Archive for May, 2007
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Specialised sea – borne units of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) launched an amphibious assault in the early hours of May 24th on the Sri Lankan Navy stationed at the Northern Island of Delft. Apart from killing and injuring at least ten navy men the tigers seized a radar unit and also took away a cache of arms and ammunition.
While the LTTE claims that at least 35 security personnel were killed and three vessels including a Dvora gun boat were damaged, the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) has denied it. Likewise the GOSL claims of having inflicted destruction on the yigers and repulsing the attack after a protracted battle have been rejected by the LTTE
Delft is the largest of Jaffna’s off – shore Islands and Islets numbering Seventy – eight. Only thirteen of these are inhabited. The Island is called Neduntheevu meaning long Island in Tamil. It’s Sinhala name is Pokurudivaina. Delft was the name given by the Dutch who named it after a city in South Holland. Delft in Netherlands is located between Rotterdam and the Hague. It is known for its canals and its blue pottery known as Delftware.
[Delft Municipal Hall, Holland]
Neduntheevu or Delft is around 18.3 sq miles or roughly 42 sq km in size. It is 45 km from Jaffna but only 38 km away from Rameshwaram in Inda’s Tamil Nadu coast. Delft is roughly 6 km in length from north to South and about 8km from east to west. The Island has a population of around 5000 people.
[A statue of the Virgin Mary on Delft Island holding a fishing boat, to protect the fishermen at sea.]
The off – shore Islands of Jaffna have been generally under the authority of the Sri Lankan navy. The SLN is assisted in law – enforcement and security by the Police and in a para – military capacity by the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP). The navy has a small base in the northern part of Delft near the main jetty known as Maavilithurai .
This jetty is Delft’s main link to the outside world. People in Delft travel to and from Jaffna by ferry .The two ferry points are b Mavili thurai in Neduntheevu and Kurikadduvaan in Punkudutheevu. Punkudutheevu in turn is approachable by road from Jaffna due to the Pannai causeway built in 1960.
The Navy set up a radar station last year in the Southern part of the Island near the old light house. A second detachment of navy personnel was stationed nearby to protect the radar unit and generally the Southern seas. A guard unit was deployed at the radar unit vicinity itself. Contacts between the navy in the north and South was mainly by land.
There are a few sentry posts along the single main road in Delft. There are no sentries at these posts during night.All personnel return to the two camps after nightfall.
Given its proximity to Rameshwaram, Jafna, Pooneryn and even Mannar the island of Delft is strategically significant. The LTTE has been using the Island for years as a key point in crossing over and back from India. For instance when former northern commander Sathasivampillai Krishnakumar alias “Col” Kittu was injured on March 30th 1987 in a bomb attack his deputies took him to Rameshwaram from Kurikadduvaan via Neduntheevu.
In recent times Delft became crucially important to monitor and restrict LTTE sea movements off the North – Western and to some extent the northern coasts of Sri Lanka. The tigers rely to a great extent on Tamil Nadu for procuring supplies like fuel, non – perishable foods, medical supplies and mechanical equipment. The naval presence in Delft and usage of radar was an irritant if not deterrent to the LTTE in this sphere. Delft’s importance in sea surveillance cannot be underestimated.
[Children in Delft]
It was shortly after midnight around 12.30 am when sea – borne LTTE cadres landed surreptitiously in the beach area known as Vellai in the South – west of Delft. These were areas where migrant fishermen set up their temporary “Vaadis”.Delft along with Thalaiaddy in Vadamaratchy east are two places in Jaffna district where the “karaivalai” dragnets are used for seasonal fishing.
The tigers who landed at the beaches of Vellai split up in two formations. One group swiftly encircled the radar station navy detachment premises. The second group went around the detachment and advanced further. This group set up a “cut – out” point and stationed itself midway between the Northern and Southern naval detachments. This was to prevent navymen in the North coming to the rescue of beleagured comrades in the South.
The assault squad launched its attack on naval premises around 12. 45 am. Some sailors were taken by surprise.The shoot – out lasted till 1.05 am. In twenty minutes the radar unit guard station was over run. At least eight navy personnel were killed in the initial skirmish.
[Palmyrah trees in Delft]
Exchanges of fire continued between the LTTE and those at the detachment. Even as intermittent firing continued LTTE cadres began systematically removing equipment. machinery at the radar unit and guard station. The arsenal was also ransacked.
The LTTE cadres dismantled the radar unit carefully and removed it from premises.. They also seized some weapons from the sailors including three .50 calibre guns, two PK LmG’s, one RPG launcher, eight T- 56 rifles and one AK LMG. The tigers also took a large number of ammunition and shells.
The tigers then began moving out with their booty. The big prize was of course the radar. Initially the tigers may have planned on knocking the radar out but found themselves able to seize it and take it away altogether.
[Coral in Delft]
There were 20 to 25 navy men in the Southern and 30 to 35 men in the Northern detachments. A small group of navy men in motor vehicles set out from the North to aid the South. LTTE cadres at the cut – out set up by the tigers fired at vehicles. The Navy men retreated without pursuing their intended mission.
Once this happened the navy men holding out at the Southern detachment were de- moralised. Until that time they had fought hard inflicting injuries on the LTTE and even killing a few tigers. Once they realised re-inforcements would not be coming soon the defenders fled the camp and took cover in the shrub jungles and palmyrah groves.
[The Dutch abandoned their equestrian stables in 1660. The descendants are Delft's famous attraction]
A flotilla of tiger boats had been deployed at the Southern coastline. While some boats were used to transport cadres and seized military assets , the mission of other vessels was to prevent naval re-inforcements from Kayts and Karainagar reaching the scene.
Eventually three water jet boats and two Dvora gunboats reached the Island around 2.30 am. The gunboats came from Karainagar while waterjets came from Talaimannar.The LTTE boats then engaged these naval vessels at sea off the coast of Poomunai and Samithottamunai. A few tigers were hit in these clashes.
Even as the sea skirmishes occurred the tigers on land began moving out.By 2. 45 am the LTTE withdrew completely from Delft after setting off explosives at the naval base and radar station. But as far as sections of the security personnel were concerned the fight did not end. The navy on land fired contiuously till 4. 30 am giving residents the impression that clashes were continuing.
Meanwhile the LTTE flotilla with cadres and seized military assets on board sailed speedily away. The navy did not give chase but remained close to Neduntheevu coast firing shells sporadically in the direction taken by the tiger flotilla.
The tiger flotilla split up and sailed down to the main sea tiger base at Nacchikudah and two other sea tiger bases at Vidathaltheevu and Pooneryn.
It was after first light that Air force jets came to Delft. More naval vessels also arrived. Thereafter an elaborate search and destroy mission was conducted. In reality it was nothing but a charade. The LTTE cadres and vessels had safely returned unhindered to base hours ago.
It was during daylight that more security personnel were brought from mainland to Delft. A massive combing operation was undertaken. Some injured navy men and others in hiding were located and rescued. By 3 pm the Navy confidently reported that Delft was under total control.
Then came the disinformation and misinformation war. The LTTE had beaten the defence establishment by being the first to break the story of the attack. LTTE defence affairs spokesperson Rasiah Ilanthiraiyan claimed that the naval detachment at Delft had been demolished and at least 35 navy men were killed.
Ilanthiraiyan also said two water jet speedboats were damaged. Also A Dvora in trouble after colliding with a coral reef had sustained extensive damage.The impression sought to be conveyed was that the Delft navy had been given a death blow.
The GOSL propagandists though late tried to outdo the LTTE in “spin”.They claimed that two boats of the LTTE were destroyed by the navy. They also claimed that the airforce had bombed three of the tiger boats at Nachikuda. The LTTE claim regarding naval casualties was also denied.
The LTTE stated initially that only four of their cadres were killed. The GOSL put the LTTE toll much higher. Likewise Ilanthiraiyan placed the Navy casualty figure at over 30. The GOSL denied it flatly.
The LTTE later revealed that seven cadres including two women were killed. They were Sinnathurai Vijayakala alias Thamilventhan, Veerasingham Aingaran alias Muhilan, Panchalingam Suhanthan alias Sugirthan, Santhirasekaran Mayooran alias Sreemaran, Kathiripillai Mariyagowri alias Kalaithendral, Sebastianpillai Mary Kanishta alias Thanivizhi, and Francis punithakumar alias Kadalmainthan.
The tigers killed in the Delft attack were posthumously promoted. They comprised one major, three captains, two lieutnenants and one second lieutnenant. The LTTE cadres were from Jaffna, Mannar and Mullaitheevu districts. Cadres hailing from Neduntheevu had participated in large numbers in the attack.
The media centre for national security listened to details of LTTE casualties being relayed over tiger radio. Then the MCNS announced the names saying it had intercepted LTTE communications.
The Navy maintains an official casualty figure of four dead and four injured. But unofficially sources say that around 8- 10 were killed and 6 – 8 injured.
While LTTE media described the Neduntheevu attack as a great success the GOSL claimed the attack had been repulsed by the navy and air force.
Once again the GOSL and its propagandists seemed to have missed the forest for the trees. The important thing in the attack was not the extent of damage caused but the fact that it had happened. LTTE boats numbering 16 – 18 had been able to proceed from a South – western point on the mainland and travel undetected by sea to Delft and surprise the navy.
Apparently four LTTE formations comprising males and females were engaged in the operation. The sea tigers, black sea tigers , a special amphibian force and a special commando force were involved. The amphibian and marine commando units were modelled on the US Marine corps and SEALS. The LTTE like Eklavya emulating Drona in the “Mahabharatha” had trained these elite formations on the lines of the US marines.
The LTTE’s first major amphibian attack was in 1993 when the Pooneryn – Nagathevanthurai naval complex was attacked. The Tigers came across the lagoon in rafts to escape detection. The operation was then codenamed “Thavalai” or frog. The frog is an amphibean. That name was chosen to signify the amphibious nature of that attack.
Nowadays a whole amphibious unit has been developed.It is called “eeroodaha Sirappu Thaakkuthal ani” by LTTE media. It is reported that the amphibious unit was involved in the attack on Mandaitheevu last August 12th. That attack was a failure and several tigers were killed.
Assertions are made in the Colombo media that the LTTE had intended capturing Delft and was thwarted by the navy and air force. These views seem incorrect. In the first place the LTTE assault force deployed in the operation was not large enough to take over Delft.
More importantly the tigers could not have held on to Delft even if they had taken it over. Given the superior airpower, seapower, manpower and firepower of the armed forces the tigers would have been sitting ducks had they tried to hold Delft.
The operation was aimed at giving a shock to the navy and removing an irritant temporarily at least. The radar unit in Southern Delft was of immense use to the navy in monitoring sea movement by the tigers in that maritime zone. The operation intended knocking out the surveillance facility. But luck favoured the LTTE and it has been able to take the whole radar away.
This does not mean that the GOSL would not substitute another radar in due course but for some time at least there wont be one.The Delft radar point was of crucial importance in monitoring sea tiger movements from Pooneryn, Vidathaltheevu and Nachikudah. It was also useful in monitoring air tiger flights hugging the Mannar coast.
The LTTE has proven a point through this attack. The tigers have demonstrated that they are capable of launching a successful amphibious operation like this and return home safely. This, like the air strikes are all pointers to the fact that the LTTE may be down but is not out. Once again the tiger has crouched to pounce.
The LTTE did not attempt the capture of Delft because the tigers would have been trapped in the Island if they had done so. But the people of Delft are in a perpetual trap and therefore highly vulnerable. The LTTE attack on the navy happened on May 24th. Another incident which happened twenty – two years ago in the month of may illustrates the plight of the people.
[Memorial to those perished on May 14, 1985]
On May 14th 1985 a tiger squad raided Anuradhapura and killed many people. On May 15th passengers from Delft boarded the “Kumudini” ferry at Mavilithurai pier to go to Kurikadduvan jetty. A navy boat intercepted “Kumudini” at a short distance from the shore. The sailors in an apparent act of revenge for the Anuradhapura massacre began attacking the innocent Delft civilians. 38 people were shot and.or hacked brutally to death. A monument in memory of these innocent victims has been erected near the Mavilithurai jetty.
What happened in May 15th 1985 was an act of certain individuals in the navy. It had no official sanction. Punishing innocent people living in one place for something perpetrated by others elsewhere is neither just nor prudent. Yet this practice has now become officially sanctioned under the Rajapakse regime.
When Army chief Sarath Fonseka was injured in a bomb attack at the Army headquarters on April 25th last year the immediate consequence was bombing of innocent civilians in Sampoor. Retaliatory measures on the powerless and innocent have become the order of the day under this bully of a regime.
The successful LTTE attack on the navy at Delft too is resulting in consequences affecting civilians. All transport to and from the Islands was curtailed throughout Thursday after the attack.A massive search operation was conducted in various parts of the Islands. Delft, Kayts, Velanai, Nainatheevu, Punkudutheevu etc suffered.
Also all fishing has been forbidden until further notice. Again this ban does not apply to Delft alone but to all the Islands as well as areas on the mainland like Gurunagar, Pashaiyoor, Naavanthurai etc. Once again the familiar excuse of tigers masquerading as fisherfolk is being trotted out.But such an excuse is totally wrong because it is widely acknowledged that the tigers came in sea tiger boats.
An unofficial curfew has been imposed on the three Island AGA divisions of Delft, Kayts and Velanai. All transport to Delft has been cut off for the second successive day. There is much concern about the safety of civilians in Delft. Reportedly Neduntheevu residents are being “interrogated” intensively.
The security forces particularly the navy are engaged in these measures in a misguided , vengeful spirit. The reality is that the navy failed miserably in detecting and countering the LTTE sea borne attack. The fault lies within and not outside the navy. Instead of harassing and victimising innocent Tamil civilians and fisherfolk ,the navy would do better to probe its own conduct, identify shortcomings and rectify matters. [editor@transcurrents.com
transCurrents feedback :Contact DBS Jeyaraj : djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
May 25th, 2007
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
It was Dr. W. Dahanayake, who ridiculed the U.N.P. in the fifties of the last century by saying it was not the United National Party but an Uncles Nephews Party. How aptly that descriptio fitted the grand old party of the Senanayakes, Kotelawelas, Jayewardenes and Wickremasinghes is debatable. However there is a political party in Tamil Nadu across the palk straits that could be appropriately termed an Uncle Nephews party.That party is none other than the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagham (DMK) ruling Tamil Nadu.
Today the DMK is in the eye of a storm. This crisis is not caused by differences of political ideology or methodology but due to the politics of intra – family political strife. The DMK’s ruling family headed by “pater familias” Muttuvel Karunanidhi , chief minister of Tamil Nadu, is embroiled in a family feud. His children are clashing with his grand nephews, the sons of Karunanidhi’s late nephew “Murasoli” Maran. The uncles and nephews are fighting.
[Protestors burn copies of Tamil-language Dinakaran newspaper in Madurai - Yahoo! News Photo]
The innocent casualties in this internecine warfare were three employees attached to “Dinakaran” newspaper in Madurai. They were killed when an enraged mob attacked the paper’s offices during a political demonstration. The mob led by Madurai city’s DMK woman mayor ms.Thenmozhi was protesting against the results of an opinion poll published in the newspaper. The poll stated that Karunanidhi’s son and political heir apparent, MK Stalin was endorsed as future CM of Tamil Nadu by 70% of respondents .The survey also said that MK Azhagiri another son of the chief minister and a power to reckon with in Madurai was supported as CM by only 2%.
This result being made public seemed to be the immediate provocation for the demonstration and attack on the “Dinakaran”. Many of those in the forefront were prominent lackeys of Azhagiri like the city’s first citizen. In the background hovered Azhagiri the DMK satrap of Madurai. Many of Azhagiri’s supporter goondas were identified by newspaper employees and it was widely alleged that Azhagiri instigated the attack.
Opposition leaders including ADMK supremo Jayalalitha Jayaram called for action against Azhagiri. The state police was “unable” to take action against the chief minister’s son. In a peculiar twist it was not Azhagiri who was penalised but his nephew and Indian central government minister Dayanidhi Maran. Dayanidhi was compelled to resign his communications and information technology portfolio.
[Fire and smoke are seen after a petrol bomb was thrown into the offices of the Tamil-language Dinakaran newspaper in Madurai - Phot Yahoo! News]
At one level the demonstration against “Dinakaran” and the violence causing deaths appears to be a blatant violation of media freedom. The media has every right to publish results of an opinion poll and while people do have a right to dispute or peacefully protest against such results there can be no justification for violence causing deaths to employees and destruction to the newspaper establishment.
Yet, there are many people who feel that the issue is that of media freedom only at a supeficial level. The real issue is the intra – family politics of DMK ruling family it is felt. The response of journalist associations towards the incident too has been lukewarm.
The reason for this bizarre situation lies at the door of Tamil Nadu state’s politics of byzantine intrigue. If one is to understand the unfolding political drama a brief excursion into recent history of the DMK and the politics of Chief Minister Karunanidhi’s extended family becomes necessary.
[Hoarding announces the celebration of 'Kalainger' Karunanidhi's 50 years as legislator]
Karunanidhi first became chief minister in 1969 after the death of CN Annadurai the party’s founder and first chief minister. Karunanidhi known popularly as “kalainjer” amended the party constitution and became its first President in the same year. He has been President since then and has over the years turned the party into his family fiefdom. Karunanidhi has been chief minister four times earlier from 1969 – 1971; 1971 – 76 ;1989 – 91;1996 – 2001. The Octogenarian became CM for the fifth time last year.
The late “Murasoli” Maran was Karunanidhi’s elder sister’s son. The nephew was a lawyer who engaged in journalism, cinema and politics like his maternal uncle. The newspaper “Murasoli” was started by the uncle but later run by the nephew whose name had the prefix “Murasoli” affixed to his name. In 1967 Maran became MP for South Chennai at the Lok Sabha. Unlike Karunanidhi who contested seats to the state legislature successfully from 1957 onwards , Maran set his sights on New Delhi. He has been since 1967 elected frequently if not regularly to both the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha (upper house).
[Dayanidhi Maran]
Maran was the man most trusted by Karunanidhi who once called him his “conscience” . The nephew was the party’s chief political strategist and drew up election manifestoes.He was also the DMK point man at New Delhi for decades. Maran was also central minister at different times in the cabinets of VP Singh, HD Devegowda, IK Gujral and Atal Behari Vajpaayee.
[Late 'Murasoli' Maran]
After Maran’s death in 2003 his second son Dayanithi became political heir. Though a newcomer to politics and Parliament grand – uncle Karunanidhi ensured a cabinet post to grand nephew. Dayanidhi became the T’Nadu chief minister’s link between New Delhi and Chennai. He was also quite close to Sonia Gandhi.
There was prevalent in the DMK’s first family a division of political labour. Karunanidhi’s family was to dominate state politics while Maran & co could wield authority at the centre. Also the Maran family had a media empire accumulated mainly through political backing provided by the DMK. The Karunanidhi clan expected the Marans to be subservient. While “Murasoli” Maran was content to be his immensely talented uncle’s deputy his off – spring were unwilling to play second fiddle to their not so talented uncles.
“Murasoli” Maran and his siblings were beholden to their maternal uncle for their upward mobility. Maran’s younger brother Selvam who manages “Murasoli” now is married to Karunanidhi’s elder daughter Selvi. Maran and his siblings first managed and then owned the Murasoli newspaper and also the Mekala pictures film company. The family enlarged its media empire over the years. With Karunanidhi being in active politics Maran’s siblings and sons were in a sense fronts or “benamis” for his extensive wealth.
Apart from “Murasoli” which every DMK cadre was obligated to buy as the unofficial voice of the party the Maran family also started magazines like “Kunkumam”, Mutharam” “Vannathirai” and “Sumankali”. It was however in television and broadcasting that the family made its mark and multi – millions.
It was Kalanidhi eldest son of “Murasoli” Maran who pionerred into TV and radio. He started with a monthly video magazine “Newstrack”in English and “Poomalai” in Tamil in the early nineties. With economic liberalisation in 1993 Kalanidhi Maran ventured out into running his own TV shows and stations. The “Sun” TV was the flagship. Today the family owns 19 TV and cable networks and also seven FM stations. Most of these are in the Southern states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. In Tamil Nadu the “Sun” has a virtual monopoly of cable TV.
The Maran media empire would not have been possible if not for Karunanidhi’s backing. Just as the “Murasoli” became party organ the “Sun” too was promoted ardently by DMK cadres. The cable monopoly for instance was made possible through political pressure at high levels and party goondas intimidatory thuggery at low levels. The family also acquired a hold over broadband when Dayanithi as IT minister was in charge. There was a conflict of interest in this but Manmohan Singh and Sonia dared not displease Karunanidhi.
“Murasoli ” Maran’s proximity to Karunanidhi aroused envy and resentment amidst DMK circles. Yet Maran had been around for a long time and earned his political colours by going to prison during the anti – Hindi struggle of 1965 and the Indira Gandhi emergency of 1975 – 77. As a powerful writer and orator in Tamil the man enjoyed some support among sections of the rank and file.
There was however no denying that “Murasoli” Maran owed his political clout and position to his uncle. There have also been allegations that he used his central minister status to accumulate wealth through dubious methods. Nothing was proved. Likewise his son Dayanidhi was also accused of misusing his cabinet berth and promoting the family’s business interests. Again nothing has been proved. Dayanidhi by marrying Priya Rangarajan also married into the prestigious media family owning “The Hindu”.
Karunanidhi will complete 83 years on June 3rd. It is obvious that the DMK patriarch will not be around for long. In a region where dynastic politics is the rule rather than the exception his successor has to emerge from the family. Karunanidhi has four sons and two daughters from three wives. Stalin his second son from wife Dayalu ammaiyaar has been selected to be political heir. Though Azhagiri is elder to Stalin he was not regarded as eligible due to perceived character flaws.
[MK Azhagiri]
This has led to some tensions between the brothers. In a bid to patch up sibling rivalry Azhagiri was “banished” to the Southern City of Madurai. Azhagiri using his father’s influence and his own brand of patronage politics has established himself as a “power” in the region. He also commands some violent and lawless elements. Azhagiri was once implicated in the cold – blooded murder of T. Krishnan a veteran DMK party stalwart. Again his father’s political pull has saved him so far from retribution.
[MK Stalin]
Stalin however was shamelessly promoted by sycophantic party men as Karunanidhi’s successor. He headed the youth league, became Chennai mayor, Member of legislative assembly and then state minister. He now waits for his father to step down or pass away peacefully to become party leader and state chief minister.
Whatever the attempts to make him chief minister the reality is that Stalin is poor material as future CM. If it were not for his pedigree the man would not have risen beyond a seat in a local authority. Stalin is not of leadership potential. He lacks charisma and mass popularity. It was to eliminate threats to his leadership that the ebullient Vai. Gopalaswamy (Vaiko) was pushed out of the DMK. Many political analysts feel that an inefficient Stalin would be an easy pushover when his father is no more. The DMK’s future under Stalin is not rosy.
[Poster announcing an honorary doctorate to MK Stalin - Photo: Badri Seshadri]
It is against this backdrop that the Maran family began eying political dominance in the state. The Harvard educated Dayanithi is seen as a capable, dynamic leader. He is credited with bringing in much investment in telecommunications and the IT sphere to Tamil Nadu and India. Chennai and suburbs are witnessing a hi – tech boom.Dayanidhi’s brother Kalanidhi had ambitious plans for his sibling. Kalanidhi is India’s 24th richest man with a personal fortune of 1. 9 $ billion US dollars.
The media machinery under Kalanidhi’s control began enhancing Dayanidhi’s image to larger than life proportions. a recent opinion poll conducted by Sun and Dinakaran “voted” Dayanidhi as the most efficient cabinet minister from Tamil Nadu in New Delhi. This aroused hostility in political ally Dr. Ramdoss the leader of Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK). Ramdoss’s son Anbumani is minister of health in New Delhi.
The Maran gameplan seemed to be that of waiting for Karunanidhi to “go” and then strike. It could have been either a play for immediate succession or to let Stalin mount and then bring him down. Stalin by himself was considered weak and therefore easy prey. The stumbling block however was Azhagiri the party strong man. The potential danger to the Maran family political ambitions was a rapprochement between Azhagiri and Stalin. If both brothers united then the nephews would have found it difficult to overcome the uncles.
It is therefore with insidious design that the “rigged” opinion poll was publicised. The idea was to provoke Azhagiri and inciite further dissension between brothers. Given Azhagiri’s penchant for strong arm tactics some violence was anticipated. Initially Azhagiri played into the Maran family hands by instigating violent demonstrations resulting in three innocent lives being lost. The Maran controlled media began clamouring for legal action against Azhagiri. The idea was to divide Azhagiri and Stalin and further isolate and weaken the stronger brother. Dayanidhi went to the extent of telephoning the state’s home secretary and urging Azhagiri be arrested.
This was too much for the Karunanidhi clan.Unfortunately for the nephews the unexpected happened. The grand uncles family closed ranks against the perceived usurpers. Stalin, Azhagiri and even sisters Selvi and Kanimozhi bonded against the Marans. Karunanidhi backed his prodigal son Azhagiri and ensured no police action was taken against him. He ordered a CBI inquiry to tie the hands of state police. The CM made use of his personal contacts to cool down protests from the journalist fraternity. Compensation was promptly paid the families of three victims.
[Kanimozhi]
The veteran Karunanidhi had in recent times been indecisive and vacillating. But in a remarkable turn – around he was firm and aggressive in this case. His wrath was directed against his scheming grand – nephews who were seen as ungrateful traitors. The DMK’s general council was urgently summoned. A resolution censuring the “Sun” media group and calling for removal of Dayanidhi Maran as cabinet minister was passed unanimously. The Sun group was also given notice to quit its premises in “Anna Arivaalayam” the DMK party headquarters building.
The “Sun” TV had blacked out senior DMK leaders giving publicity mainly to Karunanidhi and Dayanidhi. The media concern also adopted double standards over issues. The Cauvery river dispute for instance would receive one type of treatment in Tamil Nadu and a diametrically opposite one in Karnataka. Likewise the Mullaiperiar issue had different treatments in Tamil Nadu and Kerala. The staunch Tamil language purists were agitated over the TV going as “Sun” in English instead of a suitable Tamil word.This embarassed Karunanidhi who formally sold his “Sun” group shares held under his wife’s name a few years ago.
Dayanidhi found himself vulnerable and friendless. Belated recognition may have dawned on him that his only basis for power and position within the DMK rested on the goodwill of his grand – uncle . The autocratic Karunanidhi called the shots in the party. The polished “convent” english speaking Dayanidhi wearing three – piece suits and riding sleek limousines always seemed a misfit among the “karaiverti”clad DMK party men. Besides Dayanidhi had arrogantly trod on toes of many party seniors. His tendency to monopolise Karunanidhi and prevent access to his “Thaathaa” had angered many.
But now with the “Thaathaa” turning against his “peran” there was no one to support the Marans against the Karunanidhis. The media empire had lost badly in the opening gambit against the party machine. The “Sun” group found itself friendless among media circles too. Journalists and news anchors were shabbily treated within. 
The Group had never identified with larger issues of media freedom. It was a money – minded concern engaged mostly in using political power via the DMK into asserting dominance in the media sphere. With the group losing favour with its patrons the world was a lonely place.
Dayanidhi tried to use his relationship with Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi to help out. But they were powerless in an intra -party dispute. Also Karunanidhi was more important than Dayanidhi Maran to the Congress.When Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi came to Chennai for the function felicitating Karunanidhi’s golden anniversary of entering the Legislature, Dayanidhi Maran was a conspicuous absentee.
Realising that the game was up Dayanidhi tendered his resignation and took it to grand – uncle. He was kept waiting outside for hours. He was then called in and kept standing. When he tried to hand over his resignation letter to Karunanidhi the latter refused to take it. Snapping”Am I a postman”? Karunanidhi asked Dayanidhi to forward it to New Delhi.
Later Karunanidhi sent power minister Arcot Veerasamy as special emissary to New Delhi with a letter announcing removal of Dayanidhi as minister and substituting A. Rajah instead.There are rumours of Dayanidhi being asked to resign his Central Chennai MP seat. Also Karunanidhi’s daughter Kanimozhi is likely to be appointed as Rajya Sabha MP this June. Speculation is rife that she may become a Central minister then. Even Dayanidhi was a first – time MP who became central minister.
Kalanidhi and Dayanidhi have gone to Switzerland and Ooty with their respective families. Their mother Mallika Maran is in the USA with her daughter. It is very likely that she would return soon and help reconcile the two families. There is a possibility of both families getting together again. This is not due to blood being thicker than water but more because of mutual interests. The Maran group needed the DMK in the past to build up a media empire. But now the DMK needs the “Sun” media to boost its politics. It is also imperative to block the “Sun” group being co-opted by a third party.
The “Sun” media has suspended its anti – Azhagiri tirade. Karunanidhi continues to get top billing in newscasts. Dayanidhi conducted a press conference where he professed innocence and re- iterated his loyalty to party, family and pater familias. He called his “thatha” Karunanidhi his guru and expressed hope that his resignation would make grand – uncle and family members happy. Such abject humility indicates that the Maran brothers have thrown the towel in and are ready for rapprochement.
[Marina Beach, Chennai, celebrating 'Kalaingar' Karunanidhi's 50 years as legislator - Photo: TTD]
So the current heat could cease and a fresh, cool breeze blow in a few months. Karunanidhi has been fond of calling the DMK a family. In actual terms the party has become a family business. It is in the interests of grand – uncle, grandsons, uncles and nephews to sink differences and keep the family business intact. The extended family may squabble internally but must close ranks to preserve interests. The party needs the media establishment. After all, its all in the family eh?
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May 18th, 2007
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Stymie in golf is the situation where an opponent’s ball is between one’s own ball and the hole.Over a period of time the word has come to mean a difficult situation that blocks or thwarts one’s activities.
Stymied is how one would describe the predicament in which the Scottish Nationalist party (SNP) is in currently. The SNP led by Alex Salmond registered a historic success at the poll on a platform that had Independence for Scotland as its chief objective. Still , the lack of a working majority and perceived inability to form one, is now an obstacle to that independence quest.
The Scotland situation will impact on Sri Lanka where a debate rages about pros and cons of devolution. While those in favour argue that devolution would contain Tamil separatism those against say that greater devolution is a slow recipe for separation.
In the case of Scotland it appears that enhanced devolution in recent times has whetted appetite for secession rather than diluting the demand. In that context the anti – devolutionists in Sri Lanka are likely to cite Scotland as an example where devolution paved the way for independence / secession instead of strenghthening unity and territorial integrity.
[Alex Salmond of Scottish Nationalist party (SNP)]
Whatever Salmond’s thirst for Scottish independence he faces a tricky situation now due to lack of majority. If the SNP sticks firmly on its quest for independence any government formed by it has little chances of surviving. All major parties in Scotland are against separatism/ independence. If the SNP compromises on independence it would lose credibility leading to diminshed political clout in the future.
The May 3rd poll for Scottish Parliament saw the party win forty – seven seats out of one hundred and twenty – nine at Holyrood.. The Labour was one short with forty – six. The Conservatives with seventeen were one ahead of the Liberal Democrats’s sixteen. The Greens had two and an Independent was also elected.
[Sunrise at Lismore lighthouse, taken from the Calmac ferry MV 'Isle of Mull' - Photo By Dunard]
The election was marred by a spate of spoiled votes due to ill – designed ballot papers. 142, 000 votes or 7% of those cast were spoilt. Around one – sixths of the electorates returned candidates whose margins of victory were smaller than the amount of votes spoilt. Several legal challenges are to be mounted and a commission of inquiry to be appointed over this voting “debacle”.
This Labour party was undefeated in any general election in Scotland since 1959.This time it was pipped at the post by one. Its tally of 50 in the Scottish Parliament came down to 46 from 50.The SNP on the other hand made vast strides increasing their earlier 25 seats to 47. Yet the SNP victors however have no majority.
The two green members of Scottish Parliament (MSP) have been brought into the fold with one portfolio. The independent Margo Mcdonald is an ex – SNP member of Scottish Parliament. She too is likely to close ranks with SNP or become speaker. But the SNP needs support from the Conservatives or Liberal Democrats to form the required majority of 65.
[Bagpipe players, Highland Games, Kimelford - Photo: James Logan]
This support has not been forthcoming. The left – leaning SNP virtually ignored the right of centre Conservatives. There was little chance of winning support even if SNP had tried to do so. Instead Salmond focussed his energies on serenading the Liberal Democrats who had propped up the outgoing Labour administration in Parliament.
The key element in SNP election campaigning was the avowed goal of full independence for Scotland. The SNP intended to hold a referendum in 2010 . If successful Scotland would negotiate full Independence and break away from the United Kingdom.
Ironically May 1st this year marked the 300th anniversary of the Act of Union which formally joined England and Scotland together as constituents of the United Kingdom. Two days later Scotland went to polls on May 3rd , a situation where that “union ” was in dire straits with the Scottish Nationalist Party campaigning on a separatist platform.
An opinion poll held in November 2006 suggested that the SNP might well win majority support. Scots were asked in November 2006 how they would respond to the question the SNP intends to place on the ballot: for the referendum “Do you agree that the Scottish Parliament should negotiate a new settlement with the British government so that Scotland becomes a sovereign and independent state?” Fifty-two percent said yes in an all – time high.
Despite this optimism in 2006 support for independence declined gradually. The May 3rd elections failed to give SNP the landslide it hoped for. This left the party no choice other than to cobble together a working majority as its top priority.
[A pix of St Giles' Cathedral on the Royal Mile in Edinburgh, Photo Juan J]
The Liberal Democrats, Conservatives and Labour were firmly opposed to any break – up of the UK.The prospect of a referendum envisaged by SNP was anathema. Nevertheless the SNP set about its task spiritedly.
Instead of celebrating his wedding anniversary quietly as planned Alex Salmond used the May 5th – 6th week – end for hectic lobbying. A series of telephone calls were made to party leaders.
The first and best option was to continue to pursue a coalition with the Greens and the Liberal Democrats. If successful the SNP coalition would get 65 seats (47 + 16 + 2).
As far as the green party was concerned the deal has virtually been agreed upon.. . The two Green MSPs, Patrick Harvie and Robin Harper have said they had two “red line” issues – no more nuclear power stations and tough new targets for cutting emissions.The SNP leader agreed in principle. A ministry presumably relating to environment will be given the greens.
With the Liberal Democrats insisting that the SNP abandon plans of a referendum and the Scottish Nationalists unwilling and unable to jettison the cornerstone of its political agenda few were optimistic of an agreement between both . Salmond however was hopeful.
The SNP leader felt he could circumvent his way round this obstacle by offering a plebiscite in which the Scots have three options – independence, the status quo or continued membership of the United Kingdom under a Scottish Parliament whose powers have been enhanced. The third options happens to be Liberal Democrat policy.So Salmond was optimistic.
The Liberal Democrats were adamant that they will not allow a referendum on independence, despite this being the No1 priority for the SNP. Its leader Nicol Stephen has been markedly reluctant to do so, but Salmond was hoping he would relent as talks went on. Various ways of brokering a compromise were examined.
[Eilean Donan Castle, Loch Duich - Photo by James Logan]
One was dropping the referendum idea completely. This would be the only real way of being sure of forming a rainbow coalition. But, to do that, Salmond would have to axe the policy which lies at the heart of the SNP policy platform – something he is unlikely to do. So that was out.
Another idea, floated by the Lib Dems before the election, was for a second constitutional convention, set up to look at both more powers for the parliament (which the Lib Dems favour) and full independence (which the Lib Dems don’t).
This, it was felt, could be a way of “parking” the issue, allowing the Executive to get on with the business of running Scotland, but it was understood that the Lib Dems did not want this to be an excuse for a review into the referendum question.It was insisted that the SNP would have to agree to dropping the referendum issue from the convention’s remit to get a deal on this.
A third option was delaying the issue. It was suggested an SNP-Lib Dem Executive could simply shelve the referendum issue for two or three years, again allowing the Executive to function without becoming ensnared in the problem. This would almost inevitably lead to the dissolution of the Executive after two or three years. Again , this was not an ideal position for the SNP.
[Atlantic Puffins on the Isle of Lunga - Picture By Steve Deger]
Another option discussed was one whereby the Liberal Democrats would back the government on an issue-by-issue basis and defend it against no-confidence motions, in return for the Executive backing Liberal Democrat policies. The Liberal Democrats however expressed their reluctance for this approach, thus negating the only way of reaching any kind of agreement between the parties.
.It appeared that the Lib – dems were reluctant to join or even associate with any government at this juncture.The party felt it had lost support by its link to the previous labour government. It was felt that a stint in the opposition without attachments to the party in power would help the Lib – Dems to renew and revive flagging fortunes.
Against that backdrop the Liberal Democrats drove a hard bargain. The SNP had to unambiguously throw in the garbage bin its plan of a referendum on Scottish independence. This was too much to ask of a party just got elected using that very same proposal as mainstay of its election campaign. So a tie – up was not on the cards.
This leaves the SNP with a hobsons choice. It is to form a minority government of the SNP and the Greens with no external support. This is probably the worst option for Mr Salmond, but it is now the most likely. With the two Green MSPs now virtually on board, he has 49 seats – 16 short of a majority.
It would be very hard for him to get the Executive’s business through the parliamentary bureau, which decides these things, before he even tried to pass legislation.Still he has no choice. If Conservatives and Liberal democrats adopted an issue by issue approach and lent support the SNP could pull through. If these parties decided to give “time” for the new party to settle in the SNP chances of survival would be greater.
This means that the SNP will have to “moderate” itself. Its master plan of a referendum will have to be shelved if not abandoned. This may not be a bad thing altogether as the situation has changed drastically on this count in recent times. Support for full independence seems to have waned.
According to a news report in “The Scotsman” the SNP would lose a referendum on independence if it was held now – even if the Nationalists were able to set their own question. This was revealed in a Scotsman/ICM poll. The report further said -.
” With the debate over a referendum on independence at the centre of the political debate in Scotland, The Scotsman put the SNP’s preferred referendum question to the public . Voters were asked: “The Scottish Parliament should negotiate a new settlement with the British government so that Scotland becomes a sovereign and independent state. Do you agree, ‘yes’ or ‘no’?”
“A total of 35 per cent said they agreed with the statement and backed an independent Scotland, while 55 per cent said they disagreed and 10 per cent said they did not know. The result is significant because it shows how people could vote when presented with the question the SNP wish to put to Scots in a referendum in 2010.
This change of heart would explain the poll results where support for SNP dropped from earlier predictions. This was attributed mainly to an all out campaign by other political leaders against full independence for Scotland.Many Scots wanting Independence had apparently second thoughts when it came to voting.
Uncertainty over the economic costs of independence was a major factor. Forces opposing independence played on those fears. Tony Blair in particular warned that there could be no turning the clock back. Moreover with Blair stepping down his likely successor will be a Scotsman Gordon Brown.
Earlier analysts had warned of a backlash against Blair and Labour over issues such as Iraq would result in a huge protest vote favouring SNP. Yet the final results showed that Labour fared much better than expected losing by only one seat. This again reflected the reverse change in the opinion of many voters .
In such a situation the SNP itself may be doubtful of its chances at a referendum . If the party had a majority and was able to implement certain measures it could have enhanced support in the next three years for a referendum. But with a minority government its scope for independent action will be severely restricted.
Alex Salmond was the first to take oaths as MP in the new Parliament.Before swearing allegiance to the Queen he declared his party’s primary loyalty was to the “Scottish people”. It is very likely that Salmond will soon become first minister for Scotland as head of a minority government.
Outgoing Jack Mcconnell remains first minister still. The Labour leader turned up at Holyrood in a kilt. There is an unlikely chance that Labour could also form a government if Lib dems or Tories pledge support. This however seems a far – fetched idea given the current political realities.
It appears from media interviews that Salmond is now accepting reality of a minority government while not giving up hope of a deal with the Liberal Democrats.
About two months before the May 3rd poll, Salmond released a document detailing what he would do exactly in his first 100 days of office as first minister. But now he was admitting that he would have to change many of those plans if sworn in as first minister of a minority government.
Some policies will remain the same, particularly those that do not need primary legislation – such as announcing the go-ahead of a new Forth crossing or negotiating with Westminster for money Mr Salmond believes is being withheld – but others will change.
“If we have a minority administration, quite clearly what you try to implement, not just in the first 100 days, but in the first year, you have to look at areas which will command widespread parliamentary support,” Salmond told the media.
“If there is legislation involved, you have to look at the areas which command more broad consensus in the parliament.”
Salmond did not say which issues would be postponed and which less contentious ones would be brought forward, but he did say his controversial plans to introduce a local income tax were always designed to be introduced towards the end of the parliament, not at the beginning.
“You would have to take from the programme those things which you think have a good chance of going through.”
According to Scottish journalists like Hamish Mcdonnell ” Nobody has tried to run a minority government in Scotland before and no-one has wanted to. Mr Salmond knows it will be incredibly difficult, not least because his party will not command a majority on the parliamentary bureau, which decides how parliamentary time is allocated. If the SNP cannot timetable its business and legislation when it wants, it will be at the mercy of the other parties. ”
Mcdonnell goes on to say ” Mr Salmond also cannot have Executive majorities on the parliamentary committees. This will leave any legislation open to radical change and even defeat in committee, before it gets to the floor of the parliament, where, once again, the SNP will not be able to control enough votes to get legislation through.”
” It will be uncharted territory for the SNP and for the other parties in the parliament. It is likely that Mr Salmond’s opponents will be keen to inflict defeats on him and he will endeavour to secure as much cross-party support as possible – sometimes from the Greens and the Liberal Democrats and sometimes even from the Conservatives. “observes Mcdonnell.
“But Mr Salmond knows that this experiment in minority government has to work and the SNP has to be seen to be making achievements for the good of Scotland. Otherwise, his dreams of building credibility in government will be finished.” he says.
[Scotland Flags - Picture By Euan Fraser]
Hamish Mcdonnell has also written a brief analysis of what may be possible for Salmond to implement during his first 100 days in office notwithstanding the fact that he would be heading a minority govt. Here are some excerpts –
INDEPENDENCE
MR Salmond has promised to publish a white paper on an independence referendum within his first 100 days in office. There is no reason why this cannot be done. In fact, civil servants are probably preparing it already.
TRANSPORT
MR Salmond wants to cancel the Edinburgh Airport rail link. He can do this without legislation simply by not providing the money for it. He also intends to give the go-ahead for a new Forth crossing, probably a tunnel, as soon as possible. This may need parliamentary approval but that should not be a problem. This is likely to be the first issue where the SNP meets major opposition from the Greens.
OIL AND GAS
Alex Salmond promised to ask Westminster for Scotland’s share of oil and gas revenues within his first 100 days. There is nothing to stop him doing that, but his chances of success are slim and he might find his time is better spent in the daily battle to get votes in Holyrood than arguing with ministers in London. He also wants to start formal discussions with the Norwegian government for a North Sea Super Grid. He could do it without legislation, but it would cause problems with London.
REBATE
Alex Salmond also promised to go to Westminster and demand the return of £40 million in attendance allowances which, he claims, should be coming to Scotland. This is money that was coming north before the Executive introduced free care for the elderly.
Mr Salmond claims it should still come to Scotland. He can argue his case, but his chances of success are slim given that the Labour-led Executive already tried asking for the money back, without success.
EFFICIENCY
MR Salmond wants to slim down the Scottish Executive as his first act in government and there does not seem to be any reason why he should not be able to do this.
The current nine departments will be slimmed down to six: the Office of the First Minister, Finance and Sustainable Growth, Health and Wellbeing, Education and Skills, Justice and Rural Affairs.
This does not require legislation so should not prove a problem.
JUSTICE
Alex Salmond wants to introduce a Criminal Justice Bill for tougher community sentencing, which should get the backing of the Liberal Democrats, and he wants a full judicial inquiry into the Shirley McKie case, which he could do without parliamentary support. The Criminal Justice Bill is the sort of legislation the Conservatives might support. Annabel Goldie (conservative leader) made it clear she would back the government on an “issue-by-issue” basis and policies such as sentencing will test this.
SPORT AND LEISURE
Mr Salmond has promised to publish plans for a full St Andrew’s Day holiday and to convene meetings with stakeholders to see if Scotland can put out its own Olympic team. Neither of these will need legislation so he should be able to start the process on both. But both are likely to be hugely contentious and Mr Salmond runs the risk of the opposition parties using their time in the parliament to debate, and vote, on these issues. Defeat would not be binding but it would be embarrassing.
HEALTH
THE SNP promised to introduce a local healthcare bill, including direct elections for health boards, to phase out public private partnerships and abolish prescription charges. Mr Salmond will be able to publish these plans but he will have some trouble getting them through.
Everything depends on the Liberal Democrats, who might support the community health proposals but who will oppose the scrapping of the PPP scheme. This part might be delayed until later in the parliament.
BUDGET
THE administration’s first real job will be to produce a budget, setting out where the money is going to come from for its spending plans, how much will come from efficiency savings and re-allocations.
The stakes on the budget are high. If it is voted down, the Executive will have no money – a move which would be tantamount to a no-confidence motion. But the other parties might agree to allow the SNP budget to go through, giving it the time to start to govern.
EDUCATION
THE SNP has pledged to introduce a bill abolishing tuition fees. This should get the support of the Liberal Democrats, which would give it the backing it needs to go through parliament.
The SNP also wants to increase free nursery provision by 50 per cent and reduce class sizes to 18 in P1 to P3. Neither of these measures would be controversial and might even generate cross-parliamentary support, if they were seen to be improving Scotland generally.
Whatever the immediate fate of Salmond and the SNP some analysts have opined that the Scottish nationalist quest for independence will impact on situations where separatism is a major feature. Ian Bremmer , president of Eurasia Group, a political-risk consultancy and the author of “the J curve: A new way to understand why nations rise and fall” wrote thus in a recent essay before polls –
” The implications of a nationalist-led Scottish parliament, with or without an independence referendum, could extend well beyond the borders of the UK. An SNP victory and talk of the break-up of the United Kingdom could embolden separatists among the Catalans and Basques of Spain, Flemish-speakers in Belgium, and even those in northern Italy who favor a break from that country’s less prosperous south. These movements have developed over many years under different historical circumstances. But progress toward Scottish independence could help generate separatist momentum within any of these states”.
“An immediate European domino effect following Scotland’s elections is extremely unlikely. But large-scale political movements — toward democratization, decolonization, socialism, free-market capitalism or nationalism, for example — tend to develop in waves. Break-up of the United Kingdom, a prosperous liberal democracy, would send shockwaves across European borders — and might one day create new ones.”
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May 12th, 2007
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Interenecine clashes among and within Tamil armed groups is not a new development. The latest group to be afflicted in this respect is the Tamil Makkal Viduthalaip Puligal (TMVP). Bitter rivalry has ensued between the TMVP’s “national leader” Karuna Amman and its ” supreme military commander” Pillaiyaan. TMVP factions aligned to the leader and commander have clashed in the East.
[Pic: After breaking away in 2004]
In a typical example of the proverbial Tamil saying about pinching the baby and rocking the cradle the Sri Lankan military establishment is now trying to pacify Karuna and Pillaiyaan and evolve a working relationship between both factions. Military intelligence operatives “handling” the TMVP initially practised “divide and rule” tactics and covertly engineered a feud. Now they are overtly engaged in promoting peace. There is however a lurking fear that the split may have gone too far to a stage where patching up may not be possible.
Pillaiyaan was at one time a trusted, loyal disciple of Karuna. When the TMVP leader went abroad to escape assassination squads of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) it was Pillaiyaan and other deputies who held the fort locally. Even when Karuna was holed up at Panagoda camp for security reasons it was Pillaiyaan and others who remained active in the East and Polonnaruwa district.
Ever since Karuna came under complete control of Sri Lankan intelligence the TMVP is being directed by intelligence operatives. Karuna was more like a brand name and had very little control over his group in actual terms. The group had called itself TEMVP (Tamil Eelam Makkal Viduthalaip Puligal ) earlier. But Karuna’s handlers got him to remove the “Eelam” out as it smacked of separatism.
The Karuna faction known as TMVP was not allowed to function as one whole entity. Different commanders like Sinnathamby, Riyaseelan, Mangalan master, Iniyabharathy, Markan etc were given different spheres of influence and were responsible to different handlers. Pillaiyaan was like a “first among equals” among them. Most of the instructions from military intelligence hierarchy to the TMVP was relayed through Pillaiyaan. He was also the “communication channel” between Karuna and the other commanders. In the process Pillaiyaan self – styled himself as supreme commander.
It was Pillaiyaan who helped out with regular supply of cash to Karuna and his family while abroad. Apparently when the LTTE killed eight of Karuna’s men at Kottawa, Karuna lost his ‘treasurer Kuganesan too. Kugan had invested Karuna’s money in different place known only to himself.. All that was lost after Kuganesan was killed.
It was then that Pillaiyaan stepped in and started his taxation cum abduction for ransom racket. Pillaiyaan supplied Karuna with money regularly. He also encouraged a personality cult around Karuna within the TMVP.
The Sri Lankan intelligence operatives were not very happy at the Karuna – Pillaiyaan relationship. They preferred to engineer rivalry and factionalism within TMVP ranks and keep the running dogs of (Sinhala) imperialism on separate leashes. It was also felt that both leader and commander had to be given “knocks” and brought down a peg or two.
In the case of Pillaiyaan his handlers resented the fact that he was running a flourishing extortion racket where full details were not being divulged. While some of the abductions and extortion schemes were run with full knowledge of the handlers there were many other acts being done without their knowledge. Pillaiyaan was masterminding a racket where crores of rupees were filling his coffers. So Pillaiyaan was to be taught a lesson.
As far as Karuna was concerned the military establishment was very pleased with his performance. The sore point however was Karuna’s opposition to the East being fragmented. He also wanted some political power and insisting that an interim administrative council be set up for the entire province and be handed over to him. This was not to the liking of Karuna’s masters who wanted to reduce his clout too.
The best way to teach both leader and commander a lesson was to foster enmity between both.. An intra – TMVP feud would weaken both and enable handlers to exert greater authority over both factions.
A “gentleman” by the name of Krishnan was brought down to Sri Lanka for the purpose.”London” Krishnan whose full name is Krishnapillai is a native of Pungudutheevu in Jaffna. He was a federal party youth activist who went abroad to London in the early seventies. He played a prominent role in organizing and participating at the demonstration at a world cup match in 1975 when Tamil youths protesting Sri Lankan “oppression” invaded the grounds and fell flat on the pitch.
Krishnan later became an overseas activist of the original undivided LTTE. He was largely instrumental in wooing Anton Ballasingham into LTTE folds. When the LTTE split in 1980 Krishnan teamed up with Umamaheswaran and helped form the Peoples Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE). He was expelled from the PLOTE in 1986 for allegedly embezzling funds collected abroad. When Paranthan Rajan broke away from PLOTE and formed Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front (ENDLF) in 1987 Krishnan joined it.
Krishnan later dropped out of ENDLF and became a loner. He was approached by Sri Lankan intelligence in the nineties and has been of great service to them since then.Krishnan had established close rapport with Karuna on instructions from Sri Lankan intelligence.
Colombo was quite unhappy during Karunas short – lived honeymoon with the ENDLF. It was Krishnan who succeeded in breaking up that alliance on the request of Sri Lankan intelligence. Now he was asked to promote enmity between Karuna and Pillaiyaan. Krishnan came down to Colombo and worked on Karuna’s ego, insecurity and lurking jealousy.He also fired Karuna up over Pillaiyaan’s ill – gotten cash. This succeeded to a great extent and soon Karuna and Pillaiyaan were arguing on the telephone about. finances.
Karuna ordered Pillaiyaan to turn over all the money in his possession and submit accounts.Pillaiyaan decided to jump the gun and sent a killer squad to assassinate Iniyabharathy in Batticaloa.Bharaty a Karuna loyalist had been asked by his leader to collect the money and accounts from Pillaiyaan. Iniyabharathy who is implicated in the abduction and murder of “Taraki” Sivaram went up the roof and escaped death.Pillaiyaan also sent killers to bump off Krishnan. But Krishnan had already checked out from the Colombo hotel where he was staying.
With these acts the split came out in the open. Factions began forming around both Karuna and Pillaiyaan. People like Sinnathamby, Iniyabharathi, Riyaseelan, Jeyathaan, Santhiveli Maamaa,Thileepan, Mahilan etc were with Karuna. People like Sinthujan, Sitha master,Markan, Thooyavan, Seelan , Sasi etc were with Pillaiyaan. People like TMVP spokesman Azad Moulana and Mangalan master are neutral.Clashes between both factions began occurring.
Soon cadres loyal to Pillaiyaan began fleeing Batticaloa – Amparai districts to Polonnaruwa and Trincomalee districts. Karuna loyalists began entrenching themselves in Battiicaloa. With areas like Karadiyanaaru and Kokkatticholai coming under army control TMVP cadres loyal to Karuna began moving there in large numbers. Most TMVP offices in the littoral became depleted in personnel.
It appears that the rank and file in the security forces stationed in the East are sympathetic towards Pillaiyaan. This is because it was Pillaiyaan who interacted with them at grass roots level. Also many of the “hela jathika’ Types in Trinco and Polonnaruwa are also partial towards Pillaiyaan. These elements have played a crucial role in sustaining the TMVP.
The military and defence ministry hierarchies favour Karuna at this juncture. They are pleased with the input he provided in the Vaaharai and Paduvaankarai military offensives. They need his expetise in the battles to come in the Wanni too. Karuna was successful in enticing Jeyathaan and some others from the LTTE into TMVP.Also Karuna is now a brand name to mobilise anti – tiger elements. Karuna is necessary till the East is fragmented and Sinhalaised. He may literally and metaphorically outlive his usefulness then.
In a show of mediation the military authorities summoned a peace parley at Vaakarai. TMVP stalwarts from both factions met to thrash out differences. Both Karuna and Pillaiyaan kept away. A compromise in the form of demarcated territorial control was proposed by the handlers.
Areas south of Batticaloa town from Aaraiyampathy to Pottuvil were to be under Karuna’s suzerainty; areas north of B’caloa from Aarumugathaankudiyiruppu to Verugal river were to be Pillaiyaan’s fiefdom. B’caloa town was to be common for both under supervision. The hinterland areas were to be decided upon later.
This demarcation was not to the liking of both factions clamouring to be “sole” representatives of Eastern Tamils. Arguments heated up and led to fisticuffs. At one point Iniyabharathy and Santhively Maama whipped out concealed pistols and fired away. Seelan and six others from Pillaiyaan faction were injured and are hospitalised.
The peace parley ended in pandemonium. Both factions grabbed people from the other faction and took them away as “human shields”. Thus Pillaiyaan factioni took Mahilan and some others as hostages. Karuna faction took Sinthujan and some others as hostages. Ironically the security forces “allowed” both factions to take captives and depart, providing safe escort to both groups returning to B’caloa, Karadiyanaaru and Trincomalee.
Sinthujan and some others were kept at the TMVP office – camp on Bar road in B’caloa town. Sinthujan is the man responsible for abducting and killing seven Tamil rehabilitation Organization (TRO) employees in 2006 January. He also led the gang rape of the TRO’s woman accountant.
Sinthujan and Vijitharan broke out of custody and tried to run away. Karuna loyalists gave chase and gunned them down near the toddy tavern junction. Vijitharan was killed instantaneously but a wounded Sinthujan was dragged away and brutally hacked to death. A Muslim auto rickshaw driver from Kattankudi who was passing by was also injured in the shooting.
Karuna loyalists have also abducted the wife of Seelan who was injured by Santhiveli Maamaa in the Vaakarai shooting. They have also broken into a number of houses belonging to TMVP leaders of the Pillaiyaan faction. Valuables have been looted and furniture destroyed. The houses of Seelan, Sitha master and Sasi were some residences affected.
One happy consequence of the Karuna – Pillaiyaan split is the remarkable drop in abductions for ransom in Colombo and forced conscription in Batticaloa. These activities however are likely to increase once the internal squabbling comes to an end.
Meanwhile military authorities are engaging with Karuna and Pillaiyaan separately to bring about a compromise. It is said that Karuna had to cut his European tour as a result. After promoting a split the handlers now hope to “unite” the weakened factions and manipulate them easily in the future. Such attempts could turn counterproductive because factional friction has can gather momentum to a point of no return.
If the Karuna – Pillaiyaan split becomes permanent the TMVP will be considerably weakened. Internecine warfare will debilitate both factions. It remains to be seen as to how this will affect the Rajapakse regime’s “chinthana” of fragmenting and Sinhalaising the East.With Karuna and Pillaiyaan clashing the ultimate victor could be Velupillai Pirapakaran.
Related: The tragic fate of TRO employees abducted by Karuna cadres
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May 8th, 2007
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
They took off from unknown locations within tiger controlled territory in the northern mainland of the Wanni; they flew hundreds of kilometres over hostile territory in the darkness of night ; they flew at low altitude to avoid being spotted on radar; and swooped down suddenly from the skies above their target area; they ejected their bombs on specific targets scoring 70% strike success; they flew back, missions accomplished , as pandemonium reigned below; they returned home and landed to be swallowed up into invisibility; they wait patiently for the next chance to soar again , strike and return home safely.
These were the small aircraft belonging to the fledgling air wing of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) that has defied all odds by conducting three “known” sorties in five weeks. The air wing dubbed Tamil Eelam Air Force (TAF) by the LTTE has dropped bombs on specific targets in Katunayake , Palaly, Myliddy , Kolonnawa and Kerawalapitiya. The extent of damage inflicted by the TAF may be disputed but the awesome shock of it all has rocked the nation.The effect is greater than the cause!
The LTTE’s nascent air wing has actually flown four sorties so far to bomb targets. The first one was on August 11th last year when two planes flew over Palaly and dropped a few bombs. It was a flop as they were all completely off – target. The mission was part of an ambitious bid by the LTTE to paralyse Trincomalee and invade Jaffna peninsula simultaneously. That plan backfired and was aborted. The air attack also failed.
The LTTE was coy about it and did not claim it openly. The LTTE controlled media organs were made to carry a news story that Northern residents had seen two planes flying low. It was reported that rockets were fired at Palaly from the air. LTTE defence spokesman “Marshall” Ilanthiraiyan when asked about it answered indirectly saying the tigers would protect the Tamil people with all available resources on land, sea and air.
The Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) was derisively dismissive. The GOSL said that no planes were sighted and that Palaly was targeted by LTTE artillery from Poonagary. It was as if the LTTE wanted cheap publicity about non – existent aircraft. Since the LTTE did not openly claim an air attack and did not contest the GOSL version most people believed the latter. The LTTE media had tried to pull a fast one it was felt. In retrospect the failed August air attack seems to have been an LTTE trial run.
The second air attack came this year on March 25th. Two planes flew over Katunayake and dropped three bombs each on the Air Force base. Five of them exploded. The Engineering and maintenance facility hangars were specifically targeted. Three air force personnel died and seventeen were injured. Some of the airmen were injured in the firing by colleagues who were blazing away at an enemy they thought was on surface.
The GOSL stated officially that three bombs were dropped and only two exploded. It was claimed that the damage was minimal. The elaborate air defence system was activated and the tiger planes had fled it was claimed. Inspired leaks appeared in Govt friendly media that the radars supplied by India were defective.
Interestingly enough no media persons were shown the damage or lack of damage at Katunayake. Even the SLMM was not allowed. Notwithstanding denials by Colombo informed reports in the Indian media stated that some K-firs and Mi 17 and Mi 24 helicopters were damaged. It was stated that 40 % of aircraft stationed at Katunayake were rendered dysfunctional.
These assertions were hotly denied. In order to prove such observations wrong and also as retaliatory action the tiger controlled areas were bombed ferociously for more than a week. Despite the intensity and frequency of aerial bombardment few K-firs were involved. The MIG ’s and F – 9’s were the ones sighted by people on ground.
Sections of the media then reported that the LTTE had “night vision” but not the Sri Lankan air forc(SLAF). So the SLAF began night time bombing. Paralights were fired and in the glow bombs were dropped. Though the SLAF has been bombing the Wanni almost daily it was noted that very few K-firs were involved.
After almost a month of aerial bombardment it appeared to sections of the defence establishment that the LTTE had learnt its lesson. The tiger however crouches only to pounce. On April 24 th the TAF flew into action. This time two planes headed north dropping four bombs in the Palaly – Vasavilaan – Kadduvan areas and two in Myliddy.
Residents of Valigamam north and south living in areas around the Palaly – Kankesanthurai – Myliddy high security zone said they had heard a series of explosions. Columns of fire and smoke were visible in the night to people living in Atchuvely, Pathaimeni and Vallalaai areas.
The LTTE claimed that their planes had bombed ammunition dumps, fuel depots, food storage complexes and aircraft maintenance facilities. This was strongly denied by the Govt which said that the planes had fled when an air defence system was activated. Six soldiers were killed and around 30 were injured admitted the Govt.But this was due to a fleeing plane dropping a bomb on a bunker it was said.
Interestingly enough Colombo residents along Galle road observed an unusually high rate of ambulances plying from Ratmalana to the military and national hospitals. The GOSL which is yet to take journalists to Katunayake only seventen miles away from Colombo opted to take selected scribes two hundred and forty miles away to Jaffna by air. Three ministers were also in the contingent.
This team returned and soon the ministers and a few lap dogs were bellowing the GOSL line about the air attack. The watchdogs however remained non – committal. Jeyaraj (no relation) Fernandopulle was hilarious in a BBC interview. He said that the GOSL had conducted more than a hundred air raids while the LTTE had only done two. He also challenged the LTTE to drop bombs at daylight if they dared.
Marshall Ilanthiraiyan who had openly claimed LTTE responsibility for Katunayake attack did so in the case of Palaly – Myliddy too. He also remarked facetiously to media that the LTTE would not launch any air attack “tomorrow” because of the World cup cricket match. Sri Lanka was playing New Zealand in the semi – final on that day. Apparenly even the tigers root for our cricketers it was projected.
This was seized upon by sections of the media and soon people were waxing eloquent about how even Pirapakaran was watching the match and how Cricket was unifying the warring nation. Nothing happened during the semi – final and Sri Lanka entered the final after winning handsomely. Everything was hunky – dory and President Rajapakse went to West Indies to presumably bask in reflected cricketing glory.
But world cup cricket or not, some people had different plans. Even as Colombo and rest of the Country sat glued to their TV sets on April 28th – 29th night SLAF planes flew over the Wanni and dropped eight bombs in Viswamadhu. The bombardment ended at 1.00 am . On the same day at 1. 50 am two TAF planes dropped bombs over the Kolonnawa oil storage complex. They also bombed the LP gas facility in Kerawalapitiya at 2. 05 am.
The quantitative destruction caused by TAF was minimal but the qualitative damage was enormous. Sri Lankans were engrossed in front of their TV’s as Sanath Jayasuria and Kumar Sangakkara were batting when power went off as Colombo’s elaborate air defence system was activated.Power was restored at 3. am but a false alarm about tiger planes coming over the sea saw lights out again at 3. 15 am. This black- out lasted till 4. 00 am.The Country was wide awake and became fully aware of an “air raid” by the LTTE .
There was also panic bordering on hysteria among security personnel. Para lights were sent up and artillery fired in the air. Tracer fire lined up the sky brightly like a Guy Fawkes display. Foreign journalists who witnessed the scene have written humorously about how soldiers were firing away with their guns at non -existent planes in the sky. Several security personnel and civilians were injured in the fall – out.
Despite the boasting it became vividly clear that the security forces were totally unprepared and had no effective game plan. Many persons displayed cowardice. At Katunayake air port some security personnel locked themselves up in a pathetic display. The firing in the air for a long time after the tiger planes had flown away was nothing more than a loud joke.
The Govt as usual came out with its tale of activating defence systems and chasing the planes away. It was also said that most of the six bombs dropped had missed their targets. The ensuing fires were brought under control soon. The LTTE claimed the operation to be a great success.
The LTTE’s Ilanthiraiyan who had gone on record that they would not engage in an air attack on world cup nights had an “excuse”. He said the GOSL had bombed Viswamadhu . So the LTTE had retaliated he said. This claim by Ilanthiraiyan is not valid. The Viswamadhu bombing by SLAF was over at 1.00 am The TAF dropped bombs at Kolonnawa at 1. 50 am The tiger planes could not have scrambled that quickly and reached Colombo within 45 minutes.
This means that both the SLAF and LTTE had planned to bomb each other during the time people were watching World cup final. Even if Colombo had not bombed Viswamadhu on that night the LTTE would most probably have engaged in bombing. But the Vishwamadhu bombing provided Ilanthiraiyan with a convenient excuse as retaliatory bombing. The LTTE was only following the GOSL in this as the Govt often justifies its bombing as retaliatory or pre-emptory in nature.
The Govt resumed bombing the Wanni with fervour. Later in the week the LTTE claimed that it had shot down a Mig 27 in the skies over Iranaimadhu. There were reports in the media of seeing a smoking plane reeling in the air. The LTTE said the plane after being hit had flown out over the sea and fallen. The GOSL denied this flatly. But in what seemed a strange co-incidence the bombing of Wanni has ceased for the past four days.
The April 29th air attack by the TAF succeeded greatly in making people in the South particularly those in Colombo and suburbs realise its full implications . Though the damage was minimal the manner in which the security forces responded magnified the threat to massive proportions. It also demonstrated how ill – equipped and ill – prepared they were to tackle such a situation. The Govt’s proud boasts of activated defence systems compelling the enemy to flee rang hollow.
The Govt inspired media reports about installing radars and anti – aircraft guns in all vulnerable positions is a grandiose plan. In practical terms it is of little utility. It is a moot point as to how many places or points can be “protected” in this way. What Colombo fails to comprehend or simply tries to gloss over is the fact that the LTTE has an air capability of taking on any target in the Island. The TAF planes can fly north, south, east or west. They can drop bombs on virtually anything and need not confine themselves strictly to distinct military targets alone.
Against that backdrop the strategy to be adopted by the GOSL cannot be defensive alone. While some such preparations are necessary military analysts feel the LTTE air threat cannot be overcome that way. The logical option is to be on the offensive. Instead of being on the defensive the GOSL should go on the offensive and destroy the TAF aircraft thry say . For this the GOSL must conduct a massive ground – based drive into LTTE territory and destroy the planes is the idea suggested. Accurate bombing of planes on ground is also possible.
Theoretically the LTTE air threat can be eliminated only by going on the offensive and destroying the planes but in practical terms it is an almost impossible task. Chief among reasons for this situation is the fact that the GOSL lacks proper intelligence or information about the TAF. Whatever Colombo knows about the TAF seems to be woefully inadequate or totally erroneous.
One fact being trumpeted is that the LTTE has an air strip in Iranaimadhu. This is based on an Unmanned Aerial vehicle (UAV)spotting small planes on a makeshift air strip in Iranaimadhu. Thereafter Iranaimadhu was frequently bombed. It has been said on more than one occasion that Iranaimadhu air strip has been bombed out of sight and that LTTE air capability has been destroyed.
An interesting question that arises in this context is why the UAV’s or anyone else for that matter have failed to see any LTTE aircraft in any other place at any time. The planes have been there for nearly a decade but there is no such instance except Iranaimadhu. Was the LTTE that has been able to successfully conceal its air craft from sight slip up only in the solitary case of Iranaimadhu? Very unlikely!
The chances are that the UAV spotted planes in Iranaimadhu only because the LTTE wanted it that way. Mechanical UAV intelligence is no substitute for human intelligence. During “Operation Jayasikurui” the LTTE once set up in Mannakulam a cardboard cum hardboard structure of a camp as decoy. It was photographed aerially and the special forces launched a secret operation to surround and destroy it. It was a trap and the tigers lying in ambush made mincemeat out of the beleaguered soldiers.
Likewise there is every possibility that the LTTE cleverly set the stage for Iranaimadhu to be regarded as the LTTE air strip. The GOSL claims it has “de – commissioned” Iranaimadhu several times through intense bombardment. But still LTTE planes are taking off and landing in the Wanni without hitch. If so either Iranaimadhu must be functional or the tigers have another location or locations for aircraft take – offs and landings. In it’s the latter, Colombo has been suckered over Iranaimadhu.
Another point to be noted is about the TAF and aircraft in its possession. Had the LTTE simply bombed and kept silent there would have been no clear picture or definite proof of what actually happened or who was responsible. The LTTE however claimed credit after the March operation. Moreover in a media – friendly gesture the LTTE provided pix of the plane allegedly used and “masked” TAF personnel posing for camera with tiger supremo Velupillai Pirapakaran.
Much of the speculation and analysis about the LTTE air wing is due mainly to those tiger revelations. Various media have promptly used those pix as authentic.Again the question that arises is how does anyone know whether the pictures are true or real? Were the planes in those pix actually the ones that flew on TAF missions? Are the masked guys in the pix actually Tamil Eelam Air Force members? Would the LTTE actually fly in a “painted” plane like that? Would the LTTE expose its prized air wing cadres to the world wearing thinly veiled masks? Are plane pix of one air craft or of many intended to confuse?
Much is now being written by self – styled experts about the LTTE’s air wing. Many of these facts by learned analysts contradict each other. One says the planes were obtained from South Africa. Another says they were acquired via Australia. There is also a lot of speculation about the number and types of aircraft in LTTE possession. There is speculation about where and how the planes take off and land and which fly route they use. Despite this glut of information the stark truth is that no one really knows anything tangible.
How many aircraft does the LTTE have? what kinds are they? Where were they purchased? How were they brought into the Island? Were they assembled or simply flown in? What innovative features have been added on to the planes? Who is flying them? Who does the maintenance? Where did the pilots and technicians study and train ? Are there “kamikaze” type black air tigers? How does the LTTE conceal their air craft? Where are they kept? How do they take off and land and above all from where ?
Where did the pilots practice nocturnal , low – altitude flying? What is the LTTE’s game plan with TAF? Why did they not use aircraft earlier when hard pressed? Is the LTTE able to sustain its air capability? Can the LTTE procure aviation fuel? Can the TAF survive anti- aerial artillery and air attacks for long?
These are but some of the questions regarding the so called Tamil Eelam Air Force. Harsh reality is that in spite of a lot of information being provided by experts and analysts there is no real knowledge about anything concrete. Everything seems speculative and in some instances available information may be inaccurate. Analysis on the basis of inaccuracies can only be imperfect.
So far the LTTE has been using two small air craft for air attacks. This may lead to the impression that the tigers have only two such planes. This could be wrong. The TAF may be using different planes and possibly different personnel in each operation. There could also be a number of planes in different sizes in LTTE possession. They could be used en masse at some future stage. Suicide planes crashing on to targets also cannot be ruled out
In such a situation the GOSL does not have sufficient information to evolve a battle plan to invade the Wanni and take out TAF asircraft. Even if it does the spirited defence by the LTTE at Muhamaalai, Palamottai, Mullikulam etc suggest that penetrating the Wanni wont be a cake walk.
The other option is to bomb the planes on ground. Again for that precise information about aircraft whereabouts is needed. If they are in underground hangars powerful “bunker – buster” type bombs have to be dropped with exact precision. In the absence of such intelligence only random, haphazard bombing is possible without any idea of where intended targets are.. Much of the bombing that went on is of this type and heaps increased burdens on the helpless people.
There is also an ironic complexity in the situation. The GOSL downplays the LTTE air threat to the Sinhala people. It pooh poohs the whole thing and claims to be on top of the situation. While downsizing the threat to its domestic constituency the GOSL exaggerates it internationally. Attempts are made to depict the LTTE’s air capability as posing a serious threat to the world thereby requiring concerted action to eradicate it.
The LTTE on the other hand plays ardently to the Tamil “gallery”. The expatriate Tamil cash cows are a specific target. So too is Tamil Nadu. The tigers after suffering many reversals on ground are playing the rise of LTTE air power as their trump card in a desperate political poker game. While projecting a larger than life image of its air wing and arousing Tamil expectations the LTTE is playing it low key with the foreign countries. This downplaying is necessary to avoid unnecessary provocation of any type.
This is because the LTTE knows that arousing concern or opposition to its air wing internationally can be dangerous. In the final analysis only lack of international support stands between the LTTE and its cherished goal of Tamil Eelam. Even if support for that is not forthcoming at this juncture the tigers would at least like to prevent the global community from coming down hard on them. For this the LTTE would like to remove irritants. In the case of its air wing the LTTE cannot and will not remove that “irritant” but would like it to be as less “irritating” as possible.
The dice however is loaded against the LTTE on this. The international community (IC)will not like a “non – state actor” like the tigers to posses effective air capability. The tragedy of Sep 11th 2001 where terrorists crashed airplanes on to the twin towers has changed the western world. Any organization with terrorist credentials having air capability will not be tolerated . The LTTE having such capability is a worrisome factor.
Yet there has been no formal condemnation of the LTTE in this respect. This is due to the fact that the LTTE has succeeded so far in avoiding civilian targets and casualties. More importantly there is no valid basis to condemn one party when the other party has been brazenly violating the ceasefire and engaging in bombing sprees since April 25th 2006.
Also the GOSL bombings have resulted in a humanitarian tragedy comprising massive displacement. death and destruction. The TAF bombings are a mosquito bite in comparison. The IC is annoyed with the Rajapakse regime for its poor record in human rights and constitutional reform. It may adopt a tactical silence for now till the regime changes or changes its ways
This does not mean that the IC will veer around to the tiger camp or let the LTTE off the hook. The IC is extremely concerned about LTTE intransigence also. Its air capability is a fearsome factor particularly to India notwithstanding the LTTE’s assertions to the contrary. The more the LTTE increases its air capability the more the IC will become anxious. Already signs of an international crackdown on the LTTE are visible in France, USA and Australia. These developments are not entirely unrelated to the LTTE developing its air capability.
Therefore the euphoria amidst sections of the pro – tiger Diaspora may be pre – mature or misplaced. Talk of a shift in the power balance is both incorrect and foolish. There never can and never will be balance of power between an accredited state like Sri Lanka and an organization like the LTTE. Theories about LTTE being on par with the GOSL were figments of calculated imagination aiming to lull the tigers into a complacency and false sense of superiority. This bubble burst in the east recently. Now fresh “air” bubbles are being blown.
Until very recently the overwhelming Tamil mood was that of despondency as GOSL aircraft bombed and artillery shelled civilian areas indiscriminately. The Sinhala hawks were up beat with the expectation that the LTTE was about to be vanquished. The doves were silenced. Some sprouted hawkish feathers. With the LTTE air attacks the moods are reversing.
The Tamil diaspora is euphoric. The Sinhala diaspora is fuming. The Govt is trying to prove that TAF attacks were failures because of purported minimal damage. What Colombo misses is that the LTTE attacks cannot be measured in those terms. It goes far beyond the damage done. The attacks are symbolic and have a political dimension.
The tigers have shown that they cannot be simply written off as a military entity. They may be down but are not out. The nascent TAF shows the tigers can rise phoenix like from the ashes. What is more the tiger message to Colombo, the Tamils and the world at large is that they will continue fighting for their goal whatever the consequences. They are the defiant ones.
What cannot be denied is that the LTTE has proved once again that it is wily, resilient, innovative and capable of power projection with inadequate resources. The air tigers or TAF have demonstrated that they can accomplish missions successfully against overwhelming odds. Given the current situation of confusion and panic in the South and the security forces inability to confront a new challenge the LTTE image has transformed into gigantic “Vishwaroobha” proportions.
Unlike the SLAF the LTTE’s TAF has not targeted Sinhala civilians. No Sinhala civilian has suffered directly. Yet there is mass panic bordering on hysteria. This palpable sense of confusion and fear is contributing to loss of morale among people and security forces. This is due to GOSL propaganda building up an “invincibility” myth of armed forces due to superior air power, fire power and man power over the LTTE. This myth has been pricked at least in terms of air power.
Consequently LTTE sections of the Tamil diaspora is going ballistic. The vociferous minority hogging the megaphone is shouting about Sinhala civilians having to suffer like Tamil civilians. Two wrongs cannot make a right. No one who has seen the suffering wrought on innocent civilians by aerial attacks will want that to be inflicted on other civilians. The need of the hour is to avoid targeting civilians.
There is also an upbeat mood in the Tamil diaspora that the war is won. People wish each other about the “birth of Tamil Eelam” over air. It is as if the entire situation has transformed in the LTTE’s favour and Tamil Eelam is within sight. Memories are dangerously short. Such moods have been witnessed in 1995 when the LTTE acquired surface to air missiles and shot down planes too. Ultimately it was the LTTE that got ousted from Jaffna.
The current state of affairs cannot remain static for long. Time and again during this conflict the South has displayed panic , confusion and even cowardice when confronted with new threats and dangers. There is virtual paralysis. But after a while there is a rallying point. Thereafter the South renews itself and steels its resolve to confront and overcome challenges. Without this collective characteristic the Sinhala people would not have evolved as an independent nation. This is the lesson that history both ancient and modern teaches us.
In that context observers feel that it is but a matter of time before the South gets its act together and faces up to the LTTE air threat intelligently and courageously. If Colombo adheres to IC requests and re – formulates its military approach to that of a politico – military approach , mindful of human rights considerations and appropriate conflict resolution, norms then International support could be forthcoming in a big way.
If and when this happens the current situation could change drastically in favour of Colombo. Until then however the present situation is one where the high – flying tigers through their air capability have elevated the current conflict to new heights. (pun intended).
Yet the Tamil people must understand that TAF fireworks displays cannot by themselves restore their lost rights. The displacement of more than 160, 000 civilians in the east and the regimes project of fragmenting and Sinhalaising the East is far more dangerous. Can the TAF stop that?
What the Sinhala and Tamil people must understand is that there is no military solution.There can only be a political settlement. The Island cannot be a mono – state of the Sinhala Buddhists; there cannot be two states of Sri Lanka and Tamil Eelam either. What is required is a re- structuring of the Country on federal or quasi – federal lines. No other solution seems feasible.
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May 4th, 2007
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
May 1st this year marked the 300th anniversary of the Act of Union which formally joined England and Scotland together as constituents of the United Kingdom. As Scotland goes to polls on May 3rd that “union ” may be in dire straits with the Scottish Nationalist Party campaigning on a separatist platform.
The Scotland situation will impact on Sri Lanka where a debate rages about pros and cons of devolution. While those in favour argue that devolution would contain Tamil separatism those against say that greater devolution is a slow recipe for separation.
In the case of Scotland it appears that enhanced devolution in recent times has whetted appetite for secession rather than diluting the demand. In that context the anti – devolutionists in Sri Lanka are likely to cite Scotland as an example where devolution paved the way for independence / secession instead of strenghthening unity and territorial integrity.
Scotland was an independent Country till 1707.Although the crowns of both kingdoms had been held by the same people since 1603, when James VI of Scotland succeeded Elizabeth I of England as James I, each country had its own parliament and legal system, border tensions remained high and trade and social barriers remained formidable. The 1707 Acts merged England and Scotland’s parliaments and abolished trade barriers, although the countries retained distinct legal systems.
The Scottish nationalist party which leads the campaign for Scottish independence raised the demand in this years election to the Scottish Parliament scheduleded for May 3rd. The SNP manifesto concluded “It’s time Scotland had a voice in the world.” An independent Scotland would scrap Trident and would not have gone to war in Iraq, the SNP promised. The money saved could be invested in public services.
The SNP has been enjoying a comfortable five to ten point lead in opinion polls. The latest Times/Populus poll predicted the SNP could take 50 seats at Holyrood, beating Labour into second place with 43.
However, this would still not give the party a majority in the Scottish Parliament, forcing them into a coalition. In a set back to the SNP, potential coalition partners the Liberal Democrats said yesterday they would block any referendum on Scottish independence.
Ironically the setting up of a Scottish Parliament itself was part of greater devolution given to Scotland by the current labour government. Devolution expected to wean Scotland away from secession seems to have been counterproductive. It has added new energy and vision to the SNP in its quest for Scottish independence.
According to political observers the Scottish National Party was founded in 1934 with the aim of uniting the nationalist movement through the merger of the left-leaning pro-independence National Party of Scotland (NPS) and the Scottish Party, a group of former Conservatives preferring home rule. At the time of the merger, the home rulers’ views prevailed, and the SNP rejected the goal of full independence.
The SNP’s share of the Scottish vote in general elections since its formation are: 1935 – 1.1 per cent; 1945 – 1.2 per cent; 1950 – 0.4 per cent; 1951 – 0.3 per cent; 1955 – 0.5 per cent; 1959 – 0.5 per cent; 1964 – 2.4 per cent; 1966 – 5.0 per cent; 1970 – 11.4 per cent; February 1974 – 21.9 per cent; October 1974 – 30.4 per cent; 1979 – 17.3 per cent; 1983 – 11.7 per cent; 1987 – 14.0 per cent; 1992 – 21.5 per cent; 1997 – 22.1 per cent; and 2001 – 20.1 per cent.
The Scotland Act 1978 made provision for a referendum on devolution. Although the March 1979 referendum found a majority of those voting in favour (1,230,937 – around 77,000 more than those against), it did not achieve the 40 per cent of the overall electorate threshold required for the result to stand.
The failure of the referendum saw the start of a period of decline for the SNP, as it fell victim to factionalism, with the expulsion of members of Siol nan Gaidheal and the leftwing 79 Group.
Under the Conservative Thatcher and Major governments there was little impetus to revive the devolution project, but it remained part of Labour’s agenda – what John Smith famously called Labour’s “unfinished business”. In 1988, a Scottish Constitutional Convention was formed, bringing together MPs, MEPS, local authorities, the STUC, business, church and civic groups, which produced its final report, ‘Scotland’s Parliament. Scotland’s Right’ calling for a Scottish Parliament in 1995.
On its return to power in 1997, Labour set out its plans for a Scottish Parliament and a referendum in September that year. 1,775,045 (74.3 per cent) voted in favour of a Scottish Parliament, with 614,400 (25.7 per cent) against; and 1,512,889 (63.5 per cent) supported giving the Parliament tax-varying powers, with 870,263 (36.5 per cent) against. The Scottish Parliament was established in 1999.
Although independence from the UK remains an SNP objective, it still remains a minority concern and many radical proponents accuse the party of having compromised itself through participating in the Scottish Parliament, which remains subject to Westminster. The SNP includes both ‘gradualist’ and ‘fundamentalist’ wings, which even some within the party have warned may be hard to reconcile.
Despite the Scottish Parliament having considerable powers, Westminster reserves a wide range of policy areas, including defence and foreign policy, which are widely thought to be necessary for independent statehood.
An ICM/Sunday Telegraph poll in November 2006 said 52 per cent of Scots favoured an independent Scotland. The poll also suggested that 59 per cent of English voters also support independence for Scotland.
British Prime Minister Tony Blair branded as “absurd” the SNP leader Alex Salmond’s claim that Scots could vote for independence in the SNP’s planned referendum and then return to the UK if they then wished.
“The idea of a reverse referendum is absurd. But it underlines again the utterly fundamental choice facing Scotland and the UK this Thursday,” Mr Blair said.
He added: “When even the SNP accept people may want to reverse independence, it leads yet again to this simple question: what is all the cost, chaos and instability for?”
Mr Blair insisted a Scottish government should not be dedicated to “breaking up the UK,” but instead looking at how to make Scotland work as part of the UK, focusing on health, education and crime.
The prime minister was speaking after a BBC Scotland leaders’ debate at Aberdeen University, where the future of the union was first on the agenda.
Mr Salmond had argued that an independent Scotland would mirror the success of small nations such as Norway and Iceland and would act in a “partnership of equals” with England.
Ian Bremmer , president of Eurasia Group, a political-risk consultancy and the author of “the J curve: A new way to understand why nations rise and fall” has summed up the situation in a recent essay. excerpts are produced below
On May 1, England and Scotland will mark the 300th anniversary of the treaty that wedded the two within the United Kingdom. The festivities won’t last long. Two days later, Scottish voters are expected to hand dominance of Scotland’s parliament to the separatist Scottish National Party, which has called for a popular referendum to force a divorce.
Prospects for Scottish independence are far from certain. Even if the SNP finishes first on May 3, it’s not at all clear it can win enough seats to bring independence to a vote in 2010. Even if it does, Scots may not be ready to cut all ties with England. But nationalist control of Scotland’s parliament, with or without a vote on independence, poses plenty of risks — for the UK, for Scotland and perhaps for unity in other European countries.
To ease tensions within the marriage eight years ago, Tony Blair’s Labour government launched a plan to create a Scottish parliament and provided it with authority over local affairs in hopes that devolution of power would slow momentum toward independence. Since then, Blair has become increasingly unpopular in Scotland. In particular, his support for the U.S.-led war in Iraq has antagonized many Scots and handed the once-marginalized SNP a winning political issue.
As Scotland’s own Labour Party loses political ground, the SNP’s appeal has grown. The nationalist party currently holds 25 seats in Scotland’s 129-seat parliament. Polling suggests it will likely increase that number to between 45 and 50 on May 3, largely at Labour’s expense.
Yet, a referendum is hardly a sure thing. Even if these projections prove accurate, the nationalists will lack the 65 seats needed for a majority, forcing them to seek a governing partner. They will probably have to tap the Liberal Democrats, who oppose a referendum. Even if a vote on independence were held, opinion polls cast doubt on the outcome.
Depending on how the referendum question is phrased, support for a full break from the United Kingdom receives as little as 30 percent support. As a result, the party may temporarily settle for a transfer of new powers from the British government, helping it claim progress toward full independence without losing support from some who oppose the referendum.
Scotland’s Liberal Democrats will support that option. Unlike the nationalists, they are part of a Britain-wide political party and oppose a clean break from London, but they would gladly claim credit for winning new powers for Scotland’s parliament.
Together, the two parties would likely demand that Westminster grant the Scottish parliament new powers on local issues — for example, on immigration, taxation and civil-service reform plans. Dominance of parliament will also offer the SNP a megaphone with which to demand that Scotland profit more directly from the United Kingdom’s North Sea oil and gas reserves.
On the other hand, prospects for a Scottish republic may not be as remote as some think. If the SNP unexpectedly wins 50 or more seats, it may ally instead with independents and Greens to grab majority control of parliament. SNP chief Alex Salmond could then keep his promise to schedule the referendum.
If so, the three-year pre-referendum campaign is certain to be contentious. British officials will warn that an independent Scotland will be isolated and poorer. Salmond will counter that the new country can rightly claim up to 90 percent of the UK’s North Sea energy reserves and that the proceeds would finance Scandinavian-level prosperity.
In addition, polls that now suggest limited support for independence may not tell the final story. This current polling hardly indicates how Scots will vote in 2010. After all, surveys from three years ago did not reveal the now obvious rise of the SNP. Further, Britain may well have a conservative-led government by then. If so, left-leaning Scotland is much more likely to vote for divorce.
Plus, polling already suggests that the SNP-designed phrasing of the referendum question might well win majority support. Scots were asked in November 2006 how they would respond to the question the SNP intends to place on the ballot: “Do you agree that the Scottish Parliament should negotiate a new settlement with the British government so that Scotland becomes a sovereign and independent state?” Fifty-two percent said yes. If global oil prices remain high or climb higher over the next three years, the separatist case will be an easier one to make.
Even if an SNP government lacks the votes to schedule the referendum, tensions between England and Scotland will grow. The Scottish parliament will seek (and likely receive) new concessions from Westminster, provoking resentment in England. Many English officials argue it is inherently unfair that Scottish members of Britain’s parliament now vote on health and education issues affecting English voters, while English lawmakers have virtually no say in Scottish affairs.
In addition, as part of the original devolution plan, British subsidies provide Scottish students with free university tuition and elderly Scots with free long-term health care, benefits the English must pay for. Scottish voters counter that these subsidies are financed with revenue from North Sea oil and gas, much of it extracted from “Scotland’s waters.” Yet, polls suggest that many English voters are now content to see Scotland fend for itself.
This is a particularly awkward problem for the member representing the Scots of Kirkcaldy and Cowdenbeath, British Labour’s prime minister-in-waiting Gordon Brown. If his countrymen vote to bolt from the United Kingdom, those who ask “who lost Scotland?” will surely point toward Brown — especially since the original devolution of powers was Labour’s idea.
Yet, an SNP-led government also poses risks for Scotland’s economy. If Britain grants the Scottish parliament powers to set local tax rates, Scotland’s business climate could quickly cloud over. Scotland is home to a significant financial services industry. Two of Europe’s top 10 banks are headquartered in Edinburgh, as is a substantial part of the British insurance industry. These commercial leaders trust Britain’s “new Labour” government more than they do Scotland’s left-wing nationalists.
Anticipating this, the SNP has pledged to reduce the level of regulation for the financial services sector and lower corporate taxes from 28 percent to 20 percent following independence.
Market skepticism will not be so easily appeased. Financial services firms fear the uncertainty that would follow an SNP triumph, and a three-year pre-referendum campaign would generate plenty.
The implications of a nationalist-led Scottish parliament, with or without an independence referendum, could extend well beyond the borders of the UK. An SNP victory and talk of the break-up of the United Kingdom could embolden separatists among the Catalans and Basques of Spain, Flemish-speakers in Belgium, and even those in northern Italy who favor a break from that country’s less prosperous south. These movements have developed over many years under different historical circumstances. But progress toward Scottish independence could help generate separatist momentum within any of these states.
An immediate European domino effect following Scotland’s elections is extremely unlikely. But large-scale political movements — toward democratization, decolonization, socialism, free-market capitalism or nationalism, for example — tend to develop in waves. Break-up of the United Kingdom, a prosperous liberal democracy, would send shockwaves across European borders — and might one day create new ones.
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May 3rd, 2007
By D.B.S Jeyaraj
Disturbing information has come to light that soldiers in civilian attire were responsible for shooting passengers and crew of a private bus going from Mannar to Colombo on Monday April 23rd at Chettikulam.
Seven persons comprising the driver, conductor and five passengers were killed and a further thirty – seven injured in the incident.
The private bus named “Kapilan” had left Mannar for Colombo at about 9.00 pm fully packed with passengers. The bus was going along the Mannar – Medawachiya road when a claymore mine went off .
The incident occurred near Manik farm in the Chettikulam area about 125 metres away from where an army detachment was stationed.
The bus was hit but the driver managed to drive the tottering vehicle several yards forward and then stopped.
Evan as passengers both Tamil and Muslim were shouting in panic a gang of armed men in civilian clothing boarded the vehicle and sprayed it with bullets.
The bus driver, conductor and five passengers including an engineer were killed in the incident. A further thirty – seven were seriously injured.
The assassins had then gone off in the direction of the security forces camp.
While some people were injured in the landmine attack most of the victims received injuries in the shooting. The deaths too were due to shooting.
Though news reports said all victims were a result of the claymore mine explosion there is now information available that the shooting caused most damage.
Given the proximity of the security camp and eye – witness reports that the assassins had walked towards the camp instead of fleeing soldiers in civils are suspected of being responsible for both the landmine and subsequent shooting.
The act was in revenge for a landmine attack by the LTTE on a bus plying between Mannar and Vavuniya on April 7th. Several passengers , Tamil and Muslim, were killed and injured in the attack.
A contingent of soldiers on the bus were also victimised. One died and six were injured.
Meanwhile the Mannar citizens committee has written to President Rajapakse asking him to ensure civilian safety and also initiate an investigation into both incidents on April 7th and 23rd.
The text of the appeal is given below:
“We the members of the Mannar Citizens’ Committee are compelled by circumstances beyond our control to appeal to your Honor in particular and the conscience of the world community in general about the recent brutal killings perpetrated on the helpless and defenseless bus passengers traveling from Mannar to Vavuniya on 7th of April as well as Mannar to Colombo on 23rd April 2007.
It is an accepted axiom among the civilized nations of the world that any government worthy of its name should take all measures to protect the lives and properties of its subjects.
Under such desperate and dangerous circumstances the innocent and defenseless citizens of Sri Lanka are left with no alternative, but to appeal to your Excellency for timely intervention and assistance.
May we take the liberty of spotlighting the two recent merciless attacks on the buses packed with passengers by unknown persons within the fully tight security areas of the Sri Lankan security forces.
The attack was perpetrated at 7.45am on the CTB bus which left for Vavuniya from Mannar at 6.00am on 7th of April 2007 in the broad daylight. The claymore explosive fitted on to a tree was detonated by some unknown persons in the absolutely controlled area along Kannaty – Piramanalankulam road in the broad daylight.
In this dastardly act of brutality, seven innocent civilians including the driver of the bus and an army soldier were killed on the spot. In addition 25 passengers were wounded and taken to Vavuniya and Anuradhapura hospitals for treatment.
On the 23rd of April 2007 at about 11.30 pm a gruesome attack was perpetrated on a private bus named “Kabilan” which left Mannar at 9.00 pm fully packed with passengers. The incident took place along Mannar – Madawachchiya road near Manik-Farm. The bus which was hit by a claymore explosion dragged on for a short distance and came to an abrupt halt. According to some survived passengers some unknown armed persons got in to the bus and immediately started firing at random on the passengers who were pitiably crying for help. In this merciless firing 6 persons inclusive of the driver and the conductor of the bus were killed and 37 passengers were wounded.
Both these gruesome incidents had taken place in the controlled areas of the Security Forces.
The people who undertake long night bus journeys rely on the protection of the security forces.
In the above the circumstances our categorical demands are:-
1.To appoint a commission of inquiry into the killings concerned with the two above attacks. The culprits whoever they may be should be identified and brought before law and meted with due punishment.
2. To bring an immediate end to these types of human rights violations, extra judicial killings and extortions which also have raised their ugly heads in the district in the recent past.
To take action to see that the government in power in Sri Lanka takes adequate measures to safe-guard the lives of the innocent passengers who solely rely on the protection at the government for their safety and security.
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May 1st, 2007
By D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Two Tamils of Sri Lankan origin currently residing in Australia were arrested and produced in courts on May 1st for allegedly funding the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.
Two Melbourne residents were produced in courts charged with providing material support and funding to Sri Lanka’s Tamil Tigers.
Aruran Vinayagamoorthy, 32, of Mt Waverley, and Sivarajah Yathavan, 36, of Vermont South, appeared in Melbourne Magistrates Court on May 1st afternoon after their arrests earlier in the day .
They were each charged with intentionally being a member of a terrorist organisation and providing support and making funds available to a terrorist organisation.
The offences are alleged to have occurred between July 6, 2002, and May 1, 2007.
Commonwealth prosecutor Mark Dean SC said the defendants collected money in Australia that was sent through various channels in Asia to the Sri Lanka-based Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), or Tamil Tigers.
Mr Dean also said the pair supported the organisation by providing electronic and marine equipment.
He said authorities searched the mens’ homes where further evidence was obtained.
However, defence lawyer Rob Stary said more information on the nature of the charges the men faced was needed so they could apply for bail.
The men were remanded in custody until July 24 for a committal mention.
Australians may have been duped into giving money to fund a bloody civil war by two men accused of providing material support and funding to Sri Lanka’s Tamil Tigers under the pretence of raising money for tsunami relief appeals, police alleged .
Australian Federal Police Assistant Commissioner Frank Prendergast said prior to the men appearing in court that police would allege that tsunami relief appeals were used as a vehicle for some of the fund-raising for the Tamil Tigers.
Both men arrested Tuesday for raising money for Sri Lanka’s Tamil Tiger rebels, were not planning an attack in Australia, police said.
“There is no evidence that these two men were planning to carry out a terrorist attack in Australia,” Frank Prendergast, a senior counterterrorism officer with the Australian Federal Police, said in a statement.
“It will be alleged in court that these men are members of an organization engaging in terrorist activity overseas and they have been providing active, material support to that group,” he said.
Australia list the rebels, formally known as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, as a terrorist group in accordance with a U.N. charter relating to financing terrorism.
Both men, one aged 32 and the other 36, were arrested in Melbourne on Tuesday in a joint operation by federal police and Victoria state police.
Both men were charged with being a member of a terrorist organization, with providing support to a terrorist organization and with intentionally receiving making funds available to a terrorist organization.
They face a maximum penalty of 25 years imprisonment if charges are proved.
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May 1st, 2007