial support among the Tamil Diaspora the European law- enforcement authorities may find it difficult to differentiate between Tamils and tigers.
It is learnt that some last ditch efforts are underway by concerned religious and human rights organizations to urge the EU into not proceeding with the intended ban. It is doubtful whether these efforts could succeed.
Meanwhile a Reuters news report from Brussels also referred to a possible EU Ban:
Excerpts of the reuters report are given below -
EU to list Tamil Tigers as terror group-diplomats
BRUSSELS, May 17 (Reuters) – The European Union is set to
list Sri Lankan rebel group the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
as a terrorist organisation, EU diplomats said on Wednesday.
The move will further isolate the group as Sri Lanka is
sliding back into a low-intensity conflict some fear could
spiral into resumption of a two-decade war.
The United States, Canada and Britain have already listed
the Tamil Tigers as a terrorist group, and the EU imposed a
travel ban on the group’s cadres last September and said then it
was considering banning it for “use of violence and terrorism”.
“A decision in principle is due within the next couple of
days,” a diplomat speaking on condition of anonymity said.
A second EU diplomat said a decision was due by Friday. The
move would then have to be rubber-stamped by the 25 member
states of the bloc at a later date.
A ban on the Tamil Tigers in the EU would outlaw the group
and its followers by shutting down premises and freezing assets
belonging to it.
The Tigers are fighting for a separate state for ethnic
Tamils in the north and east of the Indian Ocean island, and
have pioneered the use of suicide bombing.
There has been an escalation of violence recently and April
was one of the bloodiest months since a 2002 cease-fire halted a war that killed over 64,000 people since 1983.
Washington last week accused the group of violating the
truce with an attack on a Sri Lankan navy transport ship
carrying hundreds of servicemen.
The military said 17 sailors and 50 Tigers died in the
attack that prompted air strikes on rebel territory.
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May 17th, 2006
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Disturbing details have emerged about a little known attack that injured two people in Mankumban on Friday May 12th night before the massacre in adjacent Allaipiddy on Saturday 13th night. Though news of the comparatively “mild” Mankumban attack has been overshadowed by the more gruesome Allaipiddy attack there is evidence to suggest that the former may have been a “trial run” for the latter and perpetrated by the same four assassins.
Mankumban adjacent to Allaipiddy is a village along the road that branches off from Pannai causeway to Oorkavalthurai (Kayts). On Friday 12th night an attack occurred in ward number five of Mankumban.
Four men in shorts and tee – shirts had climbed over the parapet wall around the compound and then entered the house forcibly. The two residents in the house were a 51 year old man P. Suntharalingam and his 28 year old daughter S. Jeyaranee. The assailants had engaged in a firing spree within the house and then fled from the area on motor cycles. The incident which took only a few minutes happened between 11. 40 to 11. 45 pm.
Both father and daughter were badly wounded in the gunfire. When neighbours and relatives rushed to the house they found them bleeding and semi – conscious. When the people of Mankumban tried to take the injured persons to Kayts hospital they encountered a problem.
The hospital authorities were reluctant to send out an anbulance without approval by the Police. But the Kayts police though duly informed of the incident remained unconcerned. They did not visit the scene or register the complaint. When the hospital employees queried the Kayts police replied that they had no information about such an attack in Mankumban. With the Police being uncooperative the Hospital personnel too were afraid to act .
This resulted in both shooting victims losing much blood and becoming unconscious. Finally after many hours of pleading the Police relented. By this time the condition of both victims had deteriorated badly and the Kayts hospital was not equipped to handle them. So both father and daughter were brought to the Jaffna teaching hospital. Surgery was performed and both are now under intensive care.
Though the conduct of the Kayts Police seems to be an example of callous inhumanity at face value it is suspected that there may have been an underlying motive. The Police may have been aware of such an attack being planned and expected the victims to have been killed.
With both surviving there is suspicion that the cops may have been instructed by those masterminding the attack to delay matters so that the victims would die of haemorrage. Such delaying methods have often been used by security personnel to ensure deaths of victims in other instances.
The identity of the assailants or reasons for the shooting is yet unknown. But it is felt that the Mankumban attack was a rehearsal or dry run for the more deadly attack on the following night in Allaipiddy. The same four assassins involved in te Allaipiddy massacre are suspected of being involved in Mankumban.
It is also believed that the assassins themselves may have been nervous and unsure because the Mankumban attack was a trial. This may explain the wild shooting which failed to kill the inmates of the house. The assailants were very quick and hurried in this dry run. On the following night the four assassins were steady and cool. They butchered eight people including a sleeping infant without any hesitation. Perhaps the rehearsal at Mankumban provided the practice for Allaipiddy it is felt.
Meanwhile the Inspector General Of Police Chandra Fernando acting on President Mahinda Rajapakse’s instructions has ordered a special probe into the incident. The sleuths are expected to “focus” more on the angle about certain elements trying to discredit the Government of Sri Lanka rather than bringing the perpetrators to justice.
In a related development the parents and siblings of 38 year old Ratnam Senthuran alias Nesan testified at the inquest. Senthuran with the assistance of his family was running a tea boutique at Vangalavady in Velanai East. He was killed on the Same 13th night that the Allaipiddy massacre occurred.
The family said that a gang of armed youths came at about 4 pm the same day and asked for Senthuran. He was not there at the time. The armed gang had then asked the family the reasons for closing the cafe on earlier occasions. Senthuran had shut the business to observe a hartal protesting civilian deaths in Jaffna. The Navy and Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP) activists had wanted it open.
The gang had then left. Later in the night some armed men with covered faces had come . Senthuran was sleeping at the rear. They armed men had shot him dead. The inquests of the other victims wll take place this week.
The “reuters” news agency quoted a 20 year old girl Nirosha from Allaipiddy who said that the people of the area blamed the EPDP for the killings and not the LTTE or the security forces. She also said that the people felt they were safer in LTTE controlled areas than the GOSL controled areas.
According to a Human Rights Commission (HRC) official who visited Allaipiddy the people of the area were not sleeping at their homes due to fear. They were all sleeping en masse at the St. Philip Neri’s Church. This practice had begun from the night of the Saturday attac when inmates of a house in Ward no two in Allaipiddy were brutally massacred.
On May 13th at about 8. 30 pm four men wearing shorts and tee – shirts had entered the house forcibly and begun firing at the people inside. It appears that the men went upstairs and downstairs shooting away at their targets. One person seated down near the doorway listening to the radio was shot dead. So too were a sleeping family of four. The parents and two children were killed in sleeping position. Three men staying on the upper storey were also shot dead. Eight people staying in the house were killed.
The men then went outside to a shop . After firing a few shots they threw a grenade inside. Three people were seriously injured.
Fr. Amalathas the Catholic priest at nearby St. Philip Neri church collected some people and went to the scene of violence. They were horrified by what they saw. Eight dead people were lying dead. What was most appalling was the brutal killing of two children including an infant..
The dead victims at the Allaipiddy house and their ages were
1. Ketheeswaran Yathursan – 4 months
2. Ketheeswaran Thanushkanth – 4 years
3. Agnes Esther Ketheeswaran (23),
4. Palachamy Ketheeswaran (25),
5. Sellathurai Amalathas (28)
6.. Abraham Robinson (29)
7. Ganeshan Navaratnam (50)
8. Joseph Anthonymuttu (64)
Fr.Amalathas and Allaipiddy people then ran to the shop. They found three persons inside who were injured but alive. They then tried to take them to the Jaffna hospital via the Pannai causeway. The navy men on security duty refused to let them proceed. Finally Fr. Amalathas had to telephone the Jaffna district judge of their plight who in turn contacted the navy top brass and obtained necessary “permission”.
The three injured people were rushed to Jaffna hospital. But Sinnathurai Sivanesan (46) succumbed to his injuries. He may have lived if the navy had allowed him to be brought to the Hospital without delay. Sivanesan’s wife S Mohanambikai (46)
and T Sellathurai (61) though seriously wounded are alive still and receiving treatment.
The violence continued in areas of Velanai .
A tea boutique – closed for the day – in Vangalavadi was attacked between 10 to 10.30 pm..Ratnam Senthuran (38) the owner was dragged out and shot dead. The assailants also set fire to the place.
Further up on the same same road is Puliyankoodal junction in Velanai from where three roads go to Naranthanai, Suruvil and Karamban respectively. There was a row of shops and businesses at Puliyankoodal. Among these is a telecommunication centre which is open 24 hours of the day. A gang of armed youths arrived at the spot between 10. 30 to 11. 00 pm. They wore dark blue balaclavas to hide their faces. Some also had red bands tied around their heads.
The main target of the gang seemed to be the telecommunication centre. Three members of the same family running it were shot dead. The victims were the father . Murugesu Shanmugalingam (72), mother Shanmugalingam Parameswari (65) and son S Kantharoopan (29) . Another son managed to run away and hide down a well to escape the assailants. Some people from the other businesses also ran out and escaped.
The marauders exploded grenades inside the telecommunication centre. They also took fuel from a nearby depot and set fire to the place. They also set fire to the other businesses in the area. The fuel depot was also burnt down. The commercial establishments including the telecom centre burnt down at Puliyankoodal numbered ten.
It appears that there were a few eye – witnesses to the violence and killings. The prime suspects were the Navy and EPDP. It appeared that the Allaipiddy massacre was done by one group and the Velanai violence by another. In Allaipiddy the actual violence was done by navy men in civils with EPDP men aiding and abetting. In the case of Velanai violence EPDP men were suspected of being in the forefront with navy men also participating.
There are many theories about the targets of violence but a brief account of recent history in the area is necessary to understand the context. The Navy – EPDP nexus had the Islands in an ironclad security grip for many years. The situation changed after the ceasefire when the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) entered the area to do “politics” and made their presence felt.
EPDP power dwindled considerably. This was illustrated clearly through the Parliamentary elections of 2004 and Presidential elections of 2005. Earlier the EPDP had much “influence” through the captive vote bank.
With the LTTE political cadres “officially” withdrawing from Govt controlled areas last year the situation began reversing itself. But violence erupted sporadically again this April.
On Sunday April 30th the relative calm of Allaipiddy was shattered when a tiger claymore mine went off at the junction. Two navy men were injured. They were airlifted to Palaly and then Colombo. The incident took place at 6. 40 pm. Some sailors at Allaipiddy ran amok. They entered houses in the area and assaulted people. A 74 year old man Ramasamy Sangarapillai was shot to death despite his pleading not to shoot him.
Relations between the navy and people in Allaipiddy began to sour after the April 30th. The navy felt people in the area were harbouring tigers. Their suspicion fell on the big house occupied by S, Amaladhas and others. The prime suspect was Ganeshan Navaratnam who was also staying there. Navaratnam was a business associate of Amaladhas. He was from Kottadi in Jaffna and a father of five children. Three of them were in the Wanni and believed to be closely linked to the tigers.
The navy and EPDP from the area regarded the house as a tiger den. They suspected perhaps all inmates including the 4 month infant to be “kotiyas” and “kotipetau”. On may 3rd some navy men went to the house, inspected it casually and then asked the residents in a friendly way to give them the house to set up camp. This was refused.
It is not known whether the decision to attack the house and kill inmates was taken officially or unofficially. It is also not known when it was taken or who made the decision. The tension however was simmering from May 1st. The flashpoint may have come after the LTTE attack on the “Pearl Cruise II” and other Dvoras on May 11th. The navy was seething.
As far as the Velanai violence was concerned the Navy was angry with the business people for shutting down during hartals. Despite the navy insisting they remain open the businesses had closed defiantly. This was seen as part of tiger designs. The tea boutique owner and the family running the telecom centre were perceived as active tiger supporters. Both had refused to pay “kappam” money to the EPDP.There has also been some tensions with navy personnel demanding “free” telephone calls and free cigarettes, food and tea.
Many cadres of the EPDP in the area came from Thambatty in Naranthanai. It is an EPDP stronghold. It was here that an EPDP mob attacked the TULF and injured people like Senathirajah, Raviraj and Sivajilingam some years ago during election campaign in 2000. Most people from Thambatty belonged to the so called oppressed castes. The businesspeople of Velanai belonged to the so called high castes. Thus there was much friction between the two groups that were political and socio- cultural.This too may have played a part in all this.
With some action happening in Allaipiddy the green light may have been given in Velanai too. So an action plan unfolded there too. In Allaipiddy the navy took the lead role with EPDP playing second fiddle. In Velanai the EPDP seems to have played the major role with the navy playing sidekick.
Meanwhile the Amnesty International has issued a statement on the May 13th violence and called upon the Government to investigate the incidents. The AI statement is given below -
AI Index: ASA 37/014/2006 (Public)
News Service No: 125
16 May 2006
Sri Lanka: Amnesty International condemns killings of civiliansAmnesty International is alarmed by the increasing number of civilians killed as a low-intensity armed conflict appears to be escalating, despite a 2002 ceasefire agreement between the government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). More than 200 people have been killed over the past month alone, the majority of them civilians, and more than 20,000 others have been displaced from their homes. Amnesty International fears that a collapse of the ceasefire agreement and return to full-scale armed conflict would have further devastating consequences for civilians.
In separate incidents over the past weekend, 13-14 May, at least 18 civilians were reportedly killed in the north and east of Sri Lanka. Thirteen Tamil civilians were reportedly killed in a spate of incidents on Kayts Island, a small islet off the northwestern coast of the Jaffna Peninsula that is strictly controlled by the Sri Lanka Navy, which has a major base there. On 13 May, at about 8.30 p.m., unidentified gunmen reportedly entered the home of Sellathurai Amalathas in Allaipiddy and opened fire. Eight people were killed on the spot, including a four-month-old baby and four-year-old boy, and one other person died later in hospital. In another incident, at around 10:30 p.m. the same night, unidentified gunmen reportedly entered the home of 72-year-old Murugesu Shanmugalingam in Puliyankoodal, also on Kayts Island, and shot him and two other members of his family dead. Ten shops in Puliyankoodal were reportedly burnt down. In Vangalady, gunmen reportedly entered the home of Ratnam Senthuran, a tea shop owner, and shot him dead. Other members of his family also were shot and injured, but managed to escape.
The government has condemned the Kayts Island killings and announced that a police investigation is underway. Amnesty International welcomes these initial steps but notes that there is a disturbing pattern of incomplete or ineffective investigations by the government, with the result that perpetrators of such violence generally operate with impunity. In accordance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Sri Lanka has ratified, the government must carry out independent, impartial and effective investigations into all killings; the results of these investigations should be made public, and those found responsible for the attacks must be brought to justice. Without effective investigations and prosecutions, the cycle of retaliatory violence that so endangers the lives of civilians is likely to escalate.
The LTTE has accused the Sri Lanka Navy of responsibility for the attacks on Kayts Island, a charge which the Navy has denied. However, Amnesty International has received credible reports that Sri Lanka Navy personnel and armed cadres affiliated with the Eelam People’s Democratic Party, a Tamil political party that is opposed to the LTTE, were present at the scene of the killings. The government in turn has suggested that the LTTE orchestrated the attack in order “to divert international opinion”.
Regardless of who is responsible for the attacks, the Sri Lankan government has obligations under international law to take steps to prevent such killings, to ensure that those who commit them are brought to justice, and that the families of those killed are able to obtain redress.
Amnesty International calls on all parties to the conflict–including the government of Sri Lanka, the LTTE, and other armed groups–to take all possible measures to avoid harm to civilians and respect international humanitarian law, which prohibits murder or violence to those taking no active part in hostilities.
Related:
- Navy – EPDP kill thirteen civilians in Allaipiddy-Velanai
transCurrents feedback : editor@transcurrents.com
Contact DBS Jeyaraj : djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
May 16th, 2006
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Thirteen Tamil civilians including two women and two children were killed in three incidents of violence on the night of Saturday May Thirteenth in the Allaipiddy and Velanai islets off Northern province’s Jaffna peninsula . Another man and woman were seriously injured while at least eleven businesses including a telecommunication centre were destroyed through deliberate arson. Personnel in civils from the Sri Lankan Navy and cadres of the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP) were suspected of being responsible.
Those of us who read English poetry of an earlier vintage may recall ” The Cottar’s Saturday Night” by Robert Burns. Scotland’s national bard had written a masterpiece about the calm ,serene life of a humble cottar as he settled down for the night peacefully with his family in his cottage. It was however a different night of deadly violence that lay in store for the victims of an extended family in Allaipiddy on Saturday May 13th.
The northern archipelago off the Jaffna peninsula coast comprises many Islands and islets. Only thirteen of these are populated. Allaipiddy is one such islet. Situated along the Oorkavalthurai (Kayts ) road that branches off from the Pannai causeway it is adjacent to Mankumban. People of the Islands are renowned for their business acumen and entrepreneurial skills. At one stage they dominated much of the retail trade and eateries in Sri Lanka.
The escalation of the ethnic conflict has taken many of them to Western Countries where they are doing well as professionals as well as in commerce. The two – storied house in ward two of Allaipiddy that witnessed violence on Saturday night also belonged to Tamil expatriates. With the owners living abroad some of their relatives were living there. They in turn had brought in some other relatives to stay. It was one big extended “family” living in a big, comfortable house that was the envy of many.
Most of the Islands are under the control of the Navy. The Islands have been under Government control from 1990.Earlier the navy was assisted by EPDP cadres in maintaining security. After the ceasefire EPDP influence had waned considerably. There was a big navy camp in Allaipiddy about 500 metres away from the house. There were also sentry posts and bunkers in the area. Security had been intensified after a landmine attack that injured two navy men.
The nominal caretakers of the house were T. Sellathurai and his son Amala Dhas also called Amalan. Another small house in the same compound was used as a small shop. It was managed by Sellathurai with the aid of a couple from ward one in Allaipiddy. Amuthadhas was engaged in business trading mainly in sea food products.
On May 13th at about 8. 30 pm four men wearing shorts and tee – shirts had gone to the shop and bought biscuits and mineral waters. They ate and drank a little and began sauntering out. They seemed to be navy men in civils. Even before these men were in the shop “trouble” had started brewing in the vicinity.
Uniformed navy men on duty in the neighbourhood asked the drivers of the few vehicles passing through to “off” their lights. At the same time some EPDP cadres on motor cycles went up to houses in the area and asked them to turn all lights off. The lights near sentry posts were also turned off.
It was pitch dark when the four men emerged from the shop but they according to residents had “petromax” lanterns. After getting out of the shop casually the men started moving fast. They entered the big house where the inmates had kept doors open as they had no danger to fear. The men had firearms.
Entering forcibly the men began firing at the people inside. It appears that the men went upstairs and downstairs shooting away at their targets. One person seated down near the doorway listening to the radio was shot dead. So too were a sleeping family of four. The parents and two children were killed in sleeping position. Three men staying on the upper storey were also shot dead. Eight people staying in the house were killed.
The men then went outside to the shop. After firing a few shots they threw a grenade inside. Three people were seriously injured. With Naval and EPDP personnel ordering “lights out” earlier and hearing reports of gunfire and explosions the people were terrified and stayed indoors. Allaipiddy was not densely populated even in earlier times. Now the population was quite sparse.
It was left to Fr. Amalathas the Catholic priest at nearby St. Philip Neri church to collect some people and visit the scene of violence. They were horrified by what they saw. Eight dead people were lying dead. What was most appalling was the brutal killing of two children including an infant..
The dead victims at the Allaipiddy house and their ages,
1. Ketheeswaran Yathursan – 4 months
2. Ketheeswaran Thanushkanth – 4 years
3. Agnes Esther Ketheeswaran (23),
4. Palachamy Ketheeswaran (25),
5. Sellathurai Amalathas (28)
6.. Abraham Robinson (29)
7. Ganeshan Navaratnam (50)
8. Joseph Anthonymuttu (64)
Fr.Amalathas and Allaipiddy people then ran to the shop. They found three persons inside who were injured but alive. They then tried to take them to the Jaffna hospital via the Pannai causeway. The navy men on security duty refused to let them proceed. Finally Fr. Amalathas had to telephone the Jaffna district judge of their plight who in turn contacted the navy top brass and obtained necessary “permission”.
The three injured people were rushed to Jaffna hospital. But Sinnathurai Sivanesan (46) succumbed to his injuries. He may have lived if the navy had allowed him to be brought to the Hospital without delay. Sivanesan’s wife S Mohanambikai (46) and T Sellathurai (61) though seriously wounded are alive still and receiving treatment.
The Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission was duly informed. To their credit the monitors arrived at Allaipiddy at about 1.00 pm and inspected the scene. The frightened people gathered around them like a drowning man clutching at straws. With old men , women, middle – aged men, young men, child and infant killed people from all ages were afraid and insecure
They requested the monitors to stay with them that night for protection. Some even fell at their feet and begged. But the SLMM could not help. Their mandate and regulations did not permit it. Besides there was the question of security. The monitors left for Jaffna. Thereafter about petrified people both Hindus and Christians gathered at the St. Philips Neri church for safety and spent the night there under the watchful eye of Fr. Amalathas.
If this was the situation in Allaipiddy where nine were killed and two injured the night of violence had not ended for the people living in the Northern Islands. A road forking off from the Allaipiddy – Mankumban – Kayts road goes through the Vangalavaadi junction in Velanai west. A tea boutique – closed for the day – in Vangalavadi was attacked between 10 to 10.30 pm..Ratnam Senthuran (38) the owner was dragged out and shot dead. The assailants also set fire to the place.
Further up on the same same road is Puliyankoodal junction in Velanai from where three roads go to Naranthanai, Suruvil and Kayts respectively. There is a row of shops and businesses at Puliyankoodal. Among these is a telecommunication centre which is open 24 hours of the day. A gang of armed youths speaking in both Tamil and Sinhala arrived at the spot between 10. 30 to 11. 00 pm. They wore dark blue balaclavas to hide their faces. Some also had red bands tied around their heads.
The main target of the gang seemed to be the telecommunication centre. Three members of the same family running it were shot dead. The victims were the father . Murugesu Shanmugalingam (72), mother Shanmugalingam Parameswari (65) and son S Kantharoopan (29) . Another son managed to run away and hide down a well to escape the assailants. Some people from the other businesses also ran out and escaped.
The marauders exploded grenades inside the telecommunication centre. They also took fuel from a nearby depot and set fire to the place. They also set fire to the other businesses in the area. The fuel depot was also burnt down. The commercial establishments including the telecom centre burnt down at Puliyankoodal numbered ten.
The navy was very harsh on the people the following Sunday 14th. They were not allowed to travel outside the Islands. With an unofficial curfew in force most people kept indoors through fear. One consequence of this action was that the outside world could not know much about the previous night’s massacre, violence and arson. But the clamp down was relaxed to some extent the following day. With people being able to travel to Jaffna town and Kayts more details emerged.
It appears that there were a few eye – witnesses to the violence and killings. The prime suspects were the Navy and EPDP. It appeared that the Allaipiddy massacre was done by one group and the Velanai violence by another. In Allaipiddy the actual violence was done by navy men in civils with EPDP men aiding and abetting. In the case of Velanai violence EPDP men were suspected of being in the forefront with navy men also participating.
There are many theories about the targets of violence but a brief account of recent history in the area is necessary to understand the context. The Navy – EPDP nexus had the Islands in an ironclad security grip for many years. The situation changed after the ceasefire when the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) entered the area to do “politics” and made their presence felt.
EPDP power dwindled considerably. This was illustrated clearly through the Parliamentary elections of 2004 and Presidential elections of 2005. Earlier the EPDP had much “influence” through the captive vote bank.
With the LTTE political cadres “officially” withdrawing from Govt controlled areas last year the situation began reversing itself. But violence erupted sporadically again this April. On April 11th Thambu Gopalasingham (26)a mini – bus driver from Kayts was beaten to death by the EPDP. He was a strong tiger supporter.
On 23rd April former deputy – chairman of Kayts Pradeshiya Sabha Nagamuthu Thiruchelvam (71) was shot dead by the LTTE.He was an EPDP member. On April 27th an auto – rickshaw driver from Kayts Suresh Fernando (38) was shot dead and his four year old daughter injured. The EPDP was suspected of being responsible.
On April 29th a woman named Bhothini Ratnasingham (30)was shot at Velanai near the old bus stand. The single mother of one was killed by the LTTE. The tigers suspected her of being an army informant. The incident took place at 6 pm. There was a delay in taking her to Jaffna hospital due to stringent navy procedures and the woman died after undergoing belated surgery.
On the following Sunday April 30th the relative calm of Allaipiddy was shattered when a tiger claymore mine went off at the junction. Two navy men were injured. They were airlifted to Palaly and then Colombo. The incident took place at 6. 40 pm. Some sailors at Allaipiddy ran amok. They entered houses in the area and assaulted people. A 74 year old man Ramasamy Sangarapillai was shot to death despite his pleading not to shoot him.
Relations between the navy and people in Allaipiddy began to sour after the April 30th. The navy felt people in the area were harbouring tigers. Their suspicion fell on the big house occupied by S, Amaladhas and others. The prime suspect was Ganeshan Navaratnam who was also staying there. Navaratnam was a business associate of Amaladhas. He was from Kottadi in Jaffna and a father of five children. Three of them were in the Wanni and believed to be closely linked to the tigers.
The navy and EPDP from the area regarded the house as a tiger den. They suspected perhaps all inmates including the 4 month infant to be “kotiyas” and “kotipatau”. On may 3rd some navy men went to the house, inspected it casually and then asked the residents in a friendly way to give them the house to set up camp. This was refused.
It is not known whether the decision to attack the house and kill inmates was taken officially or unofficially. It is also not known when it was taken or who made the decision. The tension however was simmering from May 1st. The flashpoint may have come after the LTTE attack on the “Pearl Cruise II” and other Dvoras on May 11th. The navy was seething.
Some of the naval personnel who came on the passenger ferry resumed duties in the Islands on the morning of May 13th. It was also the day after Vesak. There is reason to believe that some navy men angered by the earlier incidents had attacked the house and killed the occupants. It also could be an “officially sanctioned unofficial execution”. These executions are part of the State’s retaliation strategy being implemented as part of unauthorised Mahinda Chinthana. The killing of an infant was a new low.
As far as the Velanai violence was concerned the Navy was angry with the business people for shutting down during hartals. Despite the navy insisting they remain open the businesses had closed defiantly. This was seen as part of tiger designs. The tea boutique owner and the family running the telecom centre were perceived as active tiger supporters. Both had refused to pay “kappam” money to the EPDP. There has also been some tensions with navy personnel demanding “free” telephone calls and free cigarettes, food and tea.
Many cadres of the EPDP in the area came from Thambatty in Naranthanai. It is an EPDP stronghold. It was here that an EPDP mob attacked the TULF and injured people like Senathirajah, Raviraj and Sivajilingam some years ago during election campaign in 2000. Most people from Thambatty belonged to the so called oppressed castes. The businesspeople of Velanai belonged to the so called high castes. Thus there was much friction between the two groups that were political and socio- cultural. This too may have played a part in all this.
With some action happening in Allaipiddy the green light may have been given in Velanai too. So an action plan unfolded there too. In Allaipiddy the navy took the lead role with EPDP playing second fiddle. In Velanai the EPDP seems to have played the major role with the navy playing sidekick.
The LTTE’s Jaffna political commissar Ilamparithy has lodged a complaint to the SLMM. “Unprovoked and preplanned killings of innocent civilians including children in the islets of Jaffna are being carried out by the paramilitary Eelam People Democratic Party (EPDP) along with the Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) soldiers. ” he has stated.
“Two pickup vehicles loaded with inebrieted EPDP cadres from their Sridar theatre camp in Jaffna town on Saturday around 6.30 p.m left to Allaipity where they joined the SLN and entered Selathurai Amalan’s home firing and lobbing hand grenades killing 8 people on the spot including two small children”.
The monitors – God bless them all – are investigating! Let us all hope that the SLMM comes out forcefully and fast with a statement!!
Whatever the political affiliations of the victims may or may not have been there is no justification that a massacre of this nature could be perpetrated. What is happening now in parts of the North – East is unadulterated state terror.
Why is it that the international community which is quick to condemn LTTE “terror” harshly is by contrast painfully slow and soft in condemning state “terror”? Is there any justification for killing sleeping infant and child?
Why are those media sections who beat their breasts about the life of the unborn child in the suspected pregnant woman’s womb being eloquently silent now about the life of a living infant being cruelly snuffed out?
The Allaipiddy massacre and Velanai violence has sent shock waves down all decent people who came to know of it.. It was committed the day after Vesak. Mahinda Rajapakse has once again promised a full investigation. The world is keen to know the fate of his earlier full investigations like the murder of five Tamil youths in Trincomalee.
Keheliya Rambukwella the cabinet spokesperson on Defence matters is “spinning” away. He is even better than Murali. Keheliya now says that the massacre may have been done to bring discredit to the Government. How true! But who ? The Tigers are trying to distract international action is another googly. Anura Priyadharshana must be thanking his stars that Rambukwella and not he is in the hot seat.
Keheliya is ably assisted by DKP Dassanayake the navy spokesman. His Doosra was “at night we are confined to our camp in the islets, as a precautionary measure, to avoid clashes with the Tigers”. How nice!. How considerate of the navy. So the tigers are on top nocturnally. But then Dassa says “that night also we were inside the camp, but we had to help some civilians control a fire, which broke out twice in some shops near our camp. Who lit the match then?
Brig. Prasad Samarasinghe is cautious. Being a good soldier he may not want to defend the sailors or the half – democrats. When the BBC quizzed him he did not commit either way but said something like justice will be done.
IGP Chandra Fernando is hilarious. He has sent a special team to investigate. Its priority? Find out whether it was done to bring disrepute to the Government. So its not a sense of justice but a yearning to whitewash the Government that motivates our top cop. By the way it was this IGP who came out with the theory that the headless corpses were a result of gang violence.
The EPDP now issues emotional statements mourning the tragedy and lamenting the fact that they are being blamed for it. The EPDP reminds the Island Tamils of the services they rendered in the past. Now the EPDP’s beloved soil is soaked with blood and the tigers are blaming them for it they complain.
Thus goes the charade while the cycle of violence goes on. Life for Tamils is “Nasty, brutish and short”. From infant to old man all Tamils seem to be fair game. From headless corpses in Avissawela to bodies lying in Allaipiddy they get killed nowadays. It is no longer the exception or aberration. Rather it is the norm or rule.
It is customary to end articles of this type with the appeal that justice should be done and the culprits be punished. In the Sri Lanka of Mahinda and Gothabhaya Rajapakse that is not likely to happen. My appeal is only to the silent or silenced majority of Sri Lanka and those sections of the International Community that are genuinely concerned about justice and peace. Let these crimes not go unpunished.
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Contact DBS Jeyaraj : djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
May 16th, 2006
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