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LTTE and Tamil People: Setting the scene–II

by Prof.Michael Roberts

PART TWO

In their moral anguish the human rights activists of compassionate heart took little note of this powerful element in the firmament embracing the northern Vanni. None of them spelt out the means by which the LTTE could be persuaded to release the people in their besieged territory (as pointed out in one comment in groundviews). Take Lionel Bopage’s first response in groundviews to my first Dilemmas article: "there is an urgent need for the involvement of an international body such as the UN, to create a safe passage to affected civilians and ensure their protection." The peremptory demand bears an evangelical strain: an expectation of some miraculous happening through the agency of the UN or some other international outfit. Even with my limited expertise in the field of international affairs, this seemed to be a utopian anticipation: the UN machinery is quite cumbersome, while the global politics bearing on penetrations into the sovereign territory of nation states is labyrinthine (as events proved).

I wondered to myself at that point if some of the leading activists would offer to make up a team that would combine with LTTE sympathisers of the diaspora, say, the Editor of the Tamil Guardian, in order to helicopter into LTTE territory under a white flag organised by local ICRC personnel; and there, in that forlorn context, attempt to persuade the Tiger leadership to lay down arms and abstain from any bargaining demands (the other object of the LTTE exodus exercise). "Let the people go" voiced by personnel who are not enemies could have been a powerful appeal. If such a successful emergency intervention had taken place at that point, then, of course, I would have been pleased to eat all my words.

Dilemmas focused on the immediate situation in early February 2009. As Bopage knows well, I remain firmly committed to "a political solution which genuinely devolves power to address the issues that gave rise to the war in the first place" (Bopage’s words immediately after the part-sentence that I have quoted). Arguably, though of course debatably, the military defeat of the LTTE may facilitate that process, if -- a big IF this -- Sinhala triumphalism and the chauvinist forces within the governing coalition do not climb to reigning position.

Political devolution and a process of development that equalises job opportunities for the people of north and east are both integral to such post-war goals. This urgent project of the immediate future must enshrine the fundamental rights of Tamil, Muslim and all other citizens of Sri Lanka in ways that do not render them subject to the whims of new elected governments and all-powerful Presidents. The Sri Lankan Tamil peoples’ struggle for dignity and self-determination from the 1950s, after, all, did not seek this status as a gift from the Sinhalese, but as the rights of citizens of Sri Lanka. The principle of a consociation of nationalities within the Sri Lankan nation, or a "new form of confederative alliance that gives scope to the majoritarian force of the Sinhala nation without subsuming the Tamil nation and Muslim community" (Roberts 2000b), a principle that rejects the subordination of whole (Sri Lankan) within part (Sinhalese), must, as I have insisted consistently (Roberts 2000c, 2002, 2008a, b and c), be a pillar in this new scaffolding.

The nature of the possible political settlement in the coming months is not the issue I raise here. That vital focus has already been signalled by GROUNDVIEWS in its appeal for suggestions on the subject (see one note by me – Roberts 2009e). Important suggestions have been presented by web-articles by Rajan Philips, Dushy Ranetunge, et cetera. As self-evident, the terrain I cover in the two sets of articles addresses (A) the cultural ingredients conditioning and motivating the sacrificial dedication to cause demonstrated by the vast majority of Tiger fighters -- not just the karumpuli; (B) the relationship between the LTTE regime and the Tamil people in the lands they ruled; and (C) the degree of coercion and/or popular participation in the exodus activated by the LTTE in the northern Vanni in late 2008 when the Sri Lankan army juggernaut got rolling and the LTTE mounted what must, in military terms, be considered a magnificent retreat in the circumstances.

Ironically, some GOSL spokesmen and some human rights agencies/activists seem to be agreed in their conclusion that the Tamil peoples of exodus were "forced" into moving with the retreating Tigers. This, in my view, is a sweeping generalisation. The fact that some 65,000 of these civilians have struggled out of Tigerland in the past three months is not proof of the government contention as generalisation.

That is to read the present into the past of, say, August-November 2008. We must allow for a change of minds. And I insist that the relationship between LTTE regime and people between 1990 and mid-2008 had some symbiotic strands and participatory faith/hope/ oneness. The kudumbum (m?v?rar familie) and the kinfolk of active LTTE cadres had stakes in the regime – rather like the soldier families settled on Saipan by the Japanese state. In both instances I refuse to believe that all the civilians had no agency and were mere ciphers responding to the dictates of the command state when they joined in the exodus in Sri Lanka or jumped en masse off Banzai Cliff in Saipan in mid-1944. Readiness to negate one’s being for the higher purpose of an ultra-nationalist cause is a possibility that I present as counter-point to views that treat all the people as corks on water. This is a question, a quarrel really, about agency.

Part I - Tamil people and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam I

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bopage, Lionel 2009 "Colombo, English, Human Rights, IDPs and Refugees, Jaffna, Peace and Conflict, Politics," www.groundviews.org, mid-February.

Jeyaraj, D. B. S. 2009a"Top Tiger leaders killed in a major debacle for LTTE," www.transcurrents.com, 6 April.

Jeyaraj, D. B. S. 2009b "Theepan of the LTTE: Heroic Saga of a Northern Warrior," Daily Mirror, 11 April 2009.

Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko 2002 Kamikaze, Cherry Blossoms and Nationalisms, The Militarization of Aesthetics in Japanese History, University of Chicago Press.

Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko 2006 Kamikaze Diaries. Reflections on Japanese Student Soldiers, University of Chicago Press.

Roberts, M. 2000b "History as Dynamite," Prav?da, vol. 6, no. ?, pp. 11-13. Also published in the Island Special Millennium Issue, 1 Jan 2000, pp. 43-44

Roberts, M. 2000c "The Sri Lankan Identity," Lanka Monthly Digest, November 2000, vol 7: 4, pp. 43-44.

Roberts, M. 2002 "Hyphenated Identities," Lanka Monthly digest, August 2002, pp. 129, 131.

Roberts, M. 2008a "Split Asunder: Four Nations in Sri Lanka," www.groundviews.org, 13 January 2008.

Roberts, M. 2008b "Addressing the Nations of Sri Lanka," in www.groundviews.org, 27 January 2008.

Roberts, M. 2008c "Issues for Tamil Nationalism: Revisiting Publius," www.groundviews.org, 24 March 2008.

Roberts, M. 2009c "Dilemma’s At War’s End: Thoughts on Hard Realities," www.groundviews.org, 10 Feb. 2009 and Island, 11 Feb. 2009.

Roberts, M. 2009d "Dilemmas at Wars End: Clarifications & Counter-Offensive," www.groundviews.org, 17 Feb. 2009.

Roberts, M. 2009e "The Needs of the Hour," www.groundviews.org, 1 April 2009.

Victoria, Brian D. 2003 Zen War Stories, London: Routledge.

Victoria, Brian D. 2004"The Ethical Implications of Zen-related Terrorism in 1930s Japan," AAR Zen Seminar, San Antonio, November 2004.

Victoria, Brian D. 2006 Zen at War, 2nd edn. New, York: Weatherhill.

5 Comments

Prof. Roberts:

The Adjacent TamilCountry(TamilNadu) says they use Nationalism as a Political tool.

Politics is for power and politicians need power.

So, when the tamil minority from Sri Lanka is fighting for power. How do you say this will be the end of that demand. Because, even after this, politicians need something to accuse and need to be victims. That will be the game.

People have a different set of needs. Their needs are to live a life and opportunity to look forward to.

Posted by: Kural | April 24, 2009 11:10 AM

Some comments on this and some of Mr Roberts earlier commentary.

Suicidal behaviour in conflicts is quite widespread and found in all times. The Japanese, Germans and Russians all employed the tactic in WWII when things were desperate. In the Indian context, the LTTE is not the only case either. The Jauhar which Rapjuts would resort to when there was no hope is another - and this is from North India. Iranians, Arabs, Chechens are other examples in modern times not to mention the tactics of the Chinese in the Korean War. They would charge en masse at the Americans sometimes unarmed so that the Americans would waste their bullets and that those behind the first lines could then prevail. In the people in the South were facing what they saw as an existential threat, they probably would resort to similar tactics. What all these peoples have in common is that they face a desperate situation. Perhaps this is all one needs to look for to find the answer. Perhaps a biologist might also usefully contribute to the explanation having regard to similar behaviors amongst other species (which I understand occur but stand to be corrected).

I do get nervous when explanations are sought in cultural attributes for particular behaviours. Whatever happened to economics, politics, society, geography etc? I always understood these to be the things one usually turns to determine the answers to these sorts of questions. Perhaps this is old fashioned but if one follows Von Ranke’s injunction to tell it “as it happened”, what one looks to in order to do so should not change - even if fashions change.

For anyone interested in Tamil militarism, I would recommend James Heitzman’s study of the Chola state “Gifts of Power”. He looks to the things one usually looks to the explain matters, in this case Chola imperialism, such as the economy of central Tamil Nadu, the structure of the State, effective revenue collection etc with due acknowledgment of (subsidiary) cultural matters. No mention of “suicidal Saivites” at all!

I am not sure therefore that “a review of the cultural ingredients” explains the tactic in question rather than the specific circumstances at hand. I would guess that in all cultures one can find “nihilistic” utterances supporting these kinds of behaviors – you can probably find whatever you are looking for to support any kind of behaviour across the corpus of writings and teachings in any one “culture”.

The other problem with culture IMOH is that it is so slippery and changeable in responding to changing circumstances that it is really very difficult to use it as an explanatory framework. The Chapter “Lazy Japanese and Thieving Germans” in Ha Joon Chang’s “Bad Samaritans” is a good read in this regard showing how the views of the cultural attributes of Japanese and Germans have changed over the last century and a half. The title refers to what people thought of them in the nineteenth century – very different to the way one stereotypes them today. What happened over this period is the kind of societies in which Japanese and Germans live – producing one imagines cultural change as well. We only need to see how the way the view of Tamils has changes in 50 years as the circumstances have changed. They used to be quiet bookish types and now said to be “suicidal Saivites”. Definition of people by referance to culture is really very difficlt, especially over long periods of time.

I would also not write off the UN machinery and its ability to operate quickly when the powers that control it decide to move. Kosovo and Gulf War I are recent examples. There is nothing “miraculous” about this - merely great powers acting when their interests require it. To imagine that Sri Lanka sits outside this machinery and the calculations of the great powers that enliven it is, with great respect, fanciful. I am sure that the policy makers in the GOSL foreign affairs department are quite alive this - and are assessing what sorts of thresholds need to crossed before the UN acts. The latest issue of Foreign Affairs includes a compelling piece by Robert Kagan (someone with whom I do not agree on most things but influential in policy circles in Washington) arguing for the centrality of the Indian Ocean in the twenty first century as a cockpit of great power rivalry rather - than the Pacific or the Atlantic that dominated in the twentieth century. The strategic importance of Sri Lanka is specifically referred to. Lankans may indeed be suprised to learn that they sit in what is probably becoming the centre of things - and not in some peripheral location. All highly relevant I would imagine in assessing the likelihood of strong international action if circumstances dictate it.

Posted by: Amrit | April 25, 2009 02:16 AM

Regarding Amrit's comments. I think Roberts is correct in looking at the cultural indicators as well as economic etc. Amrit mentions biologists. Biologists like Richard Dawkins have pointed out hows "nemes" (cultural entities) can act exactly like genes in social situations. Religions are the earliest "political parties", and the religious symbols searched for by Roberts are simply those fingerprints. However, according to another article I read:
Trauma of the Tamil Diaspora, the effect of the extremely violent Tamil TV on the Tamil youth should also be considered. Religion has less and less social influence on the youth who are more and more affected by media and mass communication processes. This is also very true of Tamil Nadu where actors are also politicians. The other factor is the caste systemm. Marx rightly exposed the importance of the "class" system. In Hindu society the "caste system" plays the role of the "caste system", entrenched into a religious framework.

Posted by: Natesan | May 5, 2009 07:16 AM

In regard to Amrit's comments, he contends that looking for cultural symbolism is perhaps meaningless since economic and other factors are more determinative. But studying cultural symbolysm is very important. The rise of nazism may have had economic explanations, but the particular cultural turn that it took needs explanation in terms of the Jdeao-Christian anti-Semite cultural setting. So I think Robert's attempts are important. However, he has neglected the importance of movies, TV and other modern media, esp on the Diaspora children and in tamil nadu. Remeber that Jayalalitha and Ramachandran come from the Silver screen as do many others. In this context, the analysis in the Mawbima article entitled
"Trauma of the tamil Diaspora"
www.mawbimanews.com/2009/05/trauma-of-thamil-diaspora-quitting-de.html
seems to have touched on this issue, but mostly from a relatively pro-sinhala point of view. This matter nees to be looked at from a more scholarly standpoint.

Posted by: NatesaN | May 7, 2009 10:54 AM

Natesan I take your point. Yes - cultural matters are important but the trend of much contemporary scholarship exemplifed by Michael Roberts is to almost eliminate from the anlysis the other things that matter such as economic, social and geographic factors. I am no means suggesting a crude kind of economic determinism - but the kind of cultural determinism that seems to underpin what Michael Roberts is saying seems as misleading as the older kind of economic determinsm. Remebering the origins of the conflict in 50's when the language policies changed, if I understand correctly the question was about access to government jobs, at the time I think a very larger employer.

Re violence in mass media, video games probably are at an extreme end. If that os where the explanation lies, then one would imgaine that American youth will be developing along the same trajectory as the Tamil diaspora through violent Tamil movies. Yet the path of a Tamil suidice bomber and a US teenager are not the same.

Posted by: Amrit | June 9, 2009 05:53 PM

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